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Purchased by the 
Mrs. Robert Lenox Kennedy Church History Fund. 

BX 955 .P35 1891 v. 24 
Pastor, Ludwig, 1854-1928 
The history of the popes, 
from the close of the 




THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from 

the German of Ludwig, Freiherr von Pastor. Edited, as to 
Vols. I. -VI., by the late Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, and, 
as to Vols. VII -XXIV., by Ralph Francis Kerr, of the 
London Oratory. In 24 Volumes. 

Vols. I. and II. ad. 1305-1458 

Vols. III. and IV. ad. 1458-1483 

Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-1513 

Vols. VII. and VIK a d. i5I3-:52i 

Vols. IX. and X. ad. IS22-1534 

Vols XI and XII. ad. 1534-1549 

Vols XIII. and XIV. ad. 1550-1559 
Vols XV and XVI. ad. 1559-1565 

Vols. XVII. and XVill. a d. 1566-1572 
Vols. XIX. and XX. a.d. 1572-1585 

Vols. XXt. and XXII a.d. 1585-1591 
Vols. XXIII. and XXIV. a.d. 1592-1605 

The original German text of the History of the Popes is published 
by Herder ^ Co., Freiburg (Baden). 


Mf\y 17 1933 










CLEMENT VIII (1592-1605) 







Table of Contents ....... vii.-xx. 

List of unpublished documents in Appendix . . xxi. 

Persecution of the Catholics in Holland and in England 1-48 
Persecution in Scotland and Ireland. Clement X^III. 

and James I. . . . . . . . .[9-80 

Attempted Catholic restoration in Sweden . . 81-109 

Progress of Catholic restoration in Poland. Reunion of 

the schismatic Ruthenians. The false Demetrius 1 10-147 

Clement VIII. and the interior life of the Church. The 
Religious Orders. The Episcopate. The Sacred 

College ........ 14S-197 

The Roman Inquisition. Giordano Bruno. The 

Index. The Vulgate ..... 198-236 

Foreign Missions. The beginnings of Propaganda . 237-268 

The great Jubilee of 1600 ..... 269-280 

The Controversy on Grace ..... 281-366 

The Papal States. The re-acquisition of Ferrara. 

Death of the Pope. ...... 367-436 

Clement VIII. and learning. Torquato Tasso . . 437-466 

Clement VIII. and Art ...... 467-527 

Appendix of unpublished documents . . . 530-575 

Index of Names ....... 577-59-^ 

^ For Bibliography see Volume XXIII. 






1592 The number of Catholics in Holland still considerable i 
The Pope takes immediate steps for their assistance i 
The Jesuits found the Dutch mission ; the mission- 
aries are exposed to the gravest dangers . . 2 
Description of their labours, by Johann Bargius . 3 
Sasbout Vosmeer, vicar-apostolic for Holland, lives in 

exile at Cologne ...... 4 

1596 Frangipani assists the missions in Holland . . 5 
Clement VIH. renounces all hope of Spanish inter- 
vention in England ..... 6 

This change of attitude is not immediately grasped . 7 
Persons and the foundation of English Colleges in 

Spain ........ 7 

1592 Colleges also founded at Lisbon and Saint-Omer . 8 

1594 Importance of these establishments ; death of 

Cardinal Allen ...... 9 

This makes the lack of episcopal authority felt by 

the English clergy ...... 10 

1595 Disputes between supproters of Owen I-ewis and 

Persons . . . . . . . .11 

Disagreement between the " Spaniards " and the 

" Scots "....... 12 

1597 Denunciations made on all sides — accusations made 

against Holt to the Archduke Alberts . . 13 

1598 Holt's obstinacy ; William Gifford and the Jesuits 14 
The Pope's attitude of coldness towards the Jesuits 15 
Troubles at the English college in Rome . . 16 

1603 Disturbance at Valladolid ; prudent moderation of 

Persons . . . . . . . .16 

Disputes in Flanders ; Dr. Barrett supports the 

Jesuits . . . . . . • -I? 

1593 The prisoners at Wisbech treated with imusual 

leniency. . . . . . . .18 

1594 Beginning of the disputes : Weston and Bagshaw . 19 

1595 A reconciliation effected (Nevomber 6th) . . 19 
1597 Disputes renewed : the seculars and the Jesuits . 20 

Proposals by Persons and the secular clergy as to 

appointment of a bishop . . . .21 

VOL. XXIV. vii 



1598 Clement VIII. unwilling to appoint a bishop, but 

appoints an archpriest . . . . .22 

Blackwell made archpriest (March 7th) ; his friendship 

with the Jesuits the cause of opposition . . 23 

The minority bitterly attack Persons and other 

Jesuits ........ 24 

The dispute carried to the Pope ; Bishop and Charnock 

go to Rome ....... 25 

1599 Requests of the appellants rejected ; they take a 

fatal step ....... 26 

1600 Imprudence of Blackwell who exceeds his powers . 27 
His accusation by 33 Wisbech priests (November 17th) 27 
The Jesuit Lister begins a violent polemical con- 
troversy ....... 28 

1 60 1 Sympathy of English statesmen with the appellants 29 
Who set out on their journey to Rome . . 30 

1602 The Papal brief rejects the appeal and admonishes 

both parties . . . . . . -31 

Discussions before the Incjuisition .... 32 

Confidence of the appellants ; joy of the Protestants 33 
Judgment given (July 20th) and confirmed by Papal 

brief (October 5th) ...... 3^ 

Elizabeth's edict against the Jesuits ; its purpose . 35 

1603 The distinction between " priests and ])riests " ; 

William Bishop on the queen's authority . 36 

Garnet's circular to his subjects . • • • 37 

Many seculars give proof of their friendship for the 

Jesuits ........ 38 

The memorial of Malvasia on the situation . . 39 

The Pope never abandons hope of the conversion of 

England ....... 40 

1 60 1 Question of the succession to the Enghsh throne . 41 
1591 Work published by P. Wentworth, the puritan, on 

this subject ....... 42 

1594 Persons writes his book on the succession . . 43 
Which does more harm than good . . .44 

1596 Persons persists in his hopes of Spanish help . . 44 
1598 Influence of France ; Henry IV. decides in favour of 

James ........ 45 

1600 Influence of Persons in Rome .... 46 

1602 The Spanish claims ; renunciation by the Infanta 

Isabella ....... 47 



1602 Persons loses prestige in Rome ; efforts of James to 

obtain the English crown .... 49 

Is entirely guided by the opportunism of the moment 50 
His hypocrisy and astuteness . . . .51 



1602 Catliolics rally to him ; his efforts to obtain the 

good-will of the Pope ..... 52 

1592 James sends two Jesuits to Rome ... 52 

1595 And later John Ogilvy, who meets with no success 53 

1599 Drummond arrives in Rome with a letter from James 

to the Pope ....... 53 

Astuteness of James with regard to Elizabeth . 54 

1608 " Comedy of complicity " : James and Bellarmine 54 

1600 Letter from Queen Anne to Drummond ; her pro- 

fession of the Catholic faith and requests . 55 

1602 Anne writes to the Pope and to the General of the 

Jesuits ; the Pope replies (July i6th), and also 

sends two briefs ...... 56 

1603 James is no longer able to continue his double game 

after his succession to the English throne . 57 
The Pope is " tormented day and night " by the 

thought of England . . . . .58 

But moves with great caution ; James' book — 

" Basilikon Doron "..... 39 

A French translation sent to the Pope ; it is put on 

the Index ....... 60 

i5oi Lamentable state of catholics in Scotland . . 61 
The memorial on affairs of Scotland drawn up by 

Malvasia ....... 62 

Proves that James knows how to deceive the Pope 63 
And keep on good terms with him ; fear of ex- 
communication ...... 64 

157&-1597 The Scots' colleges at Douai and Paris . . 65 

1600 Foundation of the college in Rome ... 66 
Numerous foundations of Irish seminaries and colleges 67 
Their development largely due to Philip II. . . 67 
They are a counterweight to Trinity college, Dublin 68 

1 60 1 Series of Papal briefs to confirm the Irish in their 

struggle ; victory of O'Neill at Blackwater . 69 

Spanish help comes too late ; devastation of Ulster 70 

1603 James continues his double-dealing ... 70 
1605 And once again sends Lindsay to Rome . . 70 

But makes nothing but vague promises. . . 71 

Clement VIII. still hopes to win over James . 72 
Who keeps the Pope in suspense and deceives him 

with fair words ...... 73 

The " practical attitude " of James towards Catholics 74 

Character of Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton 75 

" We no longer have any need of the Papists " . 75 

1604 James orders that all Catholic priests must leave the 

country ; his speech before Parliament (March 

22nd) ........ 76 

Laws against Catholics made more severe (June 4th) 77 

James still continues his negotiations with Rome . 78 

His action against Catholics and Puritans . . 79 

1605 Declares (February loth) his detestation of the 

religion of Papists ; effects of this declaration . 79 

Rigorous enforcement of Penal Laws ... 80 




1592 Interest of Clement VIII. in Sweden ; at his first 

consistory sends a legate for the King's marriage 
(February 14th) . . . . , .81 

King Sigismund's difficulties in Poland ... 82 
The nunciature of Malaspina to Poland . . 83 

On the death (November 17th) of John III. the 

crown of Sweden falls to the King of Poland . 84 

1593 Difficulties raised by Sigismund's uncle, the duke 

Charles ........ 84 

Who makes religion the pretext for opposing the 

lawful Catholic king ..... 84 

Radical decrees of the assembly at Upsala (February 

25th) ■ . : 85 

Satisfaction of Charles with these . . . .86 

Should Sigismund undertake the journey to Sweden ? 86 
The Pope sends Powsinski as special delegate to 

Poland (August) ...... 87 

He points out the opportunities now offered for the 

restoration of Catholicism in Sweden . . 87 

Sigismund's fatal mistake ..... 88 
Suggestions to the nuncio Malaspina as to his course 

of action ....... 8g 

Sigismund with Malaspina embarks for Sweden 

(September 6th) ...... 90 

The demands of duke Charles .... 91 

Who deliberately encourages the suspicions of the 

protestants ....... 92 

1594 Difficult position of the king ; Malaspina's letter to 

Rome ........ 93 

The endeavour to impose conditions upon Sigismund 

for his coronation ...... 9 { 

Firmness of the King ; his Catholic attitude . . 95 

Opposition of Duke Charles and the protestants 96 
Who adopt a policy of annoyance and threats ; 

danger to the nuncio ; calmness of Malaspina . 97 
Increasing threats ; panic of Sigismund ; he ends by 

recognizing the protestant archbishop of Upsala 98 
Sigismund crowned (February 19th) by the bishop of 

Vcsteras ....... 99 

Malaspina persuades the King to make adequate 

concessions to the Catholics .... 100 
Exultation of the Lutherans ; disputes between 

Poland and Sweden ; Sigismund leaves for 

Poland (July) and Malaspina with him . .101 

Fears of the nuncio : Duke Charles is given full 

powers to govern . . . . . .102 

1595 Decrees of the Diet of Soderkoping against Catholics T02 
Violence and unrelenting fury of the protestants . 103 
Attachment of the country folk to the ancient faith 103 



1595 Brutal destruction of Catholic memorials 
Remorse of Sigisrnund for his weakness. 
Revived hope of recovery of Sweden for the Faith 
Memorial on the importance of such an event 

1597 Frustration by Charles of all projects for this recovery 
Great increase of the power of duke Charles . 

1598 The Diets at Upsala and Vadstena support him 
Sigismund returns to Sweden with 5000 troops 
And is at first fortunate .... 
But finally defeated on September 25th 

1599 Charles remains victor ; deposition of Sigismund 







1596 Consoling progress of Catholicism in Poland ; 
Sigismund 's want of energy ; he yields to the 
influence of the nuncio .... 

1392 1598 Canonization of St. Hj^acinth ; the task confided 
to Malaspina ; the league against the Turks 

1596 A special embassy sent to Poland (April 25th) 
The mission of the cardinal legate Caetani 
His address to the envoys of the Emperor and the 

King of Poland ..... 
Difficulties of the legate ; his first interview with 
Sigismund (September 24th) . 

1597 He attends the Diet at Warsaw (February) ; the 

Diet does nothing ; Caetani returns to Rome 

1598 Recall of Malaspina ; his final report 
And just estimate of the conditions in Poland 
Labours of Komulovic ; success of Malaspina's efforts 
He is supported by the King ; exemplary life of 

Sigismund has great effect 
Attention by Malaspina to the interior renewal of the 

church ....... 

Flourishing state of the Jesuits in Poland 

High reputation of their educational work ; King 

Sigismund protects them in every way . 
They penetrate into Germany and Russia 
Appreciation of the Jesuits by the Polish bishops 
Their activity as writers and work for conversion of 

the Jews ...... 

1 58 1 Peter Skarga and the Ruthenians . 

Efforts of the Jesuits for the reunion of the 

Ruthenians ...... 

Who are in a state of great demoralization 
1586 The action of the Patriarch of Constantinople deter 

mines the Ruthenians to turn to Rome 
1590 Shrewdness of the Polish chancellor, Zamoiski 















1593 Energetic action by the Polish bishops . . . 130 

1595 Bishops Pociej and Terlecki deputed to go to Rome 131 
Pastoral of the Polish bishops (August 27th) . . 131 
Sigismund's letter to the Ruthenians (September 24th) 132 
The two bishops in Rom.e ; their audience with the 

Pope (November) . . . . . .132 

Conditions of the reunion . . . . -133 

Ceremony of the accomplishment of the reunion 

(December 23Td) . . . . . .134 

Joy of the Pope ; his discourse . . . -135 

1596 Firmness of Sigismund ; powerful agitation against 

the work of reunion . . . . .136 

Synod of the Uniat Ruthenian church ; the declara- 
tion of the bishops on their reunion with Rome 137 
Ostrogskyj leader of the opposition to union . .138 

1598-1604 Energy of Clement VIII. in defence of the 

Uniat Church . . . . . -139 

1 591 Prospects of uniting Russia ; Death of Ivan IV. ; 
mysterious disappearance of his second son 
Demetrius . . . . . . .140 

1598 Death of Feodor I. ; Boris Godunov assumes the 

government as Czar ; his character . . 141 

1603 First appearance of the " false Demetrius " . . 142 
Who meets with a great following in Poland . .142 

1604 And is eventually supported by Sigismund and by 

Rangoni, the Papal nuncio . . . .143 

Demetrius writes (April 24th) to the Pope declaring 

his adherence to the true faith . . .144 

He succeeds in raising a small army . . .145 

And keeps up a correspondence with Rangoni . 146 

Clement VIII. maintains an attitude of reserve . 146 





1592 The Pope orders a general visitation of Rome (June 


And himself makes the visitation of the Lateran 

Minute exactitude of his procedure 

It is continued by Clement VIII. in person . 

1593 And prolonged to 1596 ; it is repeated in 1603 

^597 The Pope takes part in examination of parish-priests 151 

1592 All Generals of the Orders summoned before him 
1596 Various measures for reform of convents 
Clement VIII. and religious discipline 
He encourages the Franciscan Observants 
The Congregations of reformed Benedictines 
1598 The Pope on the pastoral duties of the bishops 



He encourages the Jesuits, Theatines a,nd other Orders 157 



1598 Relations between Clement VIII. and the Oratorians 158 
He protects Giovanni Leonardi and Joseph 

Calasanctiiis . . . . . . .159 

Educational work of Calasanctius . . . .162 

The teachers of Christian Doctrine : M. de Sadis 

Cusani and Cesar de Bus . . . .165 

1593 Clement VIII. and the Jesuits ; divisions in the 

Society, especially in Spain : Acosta and 
Aquaviva . . . . . . .166 

Struggle against the power of the General . .170 

Aquaviva defends the work and ideas of Loyola . 171 
Discourse of the Pope to the Jesuits (November 3rd) 173 
Intervention of Philip 11. ; his demands . .174 

Decisions of the General Congregation of the Order 176 

1594 The Pope visits the professed house of the Jesuits 

(January 4th) ; his allocution to the fathers . 177 
End of the Congregation ; complete justification of 

Aquaviva . . . . . . . i'79 

159.5 Clement VIII. still thinks of abohshing the General- 
ship for life in the Society . . . .180 

1601 Mendoza continues the intrigues against Aquaviva . 181 
And wins a temporary victory . . . .183 

1604 The death of Clement VIII. stops these intrigues for 

a time . . . . . . . . 1S4 

Favours granted by the Pope to many Orders . 185 

Insistence upon the duty of residence . . .186 

1595 Decree of Clement VIII. upon this matter (July 5th) 187 
Who realizes the difficulty of eradicating this abuse 188 
Examination of bishops prescribed . . .189 
Their careful selection ; some of the most eminent 

reforming bishops . . . . . .190 

1593 Care of the Pope in creation of new Cardinals . 193 

Their merits and qualifications . . . -195 

The establishment of the Congregations lessens the 

power of Consistories . . . . .197 




Independence of the Roman Inquisition . .198 

The kind of questions that come before it . .199 

1594 Decrees of Clement VIII. concerning its procedure 200 

1595 seq. Executions of heretics during his pontificate . 201 
The case of Giordano Bruno ; story of his career . 203 
His published works ...... 205 

His attitude of opposition to all positive religion . 208 

1592 Bruno before the Venetian Inquisition . . . 209 

1593 At the Pope's request he is sent to Rome . . 210 

1599 His assertions before the Roman Inquisition . .211 

1 600 Put to death in the Campo di Fiori (February 17th) 212 




1600 The Venetian government and the Inquisition . 213 

Calvinist propaganda in Venice . . . .214 

Clement VI 11. and Paolo Sarpi . . . .215 

Vigilance of the Congregations of the Inquisition and 

the Index . . . . . . .216 

1596 The Index of Clement VIII. ; in what manner it 

differs from the Index of vSixtus V. . .217 

1593 Decrees against Talmudic and Hebrew books. . 219 

Clement VIII. reverts to severe measures against Jews 220 
The Pope is a firm upholder of ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion . . . . . . . .221 

1592 The complicated position of the Sixtine Vulgate . 222 
Clement VIII. at once interests himself in the question 223 
He orders the acquisition of copies ; all that can be 

found are destroyed . . . . .224 

1595 The Clementine Bible ...... 225 

1596 Clement VIII. and the correction of liturgical books 227 
1602 The Reform of the Breviary. . . . .228 
1598 The collection of Decretals, the C/emrn/ina (July 25th) 230 

Is presented to the Pope, but not published . .231 

The bull on the reform of Papal elections . . 232 

Clement VIII. and Canonizations ; he only celebrates 

two . . 233 

And is verj'^ slow to grant indulgences . . . 235 

1602 His ordinances on duelling and confessions . . 236 



Jesuits and Franciscans in Japan .... 237 

1596 At first Taikosama is favourable to them, but in this 

year a change takes place . . . .238 

1597 The persecution and martyrdom of Christians . 238 

1598 Better times return on the death of Taikosama . 239 
The Franciscans and Jesuits able to resume work . 239 

1593 The missions to China ; the Jesuit, Matteo Ricci . 240 
His remarkable work in China : " the great man of 

Europe " as the Chinese call him . . .241 

1 60 1 Ricci excites the interest of the Emperor . . 242 

1605 His success ; the Chinese Jesuits . . . 243 

1595 Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits in the Philippines 244 

The Jesuit mission to the Great Mogul . . . 245 

Efforts to unite the Nestorians (Christians of St. 

Thomas) . . . . . . .245 

1 60 1 The Pope sends two Jesuits on a mission to Persia . 247 

1604 And later on six Carmelites ..... 248 

1595 The Jesuits, Monserrato and Paez in Abyssiaia . 249 

1603 Influence of Paez with Za-Denghel . . . 250 

Missions in the Congo, Angola and Guinea . . 251 

Also in Mexico, California and Peru . . . 252 

Work of the Jesuits in Chili and among the Araucani 253 










The Franciscan, Solano, in Peru . 

The Missions in Tucuman, Brazil and Paraguay'' 

State of the missions in Spanish and Portuguese 

colonies ...... 

Negotiations with Coptic patriarch of Alexandria 
The Copts arrive in Rome and pay homage to the 

Pope ....... 

Who expresses his joy at their return to union 
Clement VIII. sends an envoy to the Maronites 
And seeks the reunion of the Serbs 
Also makes provision for assistance of the Archipelago 
The Pope occupies himself with the Greeks in Italy 

and the Albanians ...... 

Who are not to be forced to adopt the Roman rite 
Instruction of Clement VIII. concerning rites and 

usages of the Greeks (August 31st). 
Memorials on the subject of the " Propaganda Fide " 
And its proposed constitution and work 
The constitution of the Congregation and its first 

meeting (August nth and i6th) 
Its first title ; matters discussed by it . 
Clement is the first Pope to create a central control 

for the mxissions ...... 











1599 The Pope appoints two Congregations of Cardinals 

for the spiritual and material preparations . 269 

Bulls of May 19th and 21st announcing the Holy 

Year of Jubilee ...... 269 

May 22nd : letters of invitation sent to all Catholic 

rulers . . . . . . . .270 

Arrangements for the care of pilgrims . . .270 

The Carnival amusements prohibited . . .271 

Illness of the Pope ; but he performs the function of 

opening the Holy Door on December 31st . 272 

1600 Zeal of the Pope in fulfilling the conditions of the 

Jubilee Indulgence . . . . .273 

His pleasure in attending the sermons . . .273 

Hears confessions and is unwearied in helj^ing the 

poor pilgrims . . . . . . .274 

Reception of Confraternities by the Pope . .275 
Some of the important personages who come to Rome 276 

Amazement of Protestants . . . . .276 

1600 Many of whom are converted ; Justus Calvin . 277 

Hospice of the Trinity de' Pellegrini alone . .278 

Cares for 500,000 pilgrims . . . . .279 

Estimated total of the number of pilgrims . .279 
The Jubilee a testimony to the great change wrought 

bv the Catholic reform . . , , , 280 




This dispute becomes steadily embittered ; Jesuits 

and Dominicans . . . . . .281 

Skill and energy of the Jesuits in opposing the views 

of Luther ....... 282 

But they use great caution in speaking of predestina- 
tion . . . . . . . .283 

The solution put forward by Molina . . .284 

A quite different view taken by Baiies . . . 285 

The " kind of grace " in dispute between Jesuits and 

Dominicans . . . . . . .288 

Extreme difficulty of the question. . . . 2S9 

Vehemence of the discussion , intervention of the 

Augustinian, Luis de Leon .... 291 

Propositions laid before the Spanish Inquisition . 292 

Luis de Leon and Montemayor reprimanded by the 

Grand Inquisitor ...... 293 

In spite of opposition, Molina obtains an 

" imprimatur " for his book .... 295 

It appears with the approbation of the Castilian and 

Portuguese Inquisition ..... 297 
T590 Bafies leads the attack upon the theses of Molina . 298 
1594 The attempt to have the work put on the Index . 299 

Attack upon Suarez and the works of other Jesuits 300 
1594 Extreme bitterness of the dispute at Valladolid . 302 

Sermon by the Dominican, Avendano ; the Jesuits 

petition the Inquisition ..... 304 

The superiors of both Orders receive the Pope's order 
prohibiting further discussicn, under grave 
penalties ....... 307 

The Dominicans seem less submissive than the Jesuits 309 

1596 Intervention of Philip II. in Spain . . . 310 

1597 The memorial addressed by Bafies to Clement VIII. 310 
Bellarmine writes an opinion upon this. . .311 

1598 And a "learned discussion" is allowed. . . 312 
Both parties to send to Rome an exposition and 

defence of their doctrine . . . -313 

Difference of opinion among the bishops . .315 

Great reputation and influence of the Dominicans. 316 
Transference of the discussion to Rome . . 318 

Memorial of Alvarez against Molina . . .319 

The in(]uiry confined to Mohna's book ; the Roman 

commission . . . . . . .321 

1599 Clement VIII. cites the Generals of both Orders to 

appear before him . . . , . '325 

The discussions in Rome. ..... 3'25 

1G02 The Jesuits present a memorial to the Pope . . 337 

Imprudence of the Jesuits in a discussion at Alcala 

on " Infallibility " . . . . . . 341 

Four Jesuits imprisoned ; anger of the Pope. . 343 



1602 The Jesuits clear themselves. .... 344 
The paneg^'ric of Banes on Clement VIII. . . 344 
Disputations begin (March 20th) in the presence of 

the Pope ....... 347 

Letter from Bellarmine to the Pope . . . 350 

Intention of Clement VIII. to put an end to the 

dispute, but he will not act hastily. . -3.53 

Remonstrances of Bellarmine who is removed from 

Rome 354 

1603 Rumours as to the issue of the controversy ; these are 

a great trial to the Jesuits .... 335 
Ihe Jesuit, Bastida, pours out his grievances to the 

Pope ........ 356 

Intervention by Spain and Bavaria . . -357 

Perseverance of the Pope in the study of the 

controversy . . . . . . -358 

But he does not succeed in settling it . . . 359 

1604 Death of Bafies (October 21st) ; his dying protestation 

of faith. . . . . . . -361 

Character of Molina who died four years before 

Banes ........ 362 

Ihe struggle between the two Orders continues for a 

time ........ 363 

The chapters-general of both Orders exhort to mutual 

charity and a-fiection (1644-1661) . . . 365 




1592 The Congregation for the administration of the States 

of the Church ...... 367 

All Italy suffers from repeatedly bad harvests . 36S 

1.593 Efforts of the Pope to meet this scarcity in the Papal 

States ........ 369 

Misery in the Marches and the Romagna ; who is 

to blame ? . . . . . . -370 

Vigilance of the Pope in preventing abuses . .371 

Regulations by the Papal Constitution of 1604 . 372 

Opposition of the farmers ; the popular discontent. 373 
1592 Brigandage again appears ; determined efforts of the 

Pope to combat it ..... 374 

^595 Great number of bandits are executed ; the Spanish 

government encourages the disorder . -377 

The military weakness of the Paj^al States ; neglect 

of the fortresses . . . . . -378 

No real armed force ; the fleet in a state of decadence 379 
Financial difficulties ; Clement VIII. has " no idea 

of the value of money " ; the " luoghi di IMonte " 380 
1595 Paruta on " the strength and weakness " of the Papal 

States .,,..,,. 381 




1 592 Energy of the Pope in the case of Ferrara ; he confirms 

the bull of Pius V. on Papal fiefs . . . 382 

■1597 Alfonso II. endeavours to induce the Pope to change 

his mind ; he appoints Cesare d'Este as his 

successor . . . . . . -383 

But Clement VIII. remains immovable ; Cesare 

assumes the government and sends envoys to 

the powers . . . . . . .384 

Alfonso dies on November ist ; the Pope at once 

re-confirms the bull of Pius V . . . . 385 

And gives immediate orders for large armaments . 386 
Cesare determines to push the matter to extremes 

and sends an envo}'' to Rome (December 20th) 387 
He is excom.municated ; his endeavour to secure the 

assistance of Philip II.. . . . . 388 

Henry lY. openly supports the Pope . . . 389 

This decision practically settles the question. . 390 

Reaction in Ferrara against Cesare . . .391 

The sentence of excommunication read in the 

cathedral ....... 392 

The Papal army under Cardinal P. Aldobrandmi . 393 
1598 Cesare submits and restores the duchy to the Church 394 
The Pope's decision to visit Ferrara and sets out on 

his journey (April 13th). .... 396 

His solemn entry into the city (May 8th) . . 398 

Reorganization of the government ; a fortress 

constructed ....... 400 

Reception of ambassadors . . . . .401 

Two notable marriages celebrated .... 402 

Return journey of the Pope ; his reception in Rome 

(December 19th) . . . . . .404 

The great inundation of the Tiber. . . . 406 

Causes a terrific amount of damage . . . 408 

Proposed remedies and plans for regulation of the 

liber ........ 412 

Gradual decay of Ferrara . . . . .415 

The administration of the States of the Church falls 

increasingly into the hands of ecclesiastics . 416 
Disadvantages of this . . . . . .417 

Changed condition of the ari.stocracv of the Papal 

States ' . . .418 

1596 The Roman nobles ; their revenues and debts ; the 

so-called " Bull of the Barons " . . -419 

The Cenci family; their crimes . . . .421 

1598 Beatrice ; the murder of her father . . . 423 

Refutation of the legend concerning Beatrice. . 425 

P. Santa Croce ; Troilo Savelli ; the tragedy of tlie 

Massimi . . . . . . -427 

Severe penalties enacted for many offences . . 429 

Spain and the aristocracy of the Papal States . 430 

Clement VIII. in subject to frequent attacks of gout 431 

1603 And has attacks of arthritis. .... 432 

1604 Over-exertion and anxieties seriously affect his health 433 



1605 He has attacks of apoplexy and dies on March 5th 434 
" The best defence of the Popes is the knowledge 

of their lives " . . . . • • 435 



Predilection of Clement VHI. for scholars ; examples 

of this . -437 

Toledo, Bellarmine, Baronius, Antoniano, and others 437 

Intellectual activity of Bellarmine . . . 439 

Clement VIII. and Baronius. .... 446 
Measures of the Pope to increase the treasures of the 

Vatican library ; the archives and manuscripts 447 

Legacies to the Library ; the Vatican Press . . 449 

New buildings at the University ; the chair of botany 450 
Scholars and poets supported by the Aldobrandini 

Cardinals . . . . . • -451 

Dedications and " discorsi " . . . . • 452 

Ihe Pope's love of poetry ..... 454 

1592 Tasso comes to Rome by invitation of Clement VIII. 455 

Tasso at the Vatican ...... 456 

Cinzio Aldobrandini and Tasso ; the " Gerusalemme 

Ijberata "....... 457 

1595 Projected coronation at the Capitol ; but Tasso dies 

before this can be accomplished (April 26th). 459 

Princely pomp of his burial. .... 461 

Tasso 's work is penetrated with Catholic sentiment 462 

The " Gerusalemme " and the Crusades. . . 463 



The pontificate is a period of transition in the field 

of art ....... 

Architects employed by Clement VI IT. ; D'Arpino 

is his favourite painter .... 
The Pope's intention of completing the work of 

Sixtus V. ..... . 

His care for the completion of St. Peter's 
The dome finished ; its internal decoration 
1594 Work at the tomb of the Apostle ; consecration of 

the new altar. ..... 

The Pope frecjuently visits the works 
The painters employed on the decoration 
1592-7 Work at the Lateran basihca ; the "Nave 

Clementina " . 
Decoration of the altar of the Blessed Sacrament 










The new organ by Luca Blasio ; other decorations . 478 
Work of restoration at St. Mary Major's and many 

other churches ...... 480 

The Aldobrandini tombs in the Minerva. . .481 

Foundation of new colleges : the Scots and the 

" Clementinum " . . . . . . 484 

Works at the Vatican palace .... 485 

New buildings at the Quirinal .... 486 

Decoration of the Hall of Consistories and the Sala 

Clementina ....... 487 

Construction of bridges ; work for protection of the 

coast . . ■ . . . . . . 489 

Improvement of the harbours .... 490 

G. Fontana regulates the Teverone and the Vehno . 492 

Fondness of Clement VIII. for Frascati. . . 493 

Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini at TYascati . . 495 

The Villa Aldobrandini : its description . . 496 

Panorama of Rome from the hall of the villa. . 500 
Illustrations recording the changes in Rome ; guide 

books ........ 502 

Descriptions by foreign travellers .... 503 

1595 Revival of Rome ; the discovery of antiquities . 504 
The use of ancient materials ; exportation of works 

of art . . ..... 505 

Collections of the Cardinals ; care for maintenance of 

the streets . . . . . . .507 

Development of splendour and luxury . . . 508 

Active works of charity ; confraternities and hospitals 509 
Many Cardinals great patrons of art . . .510 
Palaces of the Aldobrandini in Rome . . .312 
1598-1603 The carrying out of the plans for the Capitoline 

palaces . . . . . . . • 513 

Magnificence of the new churches. . . .514 

And restoration and adornment of older ones. . 516 

The work of Baronius at SS. Nereo and Achilleo . 517 
Work at S. Gregorio, S. Maria in Via and the Tre 

Fontane ....... 518 

1599 Discovery of the body of St. Cecilia . . .521 

And of other sarcophagi ..... 522 

The Pope presides at the solemn burial of St. Cecilia 523 

Cardinal Sfondrato restores and decorates the church 524 

The revived study of Christian anticjuity . . 527 


1 . Diary of tho master of ceremonies, Paolo Alaleone, 

November i8th, 1503 . . . -531 

2. Statement from Sigismund, King of Poland, to 

Pope Clement VIII. . . . . -532 

3. Germanico Malaspina to Card. Cinzio Aldobrandini 534 

4. Card. Cinzio Aldobrandini to the nuncio Malaspina 537 

5. Card. C." Aldobrandini to the Card. Legate 

IMadruzzo ....... 537 

6. Germanico Malaspina to Card. C. Aldobrandini 538 

7. Instruction by L. Taverna for Ant. M. Graziani 540 

8. I-elio Arrigoni to the duke of Mantua . . 541 

9. Clement VIII. to the Inquisitor Ant. Matos dc 

Noronha ....... 542 

ID. Avviso di Roma of July 23, 1597 . . . 542 

11. Clement VIII. to the Elector of Ireves, J. von 

Schonenberg . , . . . -543 

12. Inscription at the portico of S. Maria in Civita 

Castellana ...... 544 

13. Report of G. Malaspina on the situation in Sweden 344 

14. Clement VIII. to the Clergy and People of Rome 558 

15. G. C. Foresto to the duke of Mantua . . 560 

16. List of prisoners of the Roman Inquisition . 561 

17. Clement VIII. to Philip III., King of Spain . 563 

18. G. C. Foresto to the duke of Mantua . . 566 

19. G. C. Foresto to the duke of Mantua . . 566 

20. Clement VIII. to the Shah of Persia . -567 

21. Clement VIII. to the Shah of Persia . .571 

22. Clement VIII. to Justus Calvin . . . 574 

23. F. M. \'ialardo to the duke of Mantua . -575 


Persecution of the Catholics in Holland and in 

As a result of the schism, the kingdom of Queen Ehzabeth 
and the young repubhc of the Low Countries had also become 
missionary countries, and the prohibition of the public exercise 
of Catholic worship was all the more oppressive in that the 
number of the Catholics was still very considerable. In the 
greater part of the provinces of Holland, in Utrecht, Gelder- 
land, Frisia and Oberyssel, the Catholics formed a large 
majority.^ In the first years of his pontificate Clement VIII. 
at once took steps to provide them with spiritual assistance, 
and in the instructions given to the nuncio Caetani, who was 
sent to Spain in the autumn of 1592, it may be seen what 
care the Pope took to deal with the religious difficulties which 
had sprung up in Holland and Zeeland. Clement's idea was 
to provide a remedy by sending missionaries of the Society 
of Jesus, and the Franciscan Order. He had already had 
much at heart the establishment of the Franciscans in a 
seminary founded at Tonrnai in 1592. Caetani was 
instructed to obtain once more for this institution the 
subsid}^ which Philip II. had suspended, and at the 
same time to secure the continuance of the payment of 

^ This is admitted even by so inveterate an adversary of the 
Catholics as the author of the " Scriptum A" 1604 " published 
in the Neuen Lausitzschen Magazin, XLI., 157 seqq. " when he 
had left the Popedom and had come hither from Rome," p. 169 
(maximus est numerus [catholicorum] in HoUandia, Selandia, 
Frisia, etc.). Cf. also W. Knuttel, De toestand der Katholieken 
onder der Republiek, I., The Hague, 1892. 



the contribution for the exiled priests who were living at 
Louvain and Douai.^ 

The idea of employing the Jesuits in the mission in Holland 
had been suggested to the Pope in 1592 by the Dutch priest 
Jan Smith. At the same time another Dutch priest had 
approached the provincial of the Jesuits in Belgium, Oliver 
Manaraeus.^ The General of the Society of Jesus, Claudio 
Aquaviva, welcomed the proposal, and in October two Dutch 
Jesuits of the Belgian province were sent to Holland,^ and 
thus founded the Dutch mission. To them, and to the 
Franciscans who were already labouring there is due the 
credit for the preservation of the faith in Holland. The 
missionaries had no fixed abode, but travelled about the 
country as apostles, but as there were severe edicts against 
the celebration of mass, and especially a prohibition of giving 
hospitality to the Jesuits, the latter were exposed to the 
gravest dangers. They had to disguise themselves, and 
constantly change their place of residence. As in the days of 
the catacombs, the celebration of mass and the administration 
of the sacraments could only take place at night, while, in 
order to prevent a surprise, it was necessary to set guards. 
At dawn the missionary went on to another place. ^ 

The mission would have been altogether prevented if the 
large number of the Catholics who still remained, and the 
greed for money on the part of the officials had not made it 

^ For the *instructions for Caetani (Cod. 468, p. i seq., Corsini 
Library, Rome) see Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch. 121 seq., and 
R. Maere in Bull, de la Commiss. Roy. d'hist., LXXIII., Brussels, 
1904, 3 ; there is also mention of the attempt of the Calvinists 
secretly to introduce Protestant writings into Spain. For the 
seminary at Tournai see Bull., IX., 367 seq. ; Wadding, Annales 
Min., XXIII. , 414. 

2 See PoNCELET, Les Jesuites en Belgique, 32. 

^ See luvENCius, Hist. Soc. lesu P. V. tom. post. 414 seq. 
Cf. Oliv. Man.^raeus, De initiis missionis batavae, in Allard, 
Eene missiereis door Nord-Nederland en de 17*^ eeuw, 's 
Hertogenbosch, 1883, 37 seq. 

* See luvENCius loc. cit., 417 seq. ; Poncelet, loc. cit. 


possible to evade the severe ordinances. The right to public 
worship, which was granted in 1603 to the Mahometan 
ambassador,^ was still withheld from the Catholics born in the 
same land, but by means of bribes it was possible to obtain 
from the officials entrusted with the carrying out of the edict 
the power to have mass said in secret. 

For this reason the work of the Jesuit and Franciscan 
missionaries was very arduous. This may clearly be seen 
from the reports of the Jesuits, who had begun their mission 
there with two fathers in 1592.^ These tell of cases where a 
missionary was forced to change his residence eight times in 
the course of twelve days. On the other hand the zeal of the 
Catholics to hear the word of God and receive the sacraments 
was very consoling, some of them having been deprived of 
these things for thirty or even forty years. Sometimes the 
fathers had to preach twice or three times in the day.^ The 
head of the mission, Johann Bargius, who came from 
Amsterdam, describes the labours that they had to undergo. 
" In Frisia," he writes, " for nine weeks I had to employ the 
nights as well as the days ; in the evening at dusk I set m.yself 
to hearing confessions and baptizing, and then preached and 
said mass ; after this there again came to me those who 
wished to confess or communicate, and some whose marriages 
had to be regularized.* Thus there only remained three hours 
for sleep, for very early in the morning I had to set out for 
another place." With such labours as this, it is not surprising 
that Bargius died at the age of forty-eight. " The v;ork 
increases from day to day," he says in a report of 1604 ; "if 
only we had greater forces at our command ! "^ 

The direction of the missionaries, as appears from a brief 

^ See Litt. ann. Soc. lesu, 1603, 646. 

* See Tijdschrift voor Utrecht geschied., IX., 236, 266 seq. ; 
Brom, Archivalia in Italie, III., 's Gravenhage, 1914, xxxviii. 

* See Litt. ann. Soc. lesu, 1597, 283, 285 ; 1598, 258 seq. ; 
1599. 314; 1600, 533 seq. ; 1602, 709; 1603, 625 seq.; 1604, 
702 seq. 

* See ibid., 1600, 532 seq. 

* Ibid., 1604, 703. 


of Clement VIII., of 1592/ as well as from other documents, ^ 
was in the hands of Sasbout Vosmeer, as vicar apostolic, 
who resided almost entirely at Cologne. From a report of 
Frangipani of April, 1592, it appears that at that date two 
Catholic priests were secretly giving the Dutch Catholics the 
consolations of their religion ; at Leyden alone they confessed 
about a thousand of the faithful, and brought about the 
conversion of several Protestants.^ In 1594 there was an 
idea of appointing a bishop for Holland,* but this was 
abandoned. In 1596 the vicariate apostolic of Holland was 
placed under the nunciature at Brussels.^ Vosmeer caused 
northern Holland to be visited every year from 1594 onwards 
by Albert Eggis, but when in 1601 Vosmeer appointed Eggis 
as vicar-general of the former diocese of Haarlem, he met 
with opposition from the chapter. In this way the govern- 
ment of the Low Countries discovered the existence of a 
Catholic hierarchy in their own country. It was impossible 
to reach Vosmeer, because he was abroad, but Eggis was 
arrested in March, 1602, and proceedings were taken against 
him, which ended in his banishment.^ The report which 

1 See N. Broedersen, Tract, hist., I. (1729), 245. This 
document was missed by Friedrich ; he thought that Vosmeer 
had hardly become vicar-apostolic in 1602 ; see Zeitschr. f. 
Missionswissenechaft, XI. (1922), 130 seq. ; " Holland als Weige 
der Missionshierarchie." 

2 On April 9, 1592, Frangipani sent Clement VIII. a letter from 
the " vicar-apostolic " Vosmeer ; see Brom-Hensen, Romeinsche 
Bronnen, The Hague, 1922, 425 seq. 

^ See ibid., 426. 

* See in App. No. 5 the *Ietter of Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini 
to L. Madruzzo, May 2, 1594, Cod. Campori 214 of the Este 
Library, Modena. Ibid, concerning the mission of a Flemish 
Dominican to Holland, who had received . from the Inquisition 
all the needful faculties. 

^ See Maere in the Rev. d'hist. eccles., VII. (1905), 822 ; 
Corresp. de Frangipani, I., xv. 

« See Hensen in Molhuysen-Blok, Nieuw Nederlandsch Biogr. 
Woorden-boeck, III., Leyden, 1914, 320 seqq., and the literature 
there cited. 


Vosmeer sent to the Pope in 1602, ^ revealed the sad state of 
the Dutch Cathohcs. Vosmeer was then given the title of 
Archbishop of Philippi,^ but he had to continue to live in exile 
at Cologne, where he made provision for the training of priests 
for Holland by the establishment of a college.^ 

The nuncio at Cologne, Ottavio Mirto Frangipani, took the 
liveliest interest in, and gave every possible assistance to the 
Catholic missions in Holland ; after 1596 he was in charge of 
the nunciature at Brussels, established not long before, and 
was able to help yet more from there than from Cologne.^ 
When disputes arose between the vicar apostolic Vosmeer and 
the Jesuits, in 1598 Frangipani summoned the vicar to Brussels 
where an agreement was come to, which, unfortunately, was 
not of long duration.^ 

1 See Archief V. geschied. v. h. aartsbisd. Utrecht, XVII. (1899), 
150 seqq. Cf. Fruin, Verspriede Geschriften, III., 's Gravenhage, 
1 90 1, 249 seq. 

2 See Uittreksel uit Francisci Dusseldorpii Annales, 1566-1616, 
ed. Fruin, 's Gravenhage, 1893, 316. Cf. ibid., 284 seq., the 
edict of Clement VIII. of May 26, 1601, extending the indulgence 
of the holy year to the Dutch Catholics. 

3 For the College of Cologne see Bijdragen v. d. geschied. v. h. 
bisd. Haarlem, VIII., i seqq. ; XV., 87 seqq. ; Brom-Hensen, 
Rom. Bronnen, 426, 427, 429. Eggis left the college 16,000 
florins ; see Hensen, loc. cit. 

* The whole correspondence of Frangipani, his reports, and his 
instructions from the Secretary of State, are to be found in the 
National Library, Naples. In my account of my journey in 1893 
made in the interests of the Nuntiaturberichte (Hist. Jahrb., XV., 
712 seq.). I once again called the attention of scholars to this 
material which had so long remained unnoticed. It is pleasant 
to record that the director of the Dutch Historical Institute in 
Rome, Mgr. Hensen, will shortly publish all Frangipani 's reports 
concerning his own country. With regard to the publication of 
the reports of Frangipani by L, v.d. Essen, see Vol. XXIII. of 
this work, p. 398, While this work was in the press there 
appeared : L. v. Wassenhoven 0.]\I. Frangipani en de Engelsche 
Katholicken (1596-1606), Baasrode, 1925. 

5 See Knuttel, loc. cit., 50 seq. Cf. Archief v.d. geschied. v.h. 
aartbisd. Utrecht, XXII., 406 seq. 


Clement VIII., who prayed daity for the Dutch Catholics,^ 
during his last years entertained the hope, on the conclusion 
of an armistice between the Archduke Albert and the revolted 
provinces, of obtaining facilities for Catholic worship there. 
He urgently begged the Archduke and his pious consort, 
Isabella, not to separate the cause of God from their own, for 
otherwise they would have reason to fear lest God should 
abandon them.^ 

The pontificate of Clement VIII. was destined to be of 
great importance for the situation in England, for the change 
which had been inaugurated b}^ Sixtus V. attained to its full 
development under the Aldobrandini Pope. The sacking of 
Cadiz by the Enghsh in 1596, and the failure of the second 
Spanish Armada in 1597, manifested to the whole world the 
weakness of the vast Spanish empire. Under Clement VIII. 
the Papacj^ definitely and finall}^ renounced all hopes of seeing 
the ancient religion restored in England by means of Spanish 
intervention or that of any other foreign power. A return to 
former religious conditions, or at least to liberty of conscience, 
could at the utmost be looked for by the Holy See from the 
accession to the throne of some prince who was not hostile to 
the Catholics ; in the meantime it limited itself henceforward 
to an attempt to save and maintain by the peaceful means of 
preaching and instruction what still remained to be saved and 
preserved.^ The separation from Spain was further facilitated 

1 See the *brief to " Carolus dux Croy et Areschotii " of March 
31, 1599; Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 198, Papal Secret Archives. Ibid., 
n. 199 a similar *letter to Philippe de Croy, of the same date. 

2 See the *brief to Albert and Isabella, January 8, 1600, Arm. 
44, n. 4, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 " With regard to these (the heretics) the Curia, since 
Clement VIII. had ascended the throne, had changed its policy ; 
it was no longer by force, but by negotiations with heretical 
sovereigns, and missions to the apostate peoples, that it hoped 
to overcome heresy." F. Hiltebrandt in Oiiellen 11. Forsch., XV. 
(1913) ; 307 •s^{?- So too, Pollen in The Mouth, XCIV. (1899), 
241 ; CouzARD, Une ambaSsade a Rome sous Henri IV., septembre 
l6oi-juin 1605 (Philippe de Bethune), Paris, 1901, 103 seq. 


by the fact that after the conversion of Henry IV. the world- 
wide dominion of Charles V. steadily lost its name as the one 
Catholic power, and found a serious rival in France. 

The changed attitude of the Pope was not immediately 
grasped and followed by the Catholics in England of Spanish 
sympathies. It was only gradually, and not without a 
temporary disagreement among the supporters of the ancient 
religion, that this change of front could be brought about. 
During the first years of the pontificate of Clement VIII. the 
Spanish claims to the succession to the English throne were 
still ardently maintained, especially by the Jesuit, Robert 
Persons.^ It may perhaps be looked upon as a further sign 
of such sentiments that just at that time there sprang up on 
Spanish soil, and with the consent of Clement VIII. a number 
of colleges which were to be devoted to the training of English 

In 1589, a few months after the great disaster of the first 
armada, Persons, who displayed unwearied courage, went 
to Spain in order to obtain from Philip II., among other 
things, a larger subsidy for the seminary at Douai. Soon after 
this it seemed to him to be more advantageous to establish a 
new college in Spain itself after the model of that at Douai. 
A small party of six students was at once transferred from 
Allen's great seminary to Valladolid, while many generous 
benefactors were found in Spain, who gave abundant alms to 
the new institute. Philip II. too, who had been described as 
its " founder " by Clement VIII. in his bull of confirmation 
of November 3rd, 1592,^ assigned to it an annual revenue of 
1600 crowns, and on the occasion of a visit to the seminary 
was profoundly moved at the sight of these youths who had 
left their country for the sake of the faith, in order to face a 
life of suffering and persecution ; he thereupon increased his 
annual contribution, and took all the debts of the seminary 

According to Couzard {ibid.) the Pope in this was following the 
advice of Henry IV. 

1 For Persons cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, pp. 388 seqq. 

2 Bull. X., 630 ; Synopsis, 170. 


upon his own shoulders. In 1592 the estabHshment had 
75 students, though in 1598 there were only 53, the first three 
priests being sent to England in 1593.^ English seminaries 
were also established by Persons at Seville^ and Madrid,^ 
which, however, did not prosper very much. A special 
position among the English foundations in the Peninsula was 
held by the seminary at Lisbon, which was placed in the 
charge of secular priests and of the vicar apostolic of England. 
It owed its origin to Nicholas Ashton, who in the time of 
Queen Elizabeth had the care of the English at Lisbon, but 
was only endowed with sufficient revenues in 1629 by the 
Portuguese, Pedro Coutinho.* 

Even more important than the above-mentioned establish- 
ments, which all devoted themselves to the teaching of 
theology, was another foundation of Persons in Flanders. 
The English Catholics were in need of a school for the teaching 
of the classics and preparation for theology. Therefore in 
1582 Persons founded such a school at Eu in Normandy, 
which at the end of 1592 was transferred to Saint-Omer, after 
the murder of its benefactor, the Duke of Guise. In 1595 
the number of students was only 38, but in 1601 had risen to 

^ Bellesheim, Kard. Allen, 237-244, 289-291 (letters of recom- 
mendation of the Benedictine abbot Alphonsus and the nuncio 
Caetani, September 10 and November 6, 1596). 

2 Ibid., 244. Bull of confirmation by Clement VIII., May 15, 
1594. Bull., X., 139, Synopsis, 183. A *brief of February 13, 
1593. to the Cardinal of Seville " founder of the college " in 
Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 38, n. 221, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 Bellesheim, Allen, 248. By a pontifical decree of July 7, 
1599. to Cardinals Caetani and Borghese, the internal scholastic 
organization, which had been adopted for the English College in 
Rome, was declared obligatory for the other English institutes 
(Bull., X., 521). An ordinance of September 18, 1597 (ibid., 375) 
removed certain abuses which had arisen in consequence of the 
title of doctor being attained by the English students. 

* Ibid., 250 ; W. Croft, Historical account of Lisbon College, 
London, 1902 ; Bellesheim in Hist.-pol. BL, CXXXI. (1903), 
7 85 seqq. 


100, and to 120 in the following year. Philip II. granted it 
an annual subsidy of 1920 ducats. At first only those pupils 
were taken who wished to devote themselves to the priesthood, 
but this restriction was afterwards abandoned, so that 
Saint-Omer became a place of education for the English 
Catholic aristocrac}^ and in this way did an important work.^ 
The largest of these establishments were witnesses to numerous 
conversions among the English Protestants,^ while they were 
a support and centre for the Catholics. 

All these establishments represented steps and attempts to 
place the future of the Church in England upon a secure basis. 
In other ways too Clement VIII. stood for a new era for the 
Catholics in the British Isles, in that they now attempted to 
abandon their indefinite position, which in course of time had 
become intolerable, and to establish a secure state of affairs. 
The}^ were also impelled to these new methods by the death of 
Cardinal Allen, which took place on October i6th, 1594.^ 

Allen's piety, learning, gentleness and moderation were 
realized by men in Rome, who nevertheless had but a faint 
conception of his real powers.^ But Allen, as Clement VIII_ 

' This still survives in the great Jesuit college at Stonyhurst 
near Blackburn. Cf. L. Willaert in the American Catholic 
Quarterly Review, October, 1905, 745-758 ; O. Bled, Les Jesuites 
anglais a Saint-Omer. Difficultes avec le magistrat a I'occasion 
de leur premier etablissement, Saint-Omer, 1890 ; Bellesheim, 
Allen, 251-264, 291 seq. (Report of the bishop of Saint-Omer, 
1612), 292-294. (Report of the nuncio at Brussels Bentivoglio 
October 18, 1609, of the welcome given him at the college). 
Lechat, 215 seqq. ; Meyer, 148. For the dangers to which the 
students were exposed when they went to the Spanish seminaries 
cf. Bede Camm, o.s.b. in The Month, XCL (1898), 375 seqq. ; 
XCIL (1898), 164-177 ; Stevenson, ibid., 1879 ; II., 535 ; 
1880, I., 44, 392 ; II., 395- Description of life at the college, 
ibid., XCIV. (1899), 167-170. 

2 Bellesheim, loc. cit., 239 seq., 242, 246, 254. 

=* For his death see Bellesheim, 199 seq. 

* Cf. *Avviso of October 19, 1594 : On Sunday [October 17] 
Allen died " santamente col giuditio retto fin all'ultimo sospiro, 
lascia nome di religiosissimo altretanto dotto, esemplare, da bene, 


informed the Archduke Ernest, was not only a " jewel " of 
Catholic England, but had been, as the Pope justly added, 
the man who had kept the English Catholics united, and one 
whose death had deprived his fellow-countrymen of a strong 
support.^ He was indeed a man "as it were made for the 
salvation of England," and the centre round which the English 
Catholics gravitated both at home and abroad^ ; " our Moses " 
as the Jesuit, Holt, called him.^ All turned their e3^es to him 
as to a father and venerated master, and he had the gift of 
communicating to others his unswerving courage, and his 
unhesitating confidence in God, and of preventing the worst 
forms of discord among the Catholics of his countr}^ 

Thus, so long as he was alive, the English clergy did not 
feel the lack of a leader armed with episcopal authority and 
jurisdiction.^ Among the Catholic priests in England, who 
had gradually become more numerous, there existed a relation- 
ship of subordination or superiority only in so far as they 
voluntarily accepted advice and instruction from men of 
greater spi^itualit3^ Thus it came about that the secular 
priests took their instructions from the Jesuit Persons, and 
the Jesuits from Allen. 

The result of this uncertain state of affairs was that every- 
thing seemed to fall to pieces when death snatched away the 

dolce et di altre belle parti, ma di leggiera armatura, et povero di 
partite et di consiglio, senza havere mai nociuto a veruno." 
Urb. lat. 1062, p. 608, Vatican Library. 

1 *Letter of October 22, 1594, Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 39, n. 337. 
Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. the expressions in Bellesheim, Allen, iii. 

3 Pollen in The Month, C. (1902), 179. 

^ In 1606 the Spanish ambassador wrote of 160 priests in 
England. Other information at that time ranges between 400 
and 900 (WiLLAERT in the Revue d'hist. eccles., VI. [1905], 569 seq.). 
A report of March 9, 1600, maintains that more masses were said 
and more frequent sacraments received than in Spain {ibid., 569). 
In 1607 it was said that in Huly Week 600 Catholics received the 
sacraments at the house of the ambassador in London {ibid., 570). 
In 1584 Persons wrote of 300 priests in Engl^^^nd (Foley, I., 634K 


man who had been their rallying point. Many now thought 
of asking Clement VIII. to give them a new " Cardinal of 
England." But where was the man to be found who could 
take the place of Allen ? The Scottish party turned their 
thoughts to Owen Lewis, who, after he had been summoned 
to Rome by the Pope, had had a share in the foundation of the 
English College, had then become vicar-general of Charles 
Borromeo, and finally Bishop of Cassano.^ The Spanish 
party among the exiles, on the other hand, asked for Persons 
The priests and seminarists took up his cause eagerly, and 
letters of recommendation were even obtained from Alessandro 
Farnese and others in high places, which paved the way for 
the English Jesuit with the Pope and the Cardinals. A 
certain Dr. Worthington collected signatures in his favour, 
while Philip II. and the Protector of the English nation 
seemed to have been won over to his cause. Persons, however, 
who by the rules of his Order could neither aspire to the 
purple nor accept it voluntarily, and who did not wish to 
become a Cardinal, recommended for the position the dis- 
tinguished Thomas Stapleton, who, from the summer of 1596 
onwards was actually invited by the Pope three times to come 
to Rome. 

The struggle then became acute, especially between the 
supporters of Lewis and Persons, until at last the death of 
Lewis, on October 14th, 1595, and the exclusion of Persons by 
Clement VIII. put an end to the disgraceful disputes. In 
May, 1597, Persons himself had come to the conclusion that 
there was no one who could replace Allen, and that it was 
better for England to have no Cardinal at all than one who 
was not fitted.^ After this the disputes among the exiles 

iC/. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 381. 

2 Lechat, 177-180; Pollen in The Month, C. (1902), 180; 
Bellesheim, Allen, 202-206. A *brief to Stapleton of December 
2, 1595 (thanking him for sending his " Antidota "). In Brevia, 
Arm. 44, t. 40, p. 338, Papal Secret Archives. On January 29 
Giulio Cesare Foresto *wrote to Mantua that he expected ere long 
the appointment of an English Cardinal. Gon/aga A-rchives, 


from England, between the " Spaniards " and the " Scots " 
came to an end as far as this question was concerned, but only 
to be rekindled with even greater violence on other matters. 
The Scottish group among the English exiles had been in 
existence from about 1580 onwards, and had at first been 
limited to France, which was ill-disposed towards Spain. It 
was only when their leaders, Mary Stuart's agents, Charles 
Paget and Thomas Morgan, removed in 1588 to Flanders, 
that the Low Countries became the principal focus of the 
disputes.^ Their followers called themselves the " party of 
the laity and aristocracy," and spoke of their opponents as 
the party of the priests or of the Jesuits. As early as 1581 
Allen had had to act as peacemaker between Persons and 
William Tresham, who declared that it was unworthy of a 
man of noble birth to be guided in matters of politics by 
priests.^ At first the disagreement between the two parties 
did not seem to be insuperable : the efforts of Allen at anyrate 
brought about a rapprochement, though Paget and Morgan 
continued to receive annual subsidies from the Spaniards.^ 
But Allen himself, who was Spanish in his sympathies, became 
a subject of dispute, and from the first the " Scots " worked 
strongly against his appointment as Cardinal, and sought at 
anyrate to oppose to him in the person of Owen Lewis, who 
belonged to their party, a rival in the College of Cardinals ; 
the " Spaniards " replied by accusing Paget and Morgan of 
having betrayed Mary Stuart, and of having brought about 
her death. It was a fact that these two, by their impetuous 
thoughtlessness, had given assistance to the English govern- 
ment against the unhapp}^ Queen of Scots* ; it is also certain 
that Paget had on several occasions taken steps to secure the 
favour of Elizabeth.^ In this violent dispute the Scottish 
party lost ground all along the line, and Allen and Lewis drew 

^ Lech AT, 157 seqq. 

2 Ibid., 164 seq. 

3 Ibid., 158. 

* Cy. Vol. XXII, of this work, p. 12. 
^ Lechat, 158. 


up a joint letter in which^ they declared before the world that 
they were sincere friends and disclaimed all rivalry ; in 
February, 1590, Morgan was arrested by Farnese and was 
banished from Flanders in 1592 ; a search of his house had 
revealed the fact that he was conspiring against Farnese, in 
order to substitute for him the Duke of Savoy. ^ Moreover, 
Allen himself, in spite of his moderation, had expressly asked 
Farnese in 1590 to banish that disturber of the peace, Morgan.^ 
After the death of the Cardinal of England the attacks of the 
Scottish party were directed above all against the Jesuits, 
because they looked upon them as the most ardent champions 
of the Spaniards. Persons had given grounds for this opinion 
by publishing, a short time before Allen's death, a work 
defending the Spanish rights to the English throne.* The 
Jesuits were in every way held in high esteem by the Spanish 
government in Flanders ; Persons could be said to be the 
adviser of Philip II. in all English questions, while his confrere 
William Holt was entrusted with the administration of the 
Spanish subsidies to the English exiles in the Low Countries. 
Soon the dispute became even more embittered, and the most 
incredible accusations were put forward. Denunciations were 
made on all sides, and an attempt was made to obtain from 
the government and from the General of the Jesuits the 
removal from the Low Countries of their hated adversaries.^ 
The bitter dispute reached its climax in a denunciation of the 
Jesuit Holt, which was presented in 1597 to the Archduke 
Albert, the governor of the Low Countries. In thirty-six 
articles he was accused of attempts upon the honour, the 
property, the liberty and even the lives of his adversaries ! 
B}' the order of the Archduke, the vice-provincial of the 
Jesuits in Belgium, Oliver Manaraeus, together with John 
Baptist Taxis, who did his best in the cause of peace and 

^ Of May 6, 1591, ibid., 162. 

^Ibid., 162-164. 

3 May 4, 1590, ibid., 163. 

^ See infra, p. 43. 

5 Lechat, 182 seqq. 


reconciliation, found himself obliged to devote his attention, 
much against his will, to an examination of the accusations. 
The verdict of these two was in favour of Holt, and this 
should have put an end to this lamentable affair. But it was 
now Holt's turn to demand a discussion of the accusations 
before the courts, and the excitement only died down when 
in 1598 Holt was summoned to Spain by the superiors of the 
Order there, and died there in the following year.^ One of 
the principal reasons for Holt's obstinacy lay in his friendship 
for Hugh Owen, one of the most devoted adherents of Spain 
among the English in Flanders, for he was unwilling to leave 
his friend alone to carry on the struggle against the English 
nobles. Things went so far that, as it would seem, to the 
great displeasure of Manaraeus, some of these nobles left the 
Low Countries.^ The bitterness of the dispute is shown by 
the accusations which William Gifford, Dean of Lille, and 
later on a Benedictine and Archbishop of Rheims, who was 
usually a man of great moderation, made against the Jesuits ; 
these included even homicide, simony, theft, arrogance and 
ambition.^ Gifford for his part withdrew these and asked 
for pardon,'* but then the Jesuits committed the error of 
publishing the withdrawal far and wide.^ 

The agitation against the Jesuits was not limited to the 
Low Countries. Their prestige, which had reached its height 
under Gregory XHL, had after that much declined throughout 
Europe.^ They were driven out of Paris, while in Madrid 
they found adversaries in the Duke of Lerma and the Papal 
nuncio Malvasia. Even more to their disadvantage was the 

1 Ibid., 186 seqq. 

^ Ibid., 189. 

3 Pollen in The Month, XCIV. (1899), 246. 

* Letter of the nuncio in Flanders, September 26, 1598, ibid., 
236 ; Lechat, 192 seqq. 

^ Lech AT, 113. 

8 For this cf. Pollen, loc. cit., 235-248. For the cause of the 
change of opinion on account of mistakes made bv the Jesuits, 
ibid., 242 seqq. ; for Persons in particular 244 seqq. ; for Creswell 
in Spain 349 seqq. 


fact that the Pope himself was not well disposed towards 
them. It is true that Clement VIII. was convinced that the 
reconstruction and consolidation of the Catholic religion 
must be based above all on the education of youth, and he 
therefore favoured the Jesuit colleges, but at the same time 
he maintained an attitude of coldness towards the Order. 
His modifications of the constitutions of the Society of Jesus, 
even though they were only concerned with matters of 
secondary importance,^ and his attitude towards the dispute 
concerning the doctrine of grace, made this very clear. ^ At 
times he was glad to see his advisers among the Jesuits any- 
where else than in Rome ; thus Persons was allowed to 
recuperate his strength at Naples, Bellarmine was made 
Archbishop of Capua, and the General of the Jesuits, Aqua viva, 
was often threatened with a similar promotion.^ In Spain 
the Pope's dislike involved certain Jesuits of Alcala in a 
severe experience of the prisons of the Inquisition.* The 
marginal notes which he added at that time to the reports 
of the Spanish nunciature, speak of the " pride and arrogance 
of those Spaniards who devise new and dangerous doctrines " 
and of the " need for the public humiliation of such people " ; 
when the confessor of the Queen of Spain complained to the 
nuncio of the harm that was being done to his Order on all 
sides by unfounded attacks, Clement VIII. added the terse 
marginal note : " God resists the proud. "^ 

Naturally such opinions in the most exalted ecclesiastical 
circles had its influence in the most distant places. The 
students of the English College in Rome once more complained 
of their masters and professors ; they were discontented at 
not receiving before their return to England the same spiritual 
privileges as were enjoyed by the Jesuits ; they were 

1 C/. infra, Chapter V., pp. 167-184, 
2C/. infra, Chapter IX, 
» Cf. infra. Chapter V. 

* For all this see Pollen, loc. cit., 237 seqq., and infra, Chapter 
V,, pp, 167 seqq, 

5 Pollen, loc. cit., 238 seqq. 


embittered b}- the book concerning the succession to the 
throne, which was generally attributed to Persons ; as they 
had little love for the Spaniards, they rejoiced at their ill- 
success, and refused to remove their hats in the presence of 
the Spanish ambassador.^ Things went so far that Aquaviva 
begged the Pope to release the Order from the direction of 
the English College. ^ A visitation by Cardinal Sega restored 
peace, at anyrate as far as external appearances went, though 
only with difficult}^ but it was only in 1597, when Persons 
returned from Spain to Rome, that he was able, by his prudence 
and moderation, to win over the hearts of the students, who, 
under his influence, were complete^ changed in a few days.^ 

The seminaries in Spain were not at that time in a state to 
experience any such disturbances, but in 1603 the storm 
burst out there as well. When a disobedient student at the 
English College at Valladolid was being punished, all his 
school-fellows ran to his assistance armed with sticks. Out 
of seventy-one seminarists twenty-five left the college to enter 
a Benedictine monastery, while it became difficult for a time to 
provide bread for those who remained, as the benefactors, who 
had hitherto supported the college, stopped their donations 
when they heard of the occurrence. A visitation by the 
Jesuit, Luis de la Puente, and a decree of the Roman 
Inquisition on December loth, 1608, restored peace, which 
had already been inaugurated by pacificatory negotiations 
between the two Orders. The prudent moderation of Persons 
also contributed greatly in Spain to the cessation of hostilities.^ 

A principal reason for the discontent among the students 
was the fact that neither the Spaniards nor the Italians 
understood the English character, and therefore did not know 

^ Henry Tichborne to Th. Darbyshire, February 2, 1598, in 
Foley, III., 723. 

2 Pollen in The Month. C. (1902), 182; Iuvencius, I., 13, 
n. 13. 

3 Pollen in The Month, C. (1902), 183. For the visitation by 
Sega see Ga^ouet, English College, 93. 

^ B. Camm, O.S.B. in The Month, XCII. (i8g8), 364-377 : 
Pollen, loc. cit., XCIV. (1899), 233-248, 348-365. 


how to deal with them. When, by Allen's advice, those in 
Rome were given Englishmen as rectors, the rebellion ceased 
as though by magic. ^ The exasperation of the youths in 
Rome may also have been fostered by the hostile feelings 
towards the Jesuits which prevailed in Flanders, for as early 
as the year 1597 the Scottish party in the Low Countries was 
seeking to obtain from the Pope the recall of the Jesuits 
from England and from the seminaries on the continent.^ 
The college at Douai, however, took no part in these attempts ; 
on the contrary, Allen's successor, Dr. Barrett, went to Rome 
on purpose to support the continuance of the Jesuits as 
directors of the seminary in Rome. In September, 1596, 
Clement VIII. spoke to him of the complaints which had 
reached him from the Low Countries, and especially of the 
supposed tyrannj^ and ambition of Holt. Barrett described 
all this as mere suspicion and jealousy. A document which 
was circulated in Flanders, and to which were attached many 
signatures, begged the Pope to pay no attention to the 
calumnies against the Jesuits, or at anyrate to have the 
matter inquired into. Barrett was not satisfied at the want 
of circumspection exercised in obtaining these signatures, but 
all the same attached his own name to a similar petition 
which came from the college at Douai. ^ 

An even greater disturbance than that of the bitter quarrels 
in Flanders was occasioned by similar events on English soil, 
when in the so-called " stirs of Wisbech "* disputes broke out 
between the Jesuits and secular clergy, which contained the 
germs of even more serious occurrences. 

1 Pollen in The Month, XCIV. (1899), 353 seqq., and C. (1902), 

■ LEcn.\T, 195. 

^ Ibid., 185 seqq. 

* Pollen The stirs of Wisbech in The Month CXX. (1912) 
33-48 (this was the first work written independently of the 
biassed work of Bagshaw, and on the basis of the papers in the 
Westminster Archives). Description of Wisbech Castle in 
Foley IL (Ser. 4) 592 seq. Cf. Iuvencius, P.V. torn. post. L, 
13, n. 14. 



Ever since 1579 the English government had kept shut up 
in the Castle of Wisbech a number of priests and laymen, 
whom it was unwilling either to set at liberty or to put to 
death. At first their imprisonment was very severe, but 
after the appointment of a new director of prisons in 1593, it 
assumed a character of leniency quite unusual in England in 
the case of Catholic priests. The prisoner were no longer 
supervised at their common meals, and were allowed to visit 
•each other, and to form a library of books which they were 
even able to lend to other priests outside ; the}^ were also able 
"to receive visits and to accept presents from their visitors. 
Some Catholics made long Journ^j's in order to be able to 
breathe once more a purely Catholic atmosphere, as well as 
to seek advice and receive the sacraments. After one such 
visit the Jesuit Henry Garnet wrote to the " Confessors of 
Wisbech " that he had not enjoyed such consolation for seven 
years, and that during the time he had passed in their midst 
he had felt as though he were in heaven. 

After about two years of this common and comparatively 
free existence, the disadvantages of this libert}^ began to make 
themselves felt. Among the thirty-three prisoners there were 
certain men of another way of thinking, and not all of them 
had that intellectual greatness which for the most part 
distinguished the " Confessors of Wisbech." Three of them 
later on apostatized, while others, while they were still in the 
seminaries, had given proof of having intractable and difficult 
characters. It may be supposed that all of them had the 
energy and independence which was called for by the life of a 
missionary in England, but an imprisonment of so many 
years with the same companions also produced in all of them 
an abnormal state of tension and nerves. Thus at their meals 
in common violent disputes broke out ; to those who by their 
natural disposition and their training were inclined to hold a 
strict idea of the sacerdotal life it seemed that a too great 
liberty of thought was creeping in, and they feared, rightly 
or wrongly, that this might lead in time to real scandal. 

This tendency to greater freedom and the tendency to 
greater strictness found their champions among the prisoners 


in two men of great intellect, the Jesuit William Weston and 
the secular priest Christopher Bagshaw. The latter, during 
his period of study at Oxford, Rheims and Rome, had shown 
himself to be possessed of a spirit of turbulence, a defect 
which robbed all his other good qualities of their efficacy. 
Weston was an austere ascetic, very severe towards himself, 
and not over lenient with others. After Christmas, 1594, he 
began to withdraw from the common meetings, and took his 
meals in his own room.^ This example was followed by the 
majority of his fellow -prisoners, and twenty of them decided 
upon leading a kind of community life, for which they drew 
up twenty-two rules and asked Weston to be their superior. 
Weston declared his readiness to accept this, provided his 
superior, Henry Garnet, gave his consent. Garnet expressed 
his agreement with this plan of reform, but did not wish 
Weston to have the title or position of superior, nor to exercise 
any power of punishment ; all that he might do in the name 
of his nineteen companions and as their representative, was 
to settle certain rules. From that time onward the separation 
and division became more and more marked, in spite of the 
remonstrances of Bagshaw and his followers, and the attempt 
to remove the disunion by calling in a stranger to arbitrate 
•only made the division more acute. At last on November 
6th, 1595, a plan of reconciliation, which was modified more 
than twenty times, was accepted, and those who had hitherto 
been divided, embraced each other with tears and an emotion 
which rendered them incapable of speech. A treasurer and 
a steward were chosen ; fines were fixed for any excess which 
might lead to a renewed rupture, and a general common rule 
was agreed upon, even by those who had hitherto been 

^ luvENXius {loc. cit. p. 219) says: " Mota rixa, catholicus 
nescio quis [Thomas Bluet] sacerdotem palam graviterque per- 
cusseiat. Hunc sancita per canones sacros poena teneii, com- 
munique consortio, donee absolveretar arcendum sentiebant 
ceteri praesertim P. Guillelmus Westonus . . . Dissensit acriter 
Bagshaus et alii, principia pauci, mox plures, etc." When the 
majority had terminated their confederation "' csores pacis primo . 
Westonum et alios coniunctos e rommuni trichnis eiecerc, etc." 


Weston's opponents, by which act the need for some sort of 
rule was recognized. 

In spite of certain menaces this concord lasted until the 
beginning of 1597, when there appeared at Wisbech, Robert 
Fisher, who rekindled the flames. Seven of the prisoners, 
who were themselves divided into parties, again withdrew 
from the common meals, and from that moment men took 
sides with one party or the other even beyond the confines of 
England. For the disputants it was now no longer a case of 
personal sympathies or antipathies, nor a question of the 
Jesuit Weston and his supposed arrogance, but it became a 
quarrel between the secular clergy and the Jesuits. In the 
course of the years a great deal of hatred and jealousy of the 
latter had rightly or wrongly grown up ; their labours and 
their successes were looked upon as a usurpation of the rights 
of the secular clergy, and as an unwarranted attack upon 
their good name. All this now became a matter of open 
discussion. The Jesuits, it was said, were making their way 
into everything ; in their eyes nothing was sacred, orthodox 
or lawful if it did not come from themselves ; they tried to 
seize upon donations and alms for themselves alone ; in a 
word, they aimed at the suppression and subjection of the 
secular clergy. ^ These accusations were reproduced in many 
pamphlets, some of which were printed and found their way 
as far as Rome.'^ 

The ill-feeling against the Jesuits found its strongest 
expression in the so-called " archpriest controversy,"^ 

^ Meyer, England, 348. 

2 On October 31, 1597, Clement VIII. sent " Anglis catholicis " 
a *brief highly praising their perseverance in the faith, but at 
the same time exhorting them to the concord against which 
Satan was striving in a special way, Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 234, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

' ThOMAS Graves Law, The Archpriest Controversy. Docu- 
ments relating to the dissensions of the Roman Catholic Clergy, 
1597. 1602, Vol. 1-2, Edinburgh, 1896, 1898. Meyer, 351-396 ; 
John Gerard, in The Month, LXXXIX. (1897), 37-53 ; Belles- 
HEiM in Katholik, 1902, II., 481-495. 


That the Catholics of England had need of a leader was 
made clear to everyone by the disturbances which occurred 
after the death of Allen, while the impossibility of appointing 
a new English Cardinal, who should direct the affairs of his 
native land from Rome, lent strength to the proposal, so 
favourable for England, to set up a new centre of Catholic life 
on English soil. 

In order to put an end, once and for all, to so uncertain a 
state of affairs. Persons brought all his influence to bear in 
favour of the appointment of bishops, and as a result of his 
representations Cardinal Caetani, the Protector of England, 
spoke to the Pope and the Cardinals of the Inquisition, who 
had been instructed to discuss the matter. But Clement VIII. 
refused to accept this view.^ Persons had asked to have for 
his country an archbishop with his see in Flanders, who was 
to be assisted by a bishop living on English soil.^ Another 
suggestion was put foi"ward by the secular clergy. They 
sought before all things to increase their own influence, and 
especially over the Jseuits, by forming themselves into an 
association, and proposing the election of one of their number 
as bishop. The money that was received in alms and from 
foundations for the support of the English clergy was to be 
held by a duly appointed administration, and equitably 
divided, so that none should go in want of necessaries. So 
far each priest had been a little Pope, and there was no one 
who could demand an account, or make an admonition, and 
this state of affairs was all the more deplorable because in 
recent years there had come to England many priests " who 
were beardless youths of twenty-four," yet had to go there 
as priests in lay dress, to live in private houses among men 
and women, and thus without any of those forms of control, 
which elsewhere of themselves restrained priests from too 
great freedom of conduct.^ 

•Array to Blackwell, in Law, 120. Cf. Gerard, loc. cit., 52. 
For the reasons why no bishop was appointed for England, cj. 
lUVENCIUS, I., 13, n. 30. 

2 Pollen in The Month, C. (1902), 1S3. 

^ Meyer, England, 351, 354. The youth of so many of the 


But the authority possessed by a bishop in matters of 
jurisdiction and orders exposed anyone who had it in the 
England of those days to death, or at anyrate to a hfe of 
imprisonment and concealment. It was probably for this 
reason that Clement VIII. was unwilling to appoint a bishop 
for England/ and for ten years the nuncios in Flanders were 
ordered to oppose any suggestions of this kind.^ An attempt 
was then made to satisfy the need in another way. Instead 
of the appointment, as Persons had desired, of an English 
archbishop in Flanders, the nuncio in Flanders was appointed 
as his representative by the Cardinal Protector of England, 
Caetani, with faculties to settle all juridical questions in 
England as well. Instead of a bishop on English soil, Caetani 
in 1598 appointed an archpriest, without episcopal consecra- 
tion, in the person of George Blackwell.^ English priests 
who had recently left the seminaries on the continent were 
to be subject to Douai, in Spain to the superiors they had had 
hitherto, and in Brussels to the nuncio.* The archpriest was 
given twelve priests as his counsellors ; six of these were to 
be chosen by the Cardinal Protector, while the other six were 
to be appointed by Blackwell himself. 

secular clergy and their youthful mistakes led to some extent 
to their dependence on the Jesuits, which was so bitterly resented. 
Some of the laity for example would have nothing to do with 
the seminary priests, unless they brought with them the recom- 
mendation of some Jesuit. Report of the visitation by Sega, 
in Foley, VI., 50. 

* Array, loc. cit. 

2 " Perch e altre volte si e tentato di fargli [the archpriest] 
dare la dignita vescovile, sotto apparenti pretesti di maggior 
prcfitto della religione, non si resta di dire a lei che cio non e 
stato giudicato espediente da questa Santa Sede, per ragione- 
volifsinie cause ; onde se a lei ne fosse mossa nuova prattica, 
dovia tioncarla come negotio risoluto o rimetterlo a Roma." 
Instructions to the nuncio Gesualdo, October 23, 1615, inCAUCHiE- 
Maere, 50 seq. cf. ibid., 6y, 93, the instructions of 1610 and 1635. 

3 According to Cardinal d'Ossat (Lettres, II., 390), the arch- 
priest was sent by the advice (a la suggestion) of Persons. 

* Pollen, in The Month, C, (1902), 184, 


The brief of appointment of March 7th, 1598, obviously 
contains allusions to the recent controversies. The reason 
why the office of archpriest was introduced, this states, was to 
promote peace and concord among the brethren, and especially 
with the Jesuits, who together with the other priests were 
labouring in the vineyard of the Lord. They had no 
supremac}^ over the secular priests, nor did they wish for it, 
and were therefore in no way an obstacle. The differences 
that had arisen, therefore, could only be attributed to the 
cunning and deceits of the infernal foe, who wished to destroy 
all that had been gained with so great labour, by making 
Catholics entertain and propagate feelings of jealousy against 

The same desire for harmony and the removal of all 
differences had also led to the choice of Blackwell as arch- 
priest. He was a friend of the Jesuits, and the idea was 
perhaps entertained in Rome that if a friend of the Order was 
placed at the head of the secular clergy, this would guarantee 
the restoration and preservation of peace between the two 
bodies. But any such idea was greatly mistaken. It is true 
that the appointment of an archpriest was hailed with joy by 
the great majority of the about three hundred secular priests, 
but all the greater was the opposition of the minorit3^ which, 
according to contemporary information, did not number, at 
anyrate at first, more than ten or twelve persons,^ but which 
for that reason was all the more active. Legally, no attack 
was made upon the authority of the Jesuits over the priests 
in the seminaries, and any attempt to do so would have been 
in itself ridiculous, but it was feared that Persons, who was 
then all-powerful in Rome, had sent the complaisant 
Blackwell in order through him to govern indirectly the 
secular clergy, and to impose upon them his hated Spanish 
policy. This suspicion was increased by a passage in the 
instructions which were given to Blackwell together with his 
brief of appointment. 

1 Meyer, 356 ; Iuvencius, I., 13, n. 150., 
^-Qerard, ho. cit., ^2 seq. 


The wish of the Pope, so the Cardinal Protector said, is that 
there should be the fullest concord between the Jesuits and 
the secular clergy in the kingdom, and as the superior of the 
Jesuits, by his experience of English affairs and the reputation 
which he enjoys among Catholics, can be of great help in all 
decisions to be made by the clergy, the archpriest must 
endeavour, in all questions of major importance, to ask for 
his advice and opinion.^ A false interpretation saw in these 
words a formal order to follow in all matters of importance 
the advice of the superior of the Jesuits, Henry Garnet, so 
that, as that blusterer William Watson, put it, in future the 
Catholics would be dependent upon Blackwell, Blackwell on 
Garnet, Garnet on Persons, and Persons on the devil, who was 
the author of all the rebellions, treasons, homicides and 
disobediences which that cursed Jesuit had raised up against 
her majesty, her safety, her crown and her life.^ 

It was not all those who made up the minority who thought 
and spoke thus bitterly. There were among them priests of 
the greatest moderation and worthy of all respect, such as 
William Bishop, the future vicar-apostolic, Colleton, Charnock, 
Mush and Bluet. Some of the malcontents had suffered 
imprisonment, and two of them death, for their faith. But 
on the other hand, Watson was not the only one whose words 
and actions call for our attention. Bagshaw, who now, as 
formerly at Wisbech, took a prominent part, later on, in the 
conspiracy of the Gunpowder Plot, made denunciations to the 
government against his co-religionists ; another, John Cecil, 
who was even entrusted with a mission to Rome, was only a 
tool in the hands of the English statesmen, whose duty it was 
to spy on the Catholics.^ It was soon evident that even the 
reputable party among the minority held views on many 
subjects which were anything but Catholic. 

Discontent against the new leader of the English Catholics 
led to a resolve to address complaints to Rome against the 

1 Ibid., 50 seq. 

2 Ibid., 50. 

^ Jbid., 4^, 46, 


appointment of Blackwell, but from the first his opponents 
were guilty of an almost incredible mistake as to their motives 
and reasons for such a step. It was not only said that the 
appointment of the archpriest had been made by order of the 
Cardinal Protector, whereas such a measure required a Papal 
brief, but certain entirely Galilean assertions were made. It 
was stated that the English clergy had not been asked for 
their opinion before the appointment, and that this was a 
violation of an ancient English right ; without the consent of 
the clergy and people, who must give their opinion in a free 
election, the appointment of Blackwell must be looked upon 
as null and void. Galilean views were also set forth in a 
little work by a certain John Bishop, which was printed in 
London about that time.^ 

The danger of such prhiciples does not seem to have entered 
the minds of the malcontents, for towards the end of the 
summer of 1598 they sent William Bishop and Robert 
Charnock to Rome in order to win over the Pope to their side. 
The requests that they wished to lay before him privately 
were concerned with the appointment of a bishop for England, 
who was to be elected by 3 majority of the votes of the English 
clergy, and with the consent of the association of secular 
priests. The Pope was also to be asked to take away the 
English College in Rome from the Jesuits, and to make the 
publication of controversial writings against the queen and 
the English government dependent upon the approval of the 
ecclesiastical superiors.^ 

In the meantime the other party had naturally not remained 
idle. The superior of the Jesuits, Henry Garnet, also had 
recourse to Rome in a letter bearing the signatures of nineteen 
Jesuits and secular priests.^ This asked the Pope to confirm 
the archpriest in his office and to address a severe admonition 
to the two appellants, and only to allow them to return to 
England if they completely changed their views. 

1 Meyer, 362. 

2 Meyer, 363. 

2 On October 30, 1598, ibid., 36^. 


The two appellants gave yet further proof of their ingenuous 
confidence in the success of their undertaking when, in 
December, 1598, they knocked at the gates of the English 
College, in order to ask the hospitality of Persons, their most 
dangerous adversary. They very soon realized that they had 
found lodging in what was their prison. An order for their 
arrest from the Pope forbade them to leave the seminary, 
and in February, 1599, they had to appear before Cardinals 
Caetani and Borghese, the Protector and vice-Protector of 
England, and submit themselves to legal proceedings. With 
truly English tenacity Bishop set himself to defend before the 
Cardinals the plan for an association of priests, though later 
on (February 20th), he advised his friends in England to 
abandon this project. In April the sentence was delivered : 
all the requests of the appellants were rejected. Bishop was 
sent to live in Paris, and his colleague Charnock was sent to 
Lorraine ; they were not to return to England, nor make their 
homeward journey together, nor communicate with each 
other in any way.^ They had not succeeded in seeing the 
Pope, while a Papal brief of April 6th, 1599, which confirmed 
the dignity of the archpriest, removed all hopes of their 
obtaining from him a more favourable judgment than they 
had received from his representatives. 

If the appellants did not wish to become open rebels, there 
remained no course open to them but to submit, which they 
accordingty did. By the summer of 1599 peace seemed to 
have been restored. " Thanks be to God," Persons wrote to 
Bishop at that time, " for now, owing to the wise measures 
taken by His Holiness, everything is systematized and in 
order. "2 

But the cure was not very deep, and secret agitations against 
the Jesuits still continued. The rancour against the Order 
now led two representatives of the extreme party to a fatal 
step : abandoned by the Pope, and filled with Gallican ideas 
they sought the support of the civil authorities.. Watson 

^ Ibid., 364 seq. 
^.Ibid. 366., 


denounced them to the English government, and accused 
them before the King's Proctor of high treason, for having 
defended the Spanish succession. Charles Paget, Mary 
Stuart's former agent, got into personal touch with the 
English ambassador in Paris, and worked upon his feelings 
against the so greatly hated religious. ^ 

The imprudence of Blackwell was the cause of the dispute 
breaking out in public. The archpriest was convinced that 
the malcontents were guilty of schism, and had incurred the 
penalties appointed by the canon law, and that they were 
therefore obliged to confess their fault and ask for absolution. 
The accused resisted this unjust supposition, and an opinion 
of the University of Paris, of May 3rd, 1600, was given in their 
favour. Blackwell, exceeding his powers, prohibited, under 
pain of an interdict, any sort of defence of this decision, but 
his adversaries paid no attention to his prohibition. Blackwell 
then forbade two of the clergy, who were among the eldest 
and most deserving, to exercise any of their sacerdotal 
functions. After this fresh abuse of power, the struggle broke 
out again all along the line.^ - 

Feeling certain that this time they undoubtedly had right 
on their side, the adversaries of Blackwell had recourse once 
more to Rome, and a deed of accusation, of November 17th, 
1600, summ.arized in an extremely objective form, and with 
the addition of proofs, all the accusations against the arch- 
priest. This document was drawn up at the castle of Wisbech, 
and bore the signatures of thirty-three priests.^ 

While the reply of the Pope was being long awaited, an 
embittered literary war broke out in England, in which, even 
more than against the archpriest, the attacks were made upon 
the Jesuits, whose instrument and mouthpiece Blackwell was 
supposed to be. Blackwell had attempted to support his 
view as to the supposed schismatics by the help of a " Roman 
decision," that is to say by certain expressions of English 

1 Ibid , 367. 

* Ibid., 368 seqq. 

3 Ibid., 371. 


Jesuits,^ one of whom, Thomas Lister, defended the view in 
an intemperate work, which was approved by the archpriest.^ 
As Blackwell wrote on October 22nd, 1600, to Clement VIII., 
the Jesuits had protected him against the disturbers of the 
peace, and had stood by his side in his danger, both for attack 
and defence.^ All the hatred of Persons and the Society of 
Jesus which had been accumulating in recent years now broke 
out in the form of numerous and violent polemical writings, 
which were almost equalled in the violence of their language 
by some of the replies of Persons.'* This literary warfare was 
begun by a polemical work of Lister. 

The goal at which the malcontents were aiming was the 
removal and recall of the Society of Jesus from England, and 
their quarrel with the Jesuits had gradually led them far away 
from those principles which hitherto had guided the attitude 
of the Catholics, especially towards the government. Was it 
necessary, so the appellants asked themselves, to attach such 
importance to the bull of excommunication of Pius V. ? If 
the question was put to the martyrs : What would you do if 
the Pope were to send an Armada to conquer England ? had 
it really been necessary to reply with such great caution, and 
by that exaggerated caution irritate and rouse the suspicions 
of the government ? In any case was it not possible now to 
change their attitude, and seek for a reconciliation with the 
queen ? " We ought to act towards her, our true and 
legitimate queen, and towards our country, very differently 
from the way adopted by so many Catholics, and above all by 

^ Ibid., 368. 

2 Entitled " Adversus factiosos in Ecclesia," ibid., 372. 

^ Ibid., 370. 

* It must be noted that Persons, at the same time, in letters 
not intended for publication, expressed himself in a conciliatory 
way towards his adversaries (Gerard, loc. cit., 47 seq.). With 
regard to Lister, his superior, Garnet, wrote of him at the same 
time that he was composing his work against the schismatics, 
that he was suffering from mental over-excitement, which made 
him fear for his physical health {ibid., 42, n. i). The character- 
istic part of Persons' reply in Meyer, 373 seq. 


the Jesuits," was the repl}' given to such questions in a work 
by Watson. Ehzabeth, Watson insisted, had from the first 
treated the Catholics with kindness and favour ; all good 
sense was on her side, and all the wrong on the side of the 
Catholics ; if the Pope should give orders for the conferring 
of the crown on an enemy of the country, there would be no 
obligation to obey him ; the bull of excommunication of 
Pius v., which John Bishop described as erroneous, was 
merely treated by Watson as surreptitious.^ 

The Jesuits formed a serious obstacle to any conclusion of 
peace on the basis of such opinions, and therefore the idea 
gained more and more ground among their adversaries of 
suggesting to the government that they should renounce their 
co-operation in England as the price of the restoration of peace 
and the toleration of the old religion. The laws that were 
still in force against the Catholics could be abrogated and 
changed into laws against the Jesuits. 

The statesmen who governed England could not fail to 
rejoice that the internal quarrels of the Catholics should thus 
become more and more acute, and the appellants met with the 
greatest sympath}' and ready support from them. One of 
the prisoners of Wisbech, the secular priest Thomas Bluet, was 
summoned in the summer of 1601 to present himself before 
the Bishop of London, Richard Bancroft, to explain his 
views more fully ; he declared that the Jesuits were a danger 
to the state, but that the secular clergy, on the contrary, were 
loyal subjects and were being unjustly persecuted.- Further 
negotiations with the royal councillors followed, and Bluet 
was even allowed to appear before Elizabeth herself to explain 
his views. Their complaisance went even further : although, 
according to the English law, an appeal to the Pope was 
looked upon as a crime deserving of the stake. Bluet even 
dared to present a petition that he and certain other secular 
priests might be allowed to go to Rome in support of the 
appeal already presented there, or better still to press the 

1 Meyer, 376. 
* Ibid., 377. 


Pope for the recall of the Jesuits.^ The government accepted 
this proposal ; the prison doors were thrown open, and, 
furnished with English passports,^ at the beginning of 
November, 1601, certain prisoners of state, who had been 
declared worthy of death, went to Rome in order to induce 
the Pope, who from every pulpit had been declared the greatest 
enemy of England, to enter into an alliance with England 
against Catholic priests. The ever astute Elizabeth even 
thought it well to allow a few words of adulation from her 
sovereign lips, to come to his ears : " unlike Pius, Gregory and 
Sixtus, those warlike Popes " so she expressed herself to 
Bluet, " Clement, as his very name shows, should be a peaceful 
Pope."^ So as to make the journey of Bluet and his com- 
panions less noticeable, they were " banished " from England, 
after they had been given the opportunity of collecting the 
necessary funds for their journey to Rome* 

When they arrived in Belgium the envoys learned that 
Rome had already (August 17th, 1601) given its decision on 
the dispute. Blackwell too had received a Papal brief, but he 
took the liberty of keeping this secret for several months, 

^Ibid., 378. 

2 Dated August, October and November, ihid., 379, n. 

' Ibid., 379. Some further expressions of Elizabeth concerning 
■' the Pope " (Clement VIII. ?), on December 24, 1597, in Prevost- 
Paradol, Elizabeth et Henri IV., 170. He is supposed to have 
said to two English gentlemen that Elizabeth was indeed a 
heretic, but that she was in other respects the most competent 
sovereign in the world, and that he would have been more ready 
to place himself at her disposal than many other princes. On 
the other side the queen complained of the fables that were spread 
in Rome of her cruelty towards the Catholics ; that she had 
never persecuted a Catholic, except in the case of persons who 
were a danger to the state. The differences between the various 
religious confessions were not so important after all, for there 
was but one Christ and one creed, and that everything else was 
a trifle, as to which it would be easy to come to an understanding, 
so long as the two principles of good will and courage existed in 

* LiNGARD, VIII., 391. 


until January, 1602, when the last of the polemical writmgs of 
Persons appeared in print. ^ This brief, which " unites in the 
happiest way the two-fold purpose of defending both justice 
and ecclesiastical discipline," rejected the appeal, ^ but admits 
the reasonableness of the appellants, in that it rejected the 
accusation of schism, and threatened with excommunication 
an5'one that dared to make it. All further polemical writings 
■on the matter were prohibited, as well as those which had 
appeared so far, among these especially the work of Lister. 
The brief contained a clear admonition both to Blackwell 
and his adversaries, and exhorted them to obedience.^ 

If the English envoys had only been sent in support of their 
appeal, they ought in that case to have returned home. The 
nuncio in Flanders, Frangipani, who informed them of the 
Papal brief, tried in every way to induce them to do so, but 
only succeeded in the case of one of their number.'* Frangipani 
knew perfectly what it was that the appellants were seeking, 
for on August 22nd, 1602, he had already written to Rome 
to say that Elizabeth had given them permission to make 
the journey in order that she might be freed from the Jesuits.^ 
But when the latter, in February, 1602, sent a commission 
of their own to Rome, which arrived there on April 9th,* it 
was only natural to fear a perpetuation of the quarrel, from 
which Frangipani feared the greatest evils for the Church in 

But all his attempts at pacification had no effect upon the 
appellants, who were still full of hope. " If I, poor worm 

^ Ibid., 380 seq. 

2 So Meyer (381). 

' Ibid., 380 seq. 

'^ Ibid., 382. Cf. L. v. Wassenhoven, O. M. Frangipani, 
Nuntius van Flanderen, en de Engelsche Katholicken, 1596- 
1606, Baesrode, 1925, who gives a detailed account of the efforts 
of Frangipani to settle the disputes among the English Catholics, 
and to improve their position. 

^ Ibid., 378, n. 2. 

« Ibid., 382. 

'To Aldobrandini, March 8, 1602, ibid., 382, n. 3. 


that I am, have obtained so much from the queen," said 
Bluet later on in Rome,^ " how much may not be effected 
by the prestige of His Holiness, added to the support of the 
King of France, for the relief of the English Catholics ? " '^ 
The toleration of the Catholics was at that time a thing so 
greatly desired in Rome that there were some who could well 
believe that the sacrifice of the Jesuits would count for nothing. 
Blackwell had laid his complaints against his adversaries 
before the Inquisition in i6oi,^ and this tribunal was given 
the charge of inquiring into the matter. The discussions 
began in April ; some thought that they were safe in prophesy- 
ing that they would be very protracted, as the Pope seemed 
determined to have the whole unpleasant affair gone into 
this time with all possible completeness.^ But about a month 
later the rumour was spread that Clement VHI. had quickly 
settled the matter. Both the Pope and the Cardinals were 
weary of the affair, because the noisy complaints of the 
appellants had only been caused by unworthy motives, so 
that it only required the temporary absence of Persons to 
quiet the whole business.^ The authors of the accusation 
had therefore to listen to words of severe admonition from 
the Pope, on account of the impatience with which they had 
attempted at all costs to relieve themselves of persecution, 
as well as on account of their relations with heretics and with 
Elizabeth, whom they wrongly looked upon as their queen, 
though she was excommunicated and dethroned, as well as 
on account of their hostility towards an Order which was 
recognized by the Church.^ It is reported that as to this 
last charge the appellants refused altogether to admit in 
Rome that they had ever tried to get the Jesuits driven out, 

^ Ibid., 387. 

^ Ibid. 

3 Meyer, 372. 

* " For His Holiness seemeth now to be inclined to have the 
matter ripped open from the bottom." Report from Rome, 
April 27, 1602, in Foley, I., 13. 

^ Ibid., 14. 

* Meyer, 384. 


while they repudiated the writings of Watson and others.^ 
They found a powerful supporter in the French ambassador 
in Rome, while the Spanish ambassador was opposed to them.^ 
But in England in the meantime matters were pursuing 
their course, and the appellant priests were filled vdth con- 
fidence in the success of their cause, ^ Bancroft, together 
with certain ministers of state, continued to give them support, 
while it was said of the queen herself that she gladly welcomed 
the development of the quarrel, so as thus to introduce discord 
into the College of Cardinals, to hold back the Pope from 
making any decision, and to deprive the Spaniards of any 
hope of finding their party strengthened by the English 
Catholics.* To the disgust expressed by the Puritans at 
her apparent rapprochement with the Catholics, the queen 
replied by increasing the persecution and by executing several 
priests.'' The written attacks of the appellants on the Jesuits 
continued,^ and they were not ashamed to present to the 
government a detailed list of the hiding places of their hated 
adversaries.' The Protestants watched with joy these 
disagreements among the Catholics, and the writings of the 
appellants found eager readers among them.^ 

^ Foley, I., 14, 38. The Venetian ambassador in Rome, 
Francesco Vendramin, learned that the appellants wished to 
obtain liberty of conscience by the removal of the Jesuits. Reports 
of March g and 23, 1602, in Brown, n. 1061, 1066. 

2 Brown, n. 1061, 1066, 1078. 

3 Letter of the Jesuit Rivers to Persons, in Foley, 41. 
^ Ibid., 23. 

^ Ibid., 23, 30. A Puritan, who had attacked the Lord 
Treasurer, the Secretary of State, the Bishop of London, and 
others for their relations with the Catholics, was condemned to 
the pillory and the loss of his ears. The judge said to him that 
Bancroft had rendered his country a much greater service than 
anyone else by sowing cockle among the priests themselves. 
Letter of the Jesuit Richard Blount, February 14, 1602, ibid., 
18 seq. 

" Ibid., 37. 

' Foley, L, 38. 

* Ibid., 39. 



On July 20th, 1602, the long expected judgment of the 
Inquisition was delivered. By this the appellants were 
justified in so far that the accusation of schism was declared 
unfounded, while, for the sake of peace, the archpriest was 
forbidden to take counsel with the Jesuits about the affairs 
of his office, and Blackwell was advised to refer directly to 
the Pope or the Cardinal Protector. He was, moreover, 
warned not again to exceed his powers. But in all other 
matters the appellants met with no success. They must, 
when they return home, submit to the reproofs of the English 
Secretary of State for not having fulfilled their promises, 
and for not having obtained either the recall of the Jesuits 
or the removal of the archpriest. Moreover the Jesuits were 
left in possession of their English colleges on the continent, 
while all further negotiations with the heretics to the injury 
of other Catholics were prohibited. Anyone who disobeyed 
in this matter would ipso facto incur excommunication.^ 

Clement VI IL waited for another two months before he 
gave his final judgment on this unpleasant affair ; in the 
meantime Persons attempted to obtain a mitigation for 
Blackwell and his followers, but in vain, and the brief to the 
archpriest, dated October 5th, 1602, was in all points in 
accordance with the suggestions of the Inquisition. In two 
respects it went even further : the faculties of the archpriest 
were more exactly defined, and he was compelled to appoint 
three of the appellants to the first three places among his 
counsellors, which should become vacant. The zeal and piety 
of the Jesuits were praised,^ and thus scrupulous care was 
taken that none of the interested parties was wronged, and 
no one was given cause for complaint. 

In the meantime Elizabeth was preparing a surprise for 
the appellants at home ; this was her last edict against the 
Catholics.^ This distinguished between the Jesuits and their 

1 Meyer, 385. 

^ Ibid., 387; Foley I., 16-18. 

^ Of November 5 (15), 1602, in Lingard, VIII., 391. Cf. 
Andreas Philopater (Jos. Creswell, S.J.), Responsio ad edictum 
Elisabethae Reg. Angliae contra catholicos, Rome, 1593. 


adherents, and the secular clergy. The former were without 
exception declared guilty of high treason, because they aroused 
foreign princes against their country and placed the life of 
the queen in danger. The secular clergy were spoken of as 
anti- Jesuit and less perverse, but they too are disobedient 
and dislo3^al subjects, who, under a mask of conscience, steal 
the hearts of the simple and ingenuous people, and attach 
them to the Pope. The Jesuits and their adherents must 
therefore leave the country within thirty days, if they do not 
wish to incur the punishment of the law against Catholic 
priests. Other priests were allowed a period until January 
1st, or at the latest, February ist, 1603 ; if by that time they 
had made a formal act of obedience before the queen's court, 
they would then be proceeded against leniently. The edict 
complains in strong terms of the audacity of those priests 
who showed themselves in the streets in full daylight, and 
who brought the queen under the suspicion of intending to 
tolerate two religions in the country. God, who can read 
the hearts of men, knew well that she was not guilty of any 
such madness, and that none of her advisers had dared to 
lay any such proposal before her, which would not only 
disturb the peace of the Church, but would also throw the 
State into confusion.^ 

This edict had a two-fold purpose ; it was in the first place 
to exonerate the queen in the eyes of the Protestants from 
the suspicion of favouring the Catholics, and in the second, 
it was to be a test as to how far the appellants had progressed 
along the mistaken course which they had adopted. It had 
seemed at first that the latter were in no hurry to obey the 
sentence of the Pope, yet the royal edict only brought one 
priest to make his act of submission, and induced another 
to refuse to accept the Papal briefs.^ Even though there 
were still as before comings and goings of the appellants to 
the house of the Bishop of London, and Bluet was even lodged 
there for a time, there is no reason to see in this a formal act 

1 LiNGARD, VIII., 392 ; Meyer, 389 5^17. 

2 Meyer, 393. 


of disobedience, because all relations with the heretics was 
not forbidden. Such conduct, however, was still a matter for 
suspicion, as was the fact that the appellants asked, through 
one of their representatives, for the support of the French 
government against the Jesuits ; the English ambassador in 
Paris was kept closely informed of these negotiations. But 
something more than mere suspicion was aroused by the fact 
that polemical writings against the Jesuits still continued to 
appear in print. ^ 

It was not, however, possible to be content with half 
measures if the malcontents intended to remain Catholic 
priests. On the other hand, the latter did not wish altogether 
to reject the hand held out to them by the government ; if 
in an official edict a distinction had been drawn between 
priests and priests, this marked a step forward and held out a 
ray of hope. Moreover, a special tribunal had been set up, 
composed of the archbishop, the Keeper of the Privy Seal, 
the Lord Treasurer and others, who were to summon each 
priest before them and decide as to the question of his exile, 
and as to the manner and terms of its enforcement ;^ this 
too seemed to show a tendency to greater leniency, for it was 
left to the good-will of this tribunal to change, for example, 
the punishment of perpetual imprisonment for the lesser 
penalty of exile. Accordingly, on the last day before the 
expiration of the term allowed, thirteen priests assembled, 
not to make an act of submission to the government, but 
merely to declare their loyalty as subjects. The queen, it 
is stated in a work by William Bishop, has the same authority 
as her predecessors, and has the right to the same obedience 
as is paid by Catholic priests to Catholic sovereigns, and no 
one in this world can dispense them from this duty. In the 
case of a conspiracy, or of an invasion of England, even in 
the name of religion, they would be bound to take the part 
of the queen against all her enemies, and to make known to 
her all such attempts. The excommunication which might 

^ Ibid., 391 seq. 

2 LiNGAKD, VIII., 392. 


in the event be launched against her they judged to be invalid. 
In the Pope, however, they recognized their supreme ecclesi- 
astical pastor and the successor of Peter. " Just as we are 
absolutely ready to shed our blood in the defence of her 
Majesty and our country, so too would we rather lose our 
lives than offend against the lawful authorit}^ of the Catholic 
Church of Christ."^ 

In spite of this last phrase there can be no mistaking the 
fact that these thirteen priests were placing themselves in a 
position with regard to the Pope, the danger of which was 
destined to become perfectly clear in the years to come. The 
attitude of the opposing party was far more logical and in 
conformity with Catholic principles. When the Papal decision 
of the question, which had been so long pending, was imminent, 
the superior of the Jesuits, Henry Garnet, issued a circular 
to his subjects, calling for a sincere and reverent obedience 
to the Pope, and exhorting them to peace and concord with 
the secular clergy.^ At the very beginning of the dispute, 
on March ist, 1598, Garnet had issued a similar document 
as well as a kind of declaration of loyalty, though this was 
not addressed to the government but to the whole of the 
clergy of England. " Eighteen years have gone by," he says 
in this, " since our Society came to your England to join you, 
who are labouring so generously in the vineyard of the Lord. 
During all this time we have experienced the greatest affection 
on your part towards us, and by the grace of God have lived 
in such a way as to take every care that every one of you 
shall receive the honour which is your due, and to assist 
every one of you with all zeal, rendering to you all the services 
that were in our power, and thus embracing each of you with 
all the fervour of charity of which the human soul is capable. 
Our consciences bear testimony to this, and I have no doubt 
that more than one of you will confirm it, and that none of 
you has any just ground for complaint of us. In saj/ing this 
we do not venture to state that all that we have done has 

1 Ibid., VIII., 393 seq. ; Meyer, 3^3 seq. 

2 Meyer, 392. 


been without blame, for we are but mortal men, and in a 
situation that is so full of mire, it may well be that perchance 
some dust has collected on our feet. But however weak 
and imxperfect we may be, we at least desire to be better, 
and your affection has most certainly preserved us from the 
fault of having voluntarily offended against any one of you. 
In spite of all this there has come into our hands a passage 
from a memorial which was sent to the Holy Father, and 
which contains things than which nothing more unworthy 
could have come from your pen, and nothing more monstrous 
could have been brought against us, not even by the heretics, 
and this has been presented to His Holiness by two persons, 
the one a priest and the other a layman,^ in the name of the 
English clergy. To you, therefore, priests of England, I have 
recourse, to you who are the nursery of our renascent Church, 
the ornament of the Catholic world, and the training ground 
of heroic martyrs. Tell us if these monstrous accusations 
really emanate from you."- 

They had not, indeed, emanated from the majority of the 
secular clergy, and even if the minority, by reason of its 
polemical writings, seemed to be speaking for itself, there 
were not lacking the expressions of those who thought differ- 
ently. Even at Wisbech, the true hot-bed of the hostility 
to the Jesuits, and from whence had come the denunciation 
of Blackwell in 1600, there gathered together in the following 
year a number of secular priests in order to give to their 
fellow labourers of the Society of Jesus a shining proof of 
their friendship. As at that time the old complaints of the 
arrogance of Weston had been sent even as far as Rome, 
these gave, in a collective letter to the Pope, a brilliant 
testimony to the accused.^ 

The minority of the secular clergy were guided by sound 
reason when they judged that they must not count upon 

1 This certainly is an allusion to Giftord a,nd Paget. 

2 Gerard {cf. supra, p. 20, n. 3 ), 49. 

=* On September 29, iCoi ; extract in Baktoli, Inghilterra, 
I., 5, c. 17, p. 227. 


violent measures, or look to the foreign princes for any help 
for the old religion. In this, they coincided with the ideas 
of the Pope himself, and in 1596, in a memorial to Cardinal 
Aldobrandini, the nuncio in Flanders, Malvasia, expressed 
himself in the same sense. ^ The nuncio was of the opinion 
that it would be possible to bring pressure to bear upon 
Elizabeth through Henry IV. ; it should be suggested to her 
that she should put an end to the fierce persecution of the 
Catholics, and, following the example of so many other 
princes, who tolerated various forms of religion in their 
countries, grant to them, at any rate in their own houses, if 
not in public, the right of Catholic worship. The queen would 
then have for the future loyal subjects in the English exiles 
in Flanders, who were now dependent upon the subsidies of 
Spain, which were hardly ever paid, and who often, in their 
miser}^ allowed themselves to be drawn into the most desperate 
undertakings ; she would be set free from a thousand dangers, 
from the constant fear of conspiracies and treason, and from 
the endless expense of defending herself against the King of 
Spain. ^ Once she was set free from disturbances of the peace 
at home, the queen need no longer fear the slow-moving and 
distant foreign enemy, all the more so as jealousy of the mighty 
King of Spain would attract many allies to her side, once 
religious scruples no longer stood in the way. 

Just as in this respect Malvasia partly forestalled the 
proposals of the appellants, so was it in another matter. The 
nuncio, who was not well disposed towards the Jesuits, 
wondered whether it would not be wise to withdraw them 
from England, at any rate for the time being, as they were 
especially hateful to and suspected by the queen. So as still 

1 The edict (with incomplete date) in Bellesheim, Schottland, 
II., 460-468. According to Cod. Ottob. 2510 the date is "11 
gennaro, 1596." Vatican Library. 

^ Also the report of an English nobleman of the year 1595, 
in Meyer, 309, n. i, says that almost all the exiles " data minima 
securitate religionis " and from the extreme need in which they 
found themselves, would leave the Spanish service and return 
to their country. 


further to pacify Elizabeth, it might be well, under pain of 
ecclesiastical penalties, possibly even of excommunication, 
to forbid the returned exiles to make any attempts upon the 
crown, or to take any part in politics.^ 

Clement VIII. was less disposed to make such concessions, ^ 
and England was, and always remained for him, a child of 
sorrow. " Cut off though j^ou are from us by space," he wrote 
on October 31st, 1597, to the English Catholics,^ but united 
to us by faith and charit}^ we ever think of you and rejoice 
in 5'our steadfastness. All Catholics look to you and thanks 
to you give praise to God. Persevere therefore in your 
expectation of an eternal reward."^ The Pope never aban- 
doned the hope that England would return to the ancient 
Church, and in the meantime made use of every opportunity 
of obtaining the mediation, little valuable though it was, of 
the Catholic princes, on behalf of the persecuted Catholics of 

1 Bellesheim, Schottland, II., 468. 

a Cf. infra., pp. 59, 73. 

^ *Brevia, Arm. 4^, t. 41, n. 234, Papal Secret Archives. The 
Pope received news from England through the agent, Giovanni 
degli Effetti, who had gone to England in the suite of the French 
ambassador, the Duke of Sully, in 1603. Cf. B. Camm in Ths 
Month, LXXXVIII. (1896), 251-258. 

* Carte Strozz. (September, 1595), I., 2, 248; *report of the 
Venetian ambassador, June 7, 1603, State Archives, Venice. 

^Francesco Gonzaga wrote to Rudolph II. on July 31, 1601, 
concerning the joy of Clement VIII. at the mediation of the 
Emperor, State Archives, Vienna. A *iequest for the inter- 
ces.sion of the King of Poland, August 23, 1594, in Brevia, Arm. 44, 
t. 39, n. 94, p. 149, Papal Secret Archives ; *to the Emperor, 
November 23, 1604, ibid., t. 56, p. 339. The Pope also inter- 
vened many times on behalf of the English exiles in Flanders, 
e.g. on March 15, 1593, with Philip II., in order that they might 
be sent their monthly payments, which had not been paid to 
them for many months (Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 38, n. 260, loc. cit.) ; 
on January 20 and May 15, 1594, with the Archduke Ernest 
{ibid., t. 39, n. 74, 196) ; On May 19, 1596, with Cardinal Archduke 
Albert {ibid., t. 40, n. 39). 


While Elizabeth, deaf to all entreaties, was working for the 
extermination of the old religion, the signs of her own 
approaching death became more and more clear. In vain 
she tried to deceive the world and herself as to the steady 
failure of her powers, and with the energy that characterized 
her this woman of more than sixty forced her broken body 
to take part in balls and hunting-parties,^ but at the opening 
of Parliament in 1601, crushed under the weight and splendour 
of her royal attire, she fell in the arms of the knight who was 
standing near her ;2 soon after this a visitor to the court found 
her worn to a skeleton and plunged in melancholy, an intoler- 
able burden to herself and to those about her.^ 

But even now the queen remained obstinately determined 
to take no steps to settle the succession to the throne. Anxiety 
as to this assumed all the greater proportions in England 
as the whole question had been hopelessly complicated by the 
caprices of Henry VIII. The whole country had been forced 
to swear allegiance to Elizabeth when she was still an infant ; 
when she was three years old her own father had caused her to 
be declared by Parliament incapable of succeeding to the crown, 
and by his will he had left Mary Tudor heir to the throne. Mary 
Stuart, on the other hand, who was legally the next heir, had 
been completely passed over by Henry in his will ; after the 
death of Mary Tudor, she could no longer be considered the 
heir to the throne, because she was looked upon as the future 
Queen of France, and France was at war with England, and 
the act of Parliament which, after Elizabeth had ascended 
the throne, confirmed the will of Henry VIII., once more 
tacitly excluded her from the succession. From that moment 
Mary Stuart assumed the arms of England, and this tacit 
assertion of her rights never again fell into oblivion. After 
her death it was Mary's son, the King of Scots, to whom 
English statesmen for the most part turned their eyes, even 

1 LiNGARD, VIII., 384 seq. Cf. the contemporary letters of 
the Jesuit Rivers in Foley 24, 47. 

2 LiNGARD, VIII., 379, 

3 Ibid., 394, 


though, besides James, many other claimants to the crown 
were entitled to aspire to it.^ 

But besides the question of primogeniture, there was 
another motive which weighed heavily in the matter of the 
succession, according as men were Catholics or Protestants. 
Both parties were resolved not to give the crown to anyone 
who was not of their own faith. The hopes of the Catholics 
had been greatly raised once Henry IV. had made his abjura- 
tion, a thing which seemed to secure a preponderance in 
Europe to the Catholic powers. After 1591 it seemed that 
the Catholics were resolved to uphold the claims of Ferdinand 
Stanle3^ but he, who was Earl of Derby from 1593, definitely 
refused the honour, and an English exile who, it is said, had 
gone to him with such a proposal, was handed over by him 
to the government, and thus to execution, which took place 
on November 29th, 1593.^ 

Soon after this another step was taken by the Catholic 
party. Two years before (in 1591) the Puritan Peter Went- 
worth had dared not only to raise the question of the succession 
in Parliament, but also to publish a work on the subject ; 
he had had to pay for his audacity by imprisonment in the 
Tower, from which he was only freed by his death in 1596.^ 
The Jesuit Persons, who had not yet given up hopes of seeing 
ia Catholic ascend the English throne, and with him the old 
religion, also formed the idea of writing a work, asking for an 
impartial examination of the various claims to the succession, 
but actually emphasizing the rights of the royal house of 
Spain, in that Philip II. counted Edward III. among his 
ancestors,^ and before the setting out of the Armada had asked 

1 Cf. Pollen, The question of Queen Elizabeth's successor, in 
The Month, CI., (1903), 516-532, and especially the genealogical 
tree, ibid. 520. 

^PoLiKN, loc. cit., 522 ; Lechax, 169 seq. 

^ Wentworth at first supported Edward Seymour, Lord 
Beauchamp, and later on, when in the Tower, James of Scotland, 
as the true heir. Pollen, loc. cit., 523. 

* See the genealogical tree, ibid., 520. The claims oi the 
daughter of Philip II., Isabella, Clara Eugenia, are spoken ou 


Sixtus V. to nominate him as King of England. ^ The General 
of the Order, Aquaviva, learned of this intention with dismay ; 
more far-seeing than his subject, he at once realized that 
Persons was exposing the whole Order to obvious peril for 
the sake of an impossible project. The author of the work 
could not remain unknown, he wrote to the English Jesuits, 
and if it was still possible to do so, its publication must be 

This advice of Aquaviva arrived too late, and even before 
he had received Persons' reply, what he had feared had taken 
place. Not all the Catholics took the part of Persons and 
Spain, and a party among the English exiles in the Low 
Countries, very hostile to the Jesuits and little scrupulous 
about th.eir choice of means, had adopted the cause of James 
of Scotland as successor to the throne. One of their agents, 
Charles Paget, had been able to procure from an employe of 
the printers, for a sum of money, the manuscript of the book, 
while another member of the part}^ Dr. Gifford, recognized 
the handwriting ; the greater part of the book was by 
Verstegan, with long additions and corrections b\' Persons.^ 
Gifford at once laid accusations against the book before the 
Papal nuncio Malvasia, who reported it to Rome in accordance 
with Gifford's ideas ; Paget denounced it to the English 
authorities. It would seem, however, that the government 
refused to take any steps, and the book, which appeared under 
the pseudonym of " Doleman,"'* did no harm to anyone 
except its authors. 

elsewhere. Essex wrote to James of Scotland that of the all- 
powerful party of the Earl of Nottingham, Cecil, Raleigh and 
Cobham would press their rights. Cf. Lingard, VIII., 362, 
269 seq. 

1 Letter tu Olivares, February 11, 1587. Cf. Pollen, !oc. cii., 

2 Letter to Persons, March 30, 159-I, ibid., 524 ; Persons' reply, 
June 4, 1594, ibid. 

* Pollen, loc. cit., 525 seq. Ibid., 526, concerning the authors. 

* A Conference about the next succession to the Throne, pul.\ 
by R. DoLEMAN, and generally entitled ; The Book ot Titles, 


By this injudicious book, the authorship of which was only 
partly his, though he was entirely responsible for its publi- 
cation, Persons showed that he was quite out of touch with 
his own country. The Spaniards had very few partisans in 
England, while the appearance that the Catholics were 
pledged to their interests gave their adversaries a welcome 
opportunity for attacking them. " I cannot see," wrote the 
Scottish Jesuit Crichton to Persons, " that this book has done 
the least good, though its disastrous consequences are manifest. 
The French have a proverb : You cannot catch a hare with 
a drum. The preachers are hammering incessantly upon this 
drum of yours, from the English as well as from the Scottish 

But Persons did not even yet give up his hopes in Spain ; 
when in June 1596 an English fleet had sacked Cadiz, Philip II. 
planned a new expedition against England. In the event of 
this proving successful Persons had obtained a promise from 
the King of Spain that he would leave England as an independ- 
ent kingdom, or at any rate under the regency of his daughter 
Isabella Clara Eugenia. ^ Persons even drew up a memorial^ 
as to the manner in \^'hich Catholic reform should be effected 
in England, and went to Rome to get this accepted in accord- 
ance with Spanish ideas. 

At the Vatican, however, at the beginning of April, 1597, 
he found a state of affairs that was but ill-disposed both to 
the Jesuits and the Spaniards ; while France was making 
every effort to undermine Spanish influence. Nevertheless 
Persons' skill brought it about that at the end of May the 
Secretary of State wrote to the legate in France on the subject 
of the succession to the English throne in a sense that seemed 

Summary of the contents in Lingard, VIII., 332. For a partially 
new reprint of the book by the Puritans in 1647 cf. The Month, 
1911, 270. 

1 Pollen in The Month, CI., 528. 

2 Dispatch from the nuncio in Spain, November 6, 1596. Cf. 
Pollen, loc. cit., 528 seq. 

?"A memorial of the Reformation of England," ibid., 329. 


to reflect the ideas of Persons.^ It is true that the suggestions 
were expressed in very vague terms ; there was no mention 
of definite plans, and no word of agreements or subsidies. 
Evidently it was intended to await the result of the new 
Spanish Armada. 

When in 1598 the last attack of Philip II. upon England 
met with an inglorious fate, Spanish prestige came to an end. 
It was immiediately reahzed that the failure of the great 
undertaking of 1588 as well could not be attributed to chance, 
but to the weakness of the Spanish power. Philip II. now 
sought to make peace with France, and this was concluded 
on May 2nd, 1598, at Vervins. 

Henceforward the Spanish preponderance passed to France, 
and even Persons began to lose his confidence in Philip II., 
and in the very same 5/ear, 1598, turned to Henry IV. for 
support for the English Catholics.- The question of who 
should obtain the crown of Elizabeth noM' seemed to depend 
upon the King of France. But Henry IV. was very far from 
wishing to put himself forvv'ard as the champion of the Catholic 
Church ; rather was it his aim to subjugate the Hapsburgs by 
means of a league of the Protestant powers with France at 
their head.^ 

Once Henry IV. had decided in favour of James VI. his 
rights to the succession were assured, in spite of all acts of 
Parliament. During the years that followed they still 
continued to occupy themselves in Rome and Madrid with 
the important question of the succession to the English throne, 
but these negotiations were marked with but little clarity 
or energy. 

In Rome Persons still remained the important personality 
in this matter, and a messenger from England with supposedly 
important instructions was sent on by the nuncio in Madrid 
to Rome, as the Pope wished to order the English Jesuit to 
take this matter into his own hands, notwithstanding the fact 
that the rules of his Order forbade him to interfere in any 

1 Ibid., 530. 

2 Ibid., 331 seq. Cf. Meyer, 383. 
* Pollen, loc. cit., 577. 


affairs of state. ^ On July 12th, 1600, the Pope sent three 
briefs to the nuncio in Flanders, which he was to keep until 
they could be made use of ; one of these exhorted the English 
Catholics to concord, and the two others warned the archpriest 
and the nuncio not to support any claimant to the throne who 
was not a Catholic- Certain letters attached to the briefs and 
containing instructions to the nuncio, were composed by 
Persons. In one letter to Persons on August 19th, 1600, the 
nuncio Frangipani remarked that the briefs in their indefinite 
form would probably make very little impression : it was 
necessary to decide upon a definite successor to the throne 
and give his name. Persons had a conversation with the 
Pope as to this on September 12th. It would seem that Rome 
would most wihingly have supported the claims of the house 
of Farnese, which could be strengthened by a marriage with 
Arabella Stuart, the niece of Darnley.^ It was necessary, 
however, to take Henry IV. into consideration, and the King 
of France replied to his Cardinal, Ossat, by whom these 
projects had been reported to him, with a definite refusal. 
He wrote that the party which the Pope and the Spaniards 
were supporting was so weak that the position of the English 
Catholics would beconie even worse should they have recourse 
to force. He added that if the Spaniards tried to obtain a 
footing in England, he would oppose them.^ 

In Spain the burning question of the succession to the 
English throne was a perpetual subject of discussion, and in 

1 Ib^d., 572. 

2 *Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 44, n. 190, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 Cardinal d'Ossat to Henry IV., Nov. 26, 1601, Lettres, II., 
501 seqq. The claims of Farnese were also maintained in the 
Low Countries ; Lechat, 167-169. 

* Berger de Xivrey, Lettres missives de Henri IV., Vol. V., 
Paris, 1850, 512 ; Pollen, loc. cit. For the position ot Henry IV. 
cf. Prevost-Paradol, Elisabeth et Henri IV., i595-i598, Paris, 
1862 ; Laffleur de Kermaingant, L'ambassade de France en 
Angleterre sous Henri IV. Mission de Jean de Thumery, sieur 
de Boissise, 1 598-1 602, Paris, 1886 ; Mission de Christ, de Harlay, 
comte de Beaumont, 1 602-1 605, Paris, 1895. 


two letters of May nth and June 12th, 1600, the Spanish 
ambassador called attention to the importance of the matter. 
As a result of this the Spanish Privy Council decided that it 
would be well to put forward the claims of the Infanta Isabella 
Clara Eugenia, and to place 200,000 ducats at the disposal of 
the Spanish ambassador in Flanders. But the matter ended 
with this decision, and nothing further was done.^ 

It would seem, however, that the matter was dealt with a 
little more energetically two years later. Although the 
greater part of the English Catholics patiently bore the reli- 
gious persecution, there were among them some who were 
not averse to violent measures, especially those who, like 
Lord Monteagle, Tresham, and Catesby, had either once been 
Protestants, or had been brought up among Protestants. 
All these names appear among those who had taken part in 
the rising of Essex, names which later on became so unfor- 
tunately celebrated in connexion with the Gunpowder Plot. 
At the beginning of 1602 Thomas Winter was sent by this 
group to Spain, to find out what could be hoped for from 
Spain in the case of a rebellion. The government at Madrid 
refused to allow itself to be dra\^n into making definite 
promises, though it would seem that it held out certain hopes 
to the envoy, and even took certain steps in the same direction. 
In the same year, 1602, the Infanta Isabella, now the wife 
of the Archduke Albert, Governor of the Low Countries, sent 
Captain Thomas James to Madrid with orders to say that both 
she and her husband were absolutely opposed to any claim 
being made on their behalf to the English crown. After this 
renunciation Philip III. gave up all further hopes of the 
English succession, and declared his readiness to support 
whatever claimant the Pope preferred.^ When Henry IV. 

1 Pollen, loc. cit., 373 

* Ibid., 581 ; the results of the embassy of Winter were enor- 
mously exaggerated in a report from the Jesuit Creswell, as well 
as in the forensic speeches of Edward Coke on the occasion of the 
Gunpowder Plot (c/. Pollen, 578-580). Contemporary docu- 
ments in the Archives of Simancas show that the Spanish govern- 
ment made no definite promises {ibid., 580). 


at last showed signs of a rapprochement with Spain, there 
was again much discussion of the subject in the Spanish Privy 
Council in February and March, and it seemed as though 
something really would be done in the matter of the succession, 
but certainly' nothing was done.^ 

^ Pollen, loc. cii., 582 seq. 


Persecution in Scotland and Ireland. — Clement VIII. 
AND James I. 

Among the English Catholics in Rome as well confidence in 
the Spanish party had waned. This change had been greatly 
promoted by the embassy of the appellants, sent by the 
English secular clergy, which had made a stay in Rome during 
1602, leaning to the support of France, and working against 
the interests of Spain. ^ At the same time Persons lost that 
prestige which he had hitherto enjoyed in high places in Rome. 
The appellants informed the Pope through the French 
ambassador, that James of Scotland would be glad to see the 
English Jesuit sent away from Rome. At that time Persons 
was ill in bed, but when on his recovery he went for a change 
of air to Capua, to Cardinal Bellarmine, Clement VIII. forbade 
him to return.^ 

It was indeed necessary to show every consideration towards 
the King of Scots, for he had now for some time been the only 
claimant to the English throne who had any serious prospect 
of success. He himself had spared no effort to obtain the 
dazzling crown of the neighbouring country, and would have 
accepted it from the hands of the devil himself, thought a 
contemporary, even though this meant the destruction of 
both Catholic and Protestant preachers.^ Thus he did not 
hesitate to hold out to the Pope and the Catholics the hope 
of his return to the ancient faith, nor to make use of their 
money and their influence. 

1 Pollen, loc. cit, 581. 

2 Ibid. 584. 

^ Report for the year 1 601 on Scotland by the Jesuit, Alexander 
MacQuhirrie, in Forbes-Leith, 270. 

VOL. XXIV. 49 4 


It is difficult to say definitely whether at times James 
really had any inclination towards the old religion ; in any 
case he detested the Presbyterian ism of his own country, 
and had reintroduced episcopacy there. ^ There were many 
Catholics among his courtiers ;^ he knew that his wife Anne 
had become a Catholic, and exacted no more from her than 
that she should keep the fact secret.^ Archbishop James 
Beaton, v/ho had for many years been his mother's ambassador 
in Paris, was confirm^ed by James in this office, as v/ell as 
in the possession of his honours and titles ;^ the same was 
true of John Leslie, the Bishop of Ross.^ 

But whatever may be thought of the sympathetic feeling 
of James towards the Catholics, any energetic action, based 
upon a real conviction, was certainly not to be looked for 
from a prince of such weak character. As a report of the year 
1616 describes him,^ he was extraordinarily timorous, but 
at the same timie had been even from his youth autocratic 
in the highest degree. Both his thoughts and his actions 
were always guided by the opportunism of the moment, and 
he subjected all else to this ; his conscience, his religion, 
his friendships, his loyalty, the lives and deaths of his sons 
and of the aristocracy, as well as the choice of his officials 
and counsellors. Thus he was not really attached to any 
particular form of religion, but always favoured the party 
that was predominant for the moment ; as King of Scots he 
had been a Calvinist, while later on in England he was an 
Anglican. He aimed with all his might at the suppression 
of the Catholic religion, and thought that he would be losing 

1 Bfllesheim, Scliottland, II., 20S. 

2 Forbes-Leith, 266. 

^ Bellesheim, II., 200 seqq. and the documents ^153 seqq. For 
Anne cf. \V. Plenkers in Stimmen aiis Mana-l.aach, XXXV. 
(1888), 372-390, 494-504 ; W. Bliss in the Eng. Hist. Rev., 1889, 
no (Paul V. spoke to the nuncio in Paris concerning his suspicions 
of the Catholic sentiments of Anne). 

* Bellesheim, II., 182, 190. 

''Ibid., 182. 

" Ibid., 249 seq. 


half his power should the Pope once more obtam ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction in Scotland, which might prove to be the case 
if the number of the Catholics greatl}' increased. James was 
a master of deceit and hypocrisy, and it meant nothing to 
him to break his pledged word or to fail to keep an oath ; he 
counted it the highest prudence to deceive the world with 
lies under the appearance of good faith. He was not wanting 
in astuteness, and as is wont to be the case with weak and 
timorous natures, was full of cruelty and tyranny which he 
vented in a horrible way upon the Catholics and upon all 
those whose vengeance he feared on account of the wrongs 
that he had done them. When he had filled himself with 
strong and sweet v/ine he poured out abominable blasphemies 
against the Pope, the religious, the Catholic Church, and even 
against God and the saints, and would not desist until his 
servants carried him to bed. 

Already at the death of his mother in 1587 James had given 
proof of his want of principle. When on receipt of the news 
of the tragedy the Scottish nobles had thrown themselves 
at his feet, and with clashing arms and loud curses liad 
demanded vengeance on Elizabeth, and when a cry of indig- 
nation had echoed through the country, it had been the only 
son of the victim^ thus disgracefully sacrificed who had readily 
accepted the excuses of Elizabeth, yet who, purely out of 
consideration for public opinion, had for a short time professed 
his willingness to give his assistance to the Armada of Philip II., 
but who, for the sake of an annual sum of five thousand pounds 
from England, had shown himself forgetful of the honour of 
Scotland and of his own crown, and had recently with the 
support of English gold implicated the Catholic Scottish 
aristocracy in a rebellion.^ Yet once again he pretended to 
be favourable to the Catholics. Thus, after the above- 
mentioned rising of the Catholic nobles, their property was 
confiscated, but James refused to have the sentence carried 
out, as well as the law threatening with loss of property those 
who gave hospitality to a Catholic priest in their houses. - 

1 Forbes-Leith, 215 seqq. 

2 Ibid., 221 ; cf. 22b, 235. 


He actually succeeded in getting the adherents of the old 
religion to rally to him both in Scotland and in England ; his 
own Catholic subjects were won over b)^ a promise of liberty 
of conscience, and those of England b}^ the expectation of 
his conversion.^ " There are great hopes of universal 
toleration " runs a letter to Persons, " and the agreement of 
the Catholics in recognizing the king is so complete, that it 
seems as though God is about to accomplish great things. 
All the religious parties are full of expectation and hope, and 
the Catholics have good reasons to look for special considera- 
tion being shown to their aspirations, for the Catholic nobles 
are working almost to a man on behalf of the king, and have 
obtained the most far-reaching promises from him."^ 

Nothing shows the duplicity of the king better than his 
efforts to obtain the good will of the Pope.'' He had already 
raised the hopes of Gregory XHI. for his return to the ancient 
faith, in order to obtain subsidies from Rome.^ Under 
Clement VHI. he had once again entered into negotiations, 
though only through secret intermediaries, who could be 
disavowed at any moment, and who were eventually thus 

In the year 1592, we learn that James had sent two Jeusits, 
the Scotsmen Gordon and Crichton, openly to Rome, to treat 
of nothing less than the re-establishment of the Catholic 
religion.^ In 1594 Clement VIII. sent to the king an envoy 
with 40,000 ducats, and promised 10,000 ducats as a monthly 
subsidy if liberty of conscience was given to the Catholics.^ 
But even before the Papal envoy Sampiretti set foot in 
Scotland on July i6th, 1594, James had once again turned 

1 A. O. Meyer in Oitellen u. Forsch., VIL (Rome, 1904), 272. 

2 ZiMMERMANN in KcithoHk , 1889, IL, 256. 

3 Meyer, Iqc. rit. 268-306; G. F. Warner in the Eng. Hist, 
liev., XX. (1905), 124-127. 

* Cf. Vol. XIX, of this work, p. 434 seq, ; Brosch, VII., 4. 
^Forbes-Leith, 222, 355. CJ. Bellesheim, II., 452, 461. 

See also Ranke, Engl. Gesch., I., 494. 

* Walter Lindsay of Balgawies, Account of the present state 
of the Catholic religion, 1594, in Forbes-Leith, 355. 


to the Protestant preachers, and by an edict of November 12th, 
1593, had confronted many thousands of CathoHcs with the 
choice between apostasy and exile. ^ The papal envoy and 
his companions fell into the hands of the heretics, but were 
rescued by the Earls of Errol and Angus, while the subsidy 
that had been sent came into the hands of the Catholic nobles.^ 
In spite of this, in 1595 and 1596 James sent a fresh envoy, 
the Catholic Scotsman, John Ogilvy, to Rome and to Spain ; 
the ends for which Ogilvy was working in Rome during 
the summer and autumn of 1595, though probably he 
was going beyond his instructions, were : the appointment 
of a Cardinal to represent Scotland, annual subsidies 
for the war against the rebels in his own country, and 
against the heretics throughout Great Britain, and the excom- 
munication of all the opponents of the Scottish succession 
in England. This intermediary, however, met with no 
success, because Clement VIH. did not trust the King of 
Scots, ^ but great hopes were raised in the Pope's mhid when 
in 1599 Edward Drummond arrived in Rome with a letter 
in the address of which Clement VIIL was called " Most Holy 
Father," and the King of Scots signed himself as " his most 
devoted son."* Drummond was instructed to bring pressure 
to bear upon the Pope, as well as on the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany and the Duke of Savoy, to obtain the red hat for a 
Scotsman, this time for the Bishop of Vaison, William 
Chisholm. Clement VIII. did not grant this request, but 

1 Forbef-Leith, 223. 

2 W. Lindsay, loc. cit., 355 seq, 

3 Ranke (Engl. Gesch., I., 494) thinks that this refers to a 
going beyond of the faculties ; T. G. Law (Documents illustrating 
Catholic policy in the reign of James VI., 1596-1598, Edinburgh, 
1893, 5) refrains from making any judgment ; according to 
A. O. Meyer [loc. cit., 271) who perceives in the mission of Ogilvy 
" the typical features of the negotiations of James with the 
Catholic powers." For the negotiations of Ogilvy in Venice, 
Florence and Spain, cf. Lingard, VIIL, 345. 

* " Eeatissime Pater . . . Obsequentissimus Filius " (Meyer, 
loc. cit., 273). For Drummond, cf. Lingard VIIL, 346. 


he answered the king's letter with great kindness, expressing 
the hope that the king would yet find the wa}- of return to 
the ancient Church.^ It is possible that the Papal briefs 
to the English Catholics- were connected with the letter 
of the King of Scots, ^ but Clement ^'III. would not 
consent to an}- direct recognition of James' right to the 

The object which the astute King of Scots had principally 
had in view in v.riting his letter had thus not been attained, 
and if he thought that his relations witli Rome had been 
kept secret, he was equally mistaken. Queen Elizabeth 
heard of his letter and demanded an explanation ; but he 
was quite able to extract himself from the difficulty ; he 
flatly denied his relations with Rome. A letter from the 
king, addressed to a Scottish gentleman, James Hamilton, 
who was at that time in England, charged him to assure all 
honest people " on the word of a Christian prince " that 
v.ithout any vacillation he had held firmly to his faith, and 
would always hold firm to it, and that as King of England 
he would never permit any other religion.^ James found 
himself in fresh difficulties again in 1608, when, in connexion 
with the " Test " oath, Bellamiine reminded the king of his 
letter and the signature he had attached to it. Thereupon 
James, while he himself remained hidden in an adjoining 
room, forced his secretary- to confess that it was he who had 
forged his signature. This confession had scarcely left the 
lips of Balmerino when the king came out from his hiding- 
place ; the secretary' threw himself at his feet, but was not 
able to avert being condemned to death. But in spite of 
all this James was not able to free himself from the suspicion 
of having staged a comedy of complicity with the servile 

^Letter of April 13, t6oo ; extract in Meyer, loc. cit., 2jS. 

* Cf. supra, p. 
9 Meyer, 278. 
*Ibid., 276. 

* Cf. Bellesheim, II., 192. 


That James, despite his emphatic denial, had indeed written 
to the Pope, is clear from a letter from his wife. This was a 
letter written in her owti hand, ordering Drummond to make 
the excuses of the king to Clement VIII., and sa\-ing that had not replied in person to the reply which the Pope 
had sent to the king's letter, because Oueen Elizabeth had 
learned of his relations with the Pope, and had threatened 
him with the anger of the English Protestants, a thing which 
might have involved for the King of Scots the loss of the 
English crown. ^ 

The sam.e letter to Dramraond^ further contains orders 
to profess before the Pope in the queen's name, the Catholic 
faith in accordance v^ith the decrees of Trent, to swear 
allegiance to the Apostohc See, and to recommend to the 
Pope's protection the royal princes, whom their mother, as 
far as it lay in her power, was bringing up in the Catholic faith. 
It was neccssar}-, she said, for the king's safet\- that he should 
have a bodyguard, and the Pope was asked to grant a subsidy 
for this purpose, either on his own account or by obtaining it 
from the King of France, or from the Dukes of Lorraine or 
Tuscany. James had granted to all his subjects libert\- of 
conscience, so that heresy would disappear of its ovra accord, 
but in order to facilitate this action of the king the French 
ambassador should, at the suggestion of the Pope, ask for 
liberty of conscience for England as well. This request, 
which had akeady been laid before the Curia on several 
occasions by a Scottish prelate, was renewed by Anne because 
in this way the quarrel between the secular clerg\' and the 
Jesuits could be healed, and in the hands of Elizabeth this 

1 " E.xcusato quam diiigenter regem apud eundem pontificem, 
quod non rescripserit ; siquidem regina Angliae scriptionem 
impedi\'it, quae priorum quas scripserat litterarum clanculario 
adnionita nuncio, etiam per epistolas ad regem inscriptas minitata 
est, si cum pontifice agat, sinistra in protestantium mtntibus 
de eo sparsa opinioiie, etiam ab Anglici regni spe depulsuram." 
Instructions for Drummond, in ^Ieyer, loc. cit., 301. 

*Me\ter, 301-303. Cf. M.^RTiN, Clement \7II. et Jacques 
Stuart, in the Rev. d'hist. dipL, XXV. (191 1), 368. 


had become a principal means of preventing the conversion 
of England. Finally, the Pope must not take it amiss if 
James advanced but slowly, and especially if he and the 
queen took part in the celebration of Protestant worship. 
She was MTiting all this with the knowledge of James and 
with his consent.^ 

Only a short time after her return to the old religion Anne 
had had recourse by letter to the Pope as well as to the General 
of the Jesuits, who was asked to re})resent her interests in 
Rome. The bearer of her letters, James Wood, Laird of 
Boniton, fell, however, into the hands of the Scottish Presby- 
terians and was executed. King James who, when Elizabeth 
had complained of the mission of Ogilvy and Drummond, 
had imprisoned the envoys, again on this occasion publicly 
boasted of having freed himself from the "archpapists." The 
queen's letters escaped the notice of the Presbyterians, but 
nevertheless, it would seem, never reached their destination.^ 

The exchange of letters between Edinburgh and Rome 
still continued for a time, by means of a new envoy, the 
Scottish Catholic, James Lindsay, and also through Lord 
Sanquair. One of the queen's letters, presented this time 
b}^ Drummond, safely reached the hands of the Pope. 
Clement VIIL replied to it on July i6th, 1602,^ expressing 
the hope that Anne would be able to win over her husband 
to the Catholic faith. He took a further step in two briefs, 
dated August gth, 1602, which Lindsay took back with him 
from Rome ;^ in these he asked of the queen and of the king 
the Catholic education of the heir to the crown, Henry (died 

1 " Quo sciente et consentiente haec nos omnia praestamus et 
postulamus " (Meyer,. 302). A *petition (of Drummond) to the 
Pope on the basis of Anne's instructions in Borghese II., 348 : 
" Viva voce et scriptis apucl V.S. egi, ut aliquando de rebus 
Scotiae serio cogitaret, etc." Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Alexander MacQuhirrie, The State of Scotland, 1601, in 
Fokbes-Leith, 273 ; cj. ibid. 269, and Pollen, The Month, CI. 
(1903), 272. 

^ Published in Meyer, 303. 

* Published ibid. 304 (brief to James), 305 (brief to Anne). 


1612). If the king would follow the Pope's advice in this, 
then Clement VIII., Lindsay reported orally, would be 
prepared to assist James with subsidies in money, and 
would support the king's aspirations to the English 

Although this step on the part of the Pope seemed logical, 
after all that had transpired, it nevertheless greatly 
embarrassed the deceitful king. He now had to take up 
a dehnite attitude, and could no longer continue his double 
game. James therefore sought to gain time by putting off 
his reph' as long as possible. He was able to do this without 
fear, as Elizabeth's minister, Robert Cecil, who had formerly 
opposed the Scottish succession,^ had now allowed himself 
to be won over to it, without the knowledge of his sovereign, 
who was growing old,^ so that James no longer had any need 
of the Papists,^ as he expressed it later on. As a matter 
of fact his succession to the throne after the death of 
Elizabeth was accomplished without the least difficulty or 

Clement VIII. naturally followed this event with great 
hopefulness, and he addressed to the king a letter of good 
wishes, in which he begged him to show himself well-disposed 
towards the Catholics as he had done hitherto.* The Pope 
also had recourse to the Catholic princes, whose influence 
might have weighed with James, and expressed his desire 
that they should combine in taking the part of their English 
co-religionists. Thus on May 31st a brief was sent to the 
governor of the Low Countries, the Archduke Albert, on 
June 6th to Duke Charles of Lorraine, and another on 

1 LiNGARD, VIII., 343, 362. 
- Ibid, 377 seq. 

* Ibid.. IX. 10 note. 

* Bellesheim, II., 225 ; Meyer, loc. cit, 284. Cf. *" Discorso 
scritto lo 20 aprile 1603, in cui si tratta se si debba credere che 11 
nuovo Re dTnghilterra sia per esser aniico del Re di Spagna e se 
si confederera con S. M. Catt. o col Re di Francia et se si possa 
spearare che si faccia cattoljco " Urb, 860, p. 272-276, Vatican 


December loth, on August 23rd to the King of Poland, and 
on November 25th to the Emperor.^ 

Several times in these letters the request is expressed that 
they should induce James, kindly and gently, to join the 
Catholic Church. 2 As early as April 12th, 1603, the nuncio 
in Paris wrote that he would endeavour to obtain the media- 
tion of Henry IV. for this purpose, and in September he sent 
in the Pope's name two letters of good wishes, one to the king 
and a special one to the queen, both of which had previously 
been approved by Clement VIII. ^ It certainly v/as not a 
mere stereotyped expression when the Pope wrote to the 
Archduke Albert that he was tormented day and night by 
the thought of England and its new king, and by the question 
whether that kingdom, once so celebrated for its defence of 
the faith, would return to the Roman Church, a thing for 
which he would willingly shed his blood.* On May 28th, 

1 Meyer, loc. cit. *" Preme grandemente ancora alia Santita 
Sua Tambasciata clie V. Maesta ha da mandare in Inghilterra, 
ne ha disc<jrso piu volte col signer cardinale S. Giorgio, dal quale 
io so confidentemente queati et niolti particolari." (Paravicini 
to Rudolph IL, November 22, 1603, State Archives, Vienna, 
Hofkorrespondenz, 10). To the Doge of Venice, M. Grimani, 
Clement VIIL wrote on June 7, 1603 : " Magna in spe sumus 
. . . sub hoc novo Angliae rege res fidei catholicae meliore multo 
loco futuras, eumque se mitem et benignem praebiturum cath- 
olicis, qui in eius regnis sunt." State Archives, Venice. Cf. 
Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 47, n. 148, Papal Secret Archives. 

' *" Quin etiam et rex ipse, si fieri possit ... ad catholicam 
religionem suscipiendam blande et leniter alliciatur " (Meyer, 
loc. cit., 285). Meyer translates Blande . . . alliciatur by 
" schmeicheind verlocken " i.e. " to allure with flatteries," but 
allicere does not mean alletare [pellicere). 

^ Bellesheim, II., 224. Two letters of Clement VIII. to 
Henry IV., of May 31 and July 14, 1603, concerning the succession 
to the throne, and the attitude the Pope meant to take up towards 
the new king, in order to bring him back to the Catholic faith, 
are si mmarized in Fillon, 2452, 2433. 

*The *letter to Albert, May 31, 1603, in Brevia, Arm. 44, 
t, 47, n. 145, Papal Secret Archives. 


1603, he published a jubilee, in order that the faithful might 
pray to God for the restoration of the Catholic faith in England, 
Scotland and Ireland. ^ In Rome itself, on Apirl 27th, 1603, 
Clement VIII. ordered the Fort}^ Hours to be celebrated in 
all the churches for England and Scotland.^ But with all 
his zeal, he moved with great caution, so as not to excite 
the suspicions of the king, who was extraordinarily diffident. 
He rejected the project of the French nuncio to encourage 
the leaders of the Scottish Catholics by briefs to struggle 
for religious equality ; tlie Scottish Catholics were told, on 
the contrary, to recommend themselves to the good will of 
their king by their humility, loyalty and peaceful behaviour.* 
When certain of the English exiles wished to avail themselves 
of the change in tlie crown in order to return home, and 
asked for the support of the Pope, Clement VIII. first 
demanded guarantees that this was not a mere case of restless- 
ness, and he even offered to deliver the king from such folk 
by pontificial intervention.'* The sad case in which two 
Catholic priests, the excitable Watson and Clark, had mixed 
themselves up in a plot against James, probably gave 
occasion for this offer. 

Special hopes were raised in Rome by a work of the king's, 
printed privately in 1599, ^^id publicly issued hi 1603 ; this 
was entitled " Basilikon Doron " ^ and laid down for the heir 

1 Ibid., p. 164 ssqq. ; Mf.Yer, 28}. 

* *Avviso of May 3, 1603, Urb. 1071, Vatican Library. 

* Meyer, 287. 

* Ibid., 288 ; A. Zimmermann io Katholik, 1899, LT., 238. 
Paratissimum esse . . . eos omnes (missionaries] e regno 

evocare, quus sua. maiestas rationabi liter indicaverit, regno et 
statui suo noxios fore." From the instructions to Dr. Gitford, 
in LiXGARD, IX., 21. 

' 0j.<Tt\iKhj A-jopoy, Divided into tliree bookes, Edinburgh, 
1599 (only seven copies j>rinted). The first edition which 
was generally obtainable, Edinburgh, 1603, and London, 1603, 
French translation, Paris, 1603. A critique of the work in Cod. 
680, pp. 64 seqq. of the Corsini Library, Rome. Cf. Lammer, 
Zur Kirchengesch., 174 (it is here stated that the king was learned, 
but was not clear as to his principles), 


to the throne, Henry, certain rules for the better government 
of the kmgdom. This condemned in severe terms the rehgious 
divisions in Scotland ; these were the result of rebellion, and 
were the work of men of disaffected spirit and greedy for 
power ; every party that weakened the kingdom and threw 
it into confusion had encouraged them. " Be on your guard " 
it states, " against Puritans of this kind, who are a pest to 
the Church and to society, and who are not to be won over 
by gifts, nor feel bound by oaths and promises. They breathe 
treason and calumny. I profess before Almighty God that 
you will not find among the bandits of the mountains or of 
the border greater ingratitude, a greater spirit of falsehood, 
more brazen perjury, or more hypocritical sentiments, than 
among these fanatics."^ On the other hand, in the French 
translation of the book, which James caused to be sent to 
the Pope through the French ambassador, there was not to 
be found a single word against the Catholics. James informed 
the Pope that he had purposely toned down such passages, 
and had desired the book to be presented to him in order to 
demonstrate his feeling of good will towards His Holiness. 
Clement VHI. was indeed " enthusiastic:" over this work, 
and was on the verge of shedding tears of joy when Persons 
informed him of some of the passages in it.^ But his 
" enthusiasm " was quickly cooled when he received from 
London the Latin version of the book, with the passages 
about the Pope and the Catholic religion unaltered. This 
translation soon found a place on the Index of prohibited 
books. ^ While the King of Scots was thus encouraging the 
Pope by holding out constant hopes to him, the actual state 
of affairs in his kingdom was even worse than in the neighbour- 


2 " His Holiness, who I assure you could scarce hold tears for 
comfort to hear certain passages in favour of virtue and hatred 
to vice which I related to him." Persons to Garnet, May 14, 
1003, in Taunton, 283. 

'Meyer, 288-292. Ibid., 2C)i. Comparison of certain texts 
of the edition of 1599 with the French and Latin translations of 
1603 and 1604. 


ing kingdom of England under the rule of Elizabeth. In 
England anyone who was not a priest, and who did not hold 
public office, was able to remain of the old religion, even 
though he had to pay heavy fines ; in Scotland on the other 
hand, the laws only left the Catholics the choice between 
apostasy and banishment.^ In the kingdom of James VI. 
anyone might arrest the priests of the Society of Jesus, and 
even kill them in case of resistance.^ " We live," wrote the 
Jesuit Abercromby to the General of his Order, ^ " in cellars, 
hiding-holes and desolate places, always changing our abode 
like the gypsies, and we never sleep for two nights running 
in the same place." When Abercromby had gone to the 
house of a Catholic inn-keeper, the other Catholics did not 
dare to enter by the door, but climbed up through the windows 
at the back of the house by night by means of ladders.'* The 
situation of the Scottish Catholics was only the better in 
that the laws were not enforced with the same rigour as in 
England. But even this apparent leniency had its limits, 
wherever any determined attachment to the old religion was 
detected. Among the aristocracy, who were for the most 
part still Catholics at heart, the three Earls of Huntly, Errol 
and Angus openly declared themselves for the Church of 
their fathers, but they were persecuted and threatened until 
in 1597 they, externally at any rate, and so as to prevent 
the loss of all their property, signed the profession of faith 
of the Scottish Church.^ 

In a report on Scotland in 1601,® it is stated that the king 
was the true cause of this sad state of affairs. Whenever he 
made a speech it was to give utterance to nothing but blas- 
phemies and heresy, and the one thing that his pride aimed 
at was the crown of England. He hated the Catholics except 

1 Forbes-Leith, 223, 269. 

^ Ibid., 271. 

^ On June 9, 1596, in Forbks-Leith, 226. 

* Ibid., 228. Cf. Bei.lesheim, II., 204. 
^ Forbes-Leith, 233 seqq., 229 seqq. 

* MacQuhirrie, ibid., 270 seq. 


when they might prove useful to his designs upon the Enghsh 
throne. His fears or his hopes might perhaps one day make 
him a hypocrite, but nothing but a great miracle of the divine 
omnipotence could make him a Catholic. 

In these circumstances it seems an enigma how the Catholics 
of Great Britain and the Roman Curia can have continued 
to entertain hopes of the return of James to the ancient Church, 
and why the king made use of so many subterfuges to win 
the favour of the Pope. Both these problems are answered 
in a memorial drawn up by the Papal nuncio in Brussels, 

Malvasia's remarks are above all a proof of the fact that 
in Rome they were more and more abandoning the point of 
view of the Catholics who were favourable to Spain. Above 
all things they must not seek to better the position of the 
Catholics by violent measures, for such things would only 
drive James VI. more and more into the arms of the English 
queen and the heretics. The Holy See could not supply its 
own lack of the necessary armed force even with the assistance 
of Spain, which would find no support in Scotland itself, but 
would on the contrary encounter armed opposition from the 
jealous foreign powers, such as England, Holland, Denmark 
and France. No hopes could be placed in the nobles of the 
Scottish kingdom ; it was true that the Duke of Lennox and 
about a dozen earls and other great nobles were Catholics at 
heart, but they would never take up arms, while the three 
earls who were definitely Catholic, Huntly, Errol and Angus, 
had been banished. 

Moreover, since the king had on several occasions shown 
his good-will towards the Catholics, it would not be opportune 
to em.ploy violent measures. It had only been necessary 
for him to have given his consent, and they would have been 
exterminated, but actually James had never done so ; he 
tolerated those who were of another religion than his own ; 
he willingly listened to religious discussions ; the Bishop of 

'■ In Bellesueim, II., 460-468. Cf. Lammer, Analecta, 53 
and Martin in the Rev. d'kist. dipl., XXV., 293. 


Dunblane/ Colonel Semple,'^ the Jesuits Holt and Morton 
and others had suffered imprisonment but no more. Moreover 
he placed confidence in Catholics, since the first president, 
the master of the household, the captain of the bodyguard, 
some of the chamberlains and others were Catholics at heart ; 
he allowed the queen to act in a similar way in the choice of 
her ladies and courtiers. He had proclaimed the Duke of 
Lennox as the next claimant to the throne, and had allowed 
the Earl of Huntly to have mass said in the royal palace itself, 
though with closed doors. 

On the other hand the king was greatly opposed to the 
preachers, though naturally he did not show this outwardly, 
because of the populace and Queen Elizabeth, whose pro- 
tection made such gentry, in spite of their lowly origin, so 
arrogant and haughty that they tyrannized over the king 

The arguments of Malvasia which have been given so far 
naturally prove nothing more than that James knew very 
well how to deceive the Pope and the Catholics. The reason, 
however, why the astute king took so much trouble to win 
their syn:ipathies, is given by Malvasia as follows : James 
had need of the Catholics ; if, after the death of Elizabeth, 
it became a question of ensuring his claims to the English 
throne, there were none upon whom he could rely except the 
aristocracy of his own country. But the greater and the 
more important part of the nobles of the kingdom were 
either openly Catholics, or were more inclined to Catholicism 

^ William Chisholm the younger " who renounced his episcopal 
see in order to become a Carthusian, and was sent by Sixtus V. 
to his ow^n country, where he remained in disguise for several 
months, giving great edification and spiritual help, ending his 
life in Rome (1593) in the udour of sanctity." Walter Lindsay 
of Balgawies, in FoKBES-LcrrH, 353. 

^ Alessandro Farnese attempted by his means to secure an 
alliance with James ; after the defeat of the Armada the king 
made him a prisoner, but Semple escaped the death that threat- 
ened him by flight. Forbes-Leith, 369 ; Bellesheim, IL, 282. 

3 Malvasia. loc. cit., 462. 


than to any other form of religion. ^ All of them were filled 
with hatred and aversion for the preachers. If, after the 
death of Elizabeth, so Malvasia thought, James were to drive 
them out and declare himself a Catholic, then all the most 
powerful nobles would ralty to his support, and since, accord- 
ing to Scottish usage, the vassals were very submissive to 
and devoted to their lords, these two would follow the example 
of the nobles. 

According to Malvasia it was also known on the authority 
of James himself that he was very anxious about the intrigues 
of Spain. Even in the time of Sixtus V., Philip II. had sent 
an envoy to ask for the excommunication of James VI., 
and in the eyes of the Spaniards and of many others, the King 
of Scots was not fitted to wear either the English crown 
or that of Scotland. For this reason James VI. greatly feared 
excommunication and therefore strove to keep on good terms 
with the Pope. 2 As the Earl of Huntly said to Malvasia, 
a threat or admonition from the Pope would be well received 
by the king, because he would then have an excuse for favour- 
ing the Catholics, and by their means raising up a 
counterweight to the insolence of the preachers.^ Huntly 
was of the opinion that an envoy should be sent as soon as 
possible to ask for toleration and liberty of conscience for 
the Catholics, and, should he not obtain this, to threaten 
the king with excommunication. Least disturbance would 
be caused if the Duke of Lorraine, who was James' cousin, 
were to send an envoy on some pretext ; the envoy could 
speak privately to the king about his return to the ancient 
faith, while James, out of respect for the Pope, would hear 
him very willingly.^ Besides this pressure might be brought 
to bear upon the king by means of the Catholic nobles, and 

'■ List of the aristocracy who were still secretly Catholics 
(July I, 1592) in Forbes-Leith, 361 seqq. ; Bellesheim, II., 182. 

2 " Delia qaal scomniunica per qiiesti respetti ha tanta paura 
il Re di Scotia, ch'egJi fara sempre gran cento del Sommo Ponte- 
fice." Bellesheim, II., ^64. 

2 Bellesheim, loc. cAt. 

'^Ihid., 466. 


upon the latter by the Jesuit Gordon, who, as Huntly's uncle, 
had access to the nobles, and who, although he was a mere 
child in political matters, was learned, well-liked and 
respected.^ An attempt should also be made to increase 
the number of the Scottish Catholics by encouraging the work 
of the Jesuits,^ though they must not interfere in affairs of 
state, either in England or in Scotland, since, on account of 
their friendship with Spain, they were suspected by the King 
of Scots, and highly disliked by the alumni of the English 
College.^ Finally, priests should be trained for Scotland 
by the development of the Scots College, the scanty revenues 
of which had hitherto only sufficed for seven or eight students.'* 
The Scots College of which Malvasia spoke had been founded 
in 1576 at Tournai by an exiled Scottish parish priest. During 
the first ten years of its existence the College was successively 
transferred to Pont-a-Mousson, Douai, Louvain and Antwerp, 
to find at length a permanent home at Douai in 161 2.''' The 
poverty of this institute was known in Rome, for the gifts 
of various Scottish priests were not sufficient, while the annual 
revenues assigned to it by Gregory XIII. and Mary 
Stuart were discontinued after the deaths of the donors. 
Clement VIII. therefore issued a circular in 1593 on behalf 
of the Scottish seminary,^ and again, at the intercession of 
Malvasia, obtained by the Scottish Jesuit Crichton, the Pope 
had recourse to the Archduke Albert in a brief of March 8th, 


A second Scots College had existed in Paris since the XlVth 
century.^ At the suggestion of Cardinal Allen, ^ the repre- 

'■ Ibid., 464, 465. 

''Ibid., 464. 

^Ibid., 466. 

* Ibid,. 464. 
5 Ibid. 

^ Ibid., 222. 

' Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 80, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. 
Bellesheim, IL, 223. 

* Belleshei?.!, II., 190. 
' Ibid., 223, n. 3. 

VOL. XXIV. =5 


sentative of Scotland at the French court, Archbishop Beaton 
of Glasgow, together with the Bishop of Ross, resolved to 
restore this ancient foundation in order to meet the exigencies 
of the times, and to supply it with revenues for the training 
of Scottish priests. Clement VIII. supported this project 
by a brief of Henr}^ IV. ^ The seminary at Braunsberg in 
East Prussia,^ and the Scottish monasteries at Wiirzburg 
and Ratisbon also supplied several priests to the Church in 

But the most important and most wealthy of these estab- 
lishments was the Scots College in Rome ; this owed to 
Clement VIII. not only the support which he likewise gave 
to the above-mentioned seminaries in Flanders and Paris, 
but also its existence and its ample endowment. On December 
5th, 1600, the bull of foundation was issued,^ and two years 
later it was inaugurated with ten students, who attended the 
lectures at the Roman College, and were dependent upon the 
Jesuits for their spiritual direction.^ 

None of these institutions could be compared, even 
distantly, with the importance of the English seminaries. 
The Scottish Jesuit Crichton, who was doing all in his power 
to supply the lack of priests in his own countr}^ was of opinion 
that once the seminaries were founded, many young men 
would flock thither from the three universities of Scotland, 
which were only lacking in the matter of theological instruction, 
so that within two or three years there would be a number 
of priests at his disposal.^ But this forecast was not realized ; 
the enthusiasm with which the English youth flocked to the 
seminaries on the continent was not reproduced in the neigh- 

1 *Bnef of September i, 1601 ; Arm. 44, t. 45, n. 301, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

2 Bellesheim, II., 203, 456 seq. 
^ Ibid., 223 seq. 

* Bull., X., 625 seqq. , Synopsis, 214. 

'^ Bellesheim, II., 221 ; Heimbucher, II., 150. To a later 
date there belongs a second Scottish seminary in Paris, founded 
in 1627. Forbes-Leith, 370 seq., Bellesheim, II., 282. 

* To Cardinal Caetani, 1595, in Meyer, 459. 


bouring kingdom, and the number of students in the Scottish 
seminaries remained relatively small, as it had been in the 
past.^ Though rather later than Scotland or England, the 
sister island to the west also had its seminaries on the con- 
tinent. About the middle of the XVIIth century there were 
to be found Irish Colleges for the study of philosophy and 
theology in Rome, Salamanca, Seville, Compostella, Madrid, 
Alcala, Lisbon, Douai, Louvain, Antwerp, Paris, Bordeaux 
and Rouen ; to these must be added the educational estab- 
lishments at Tournai and Lille, and numerous colleges of 
religious.^ But very few of these went back to the time of 
the great founders of the colleges, Gregory XIIL and 
Clement VI IL In Spain and Flanders these institutions 
had their beginning when in 1588 the Irish Jesuit, Thomas 
White, at Valladolid, and the Irish secular priest Christopher 
Cusack in 1594 at Douai, gathered together the students of 
their race into communities.^ Their subsequent development 
was due to Philip II. ; at the request of White, on August 
2nd, 1592, he granted the students at Valladohd a college 
at Salamanca, while in 1596 he assigned an annual revenue 
of 5,000 florins for an Irish seminary at Douai, where in 1604 
a site was acquired for a new and better building.* The 
beginnings of some other Irish colleges went back further 
still. In 1578 there came to Paris, an exile from his countr}^ 
a priest named John Lee with several students, who, however, 
after thirty years had hardly succeeded in establishing a 
permanent abode. ^ Some Irish priests had established a 
school for missionaries in 1573 at Lisbon ; after this had been 
developed in 1593 under the direction of the Jesuit John 
Holing, it received a permanent abode in 1595, after which 

"■Ibid., 98. 

2 Bellesheim, Irland, II., 217 seqq., 31.4 seqq. 357 seqq., 525, 
613, 729. CJ. The Description of Ireland, in anno 1598, now 
for the first time published by E. Hogan, Dublin, 1878. 

* Bellesheim, II. , 221, 223. 

* Ibid. 

* Ibid., 217. 


White assumed the direction of the estabUshment.^ When 
the Archduke Albert supported a number of Irishmen in the 
seminary at Antwerp, he was eulogized by the Pope in 1604,^ 
as was the King of Spain at the same time on account of his 
generosit}^ towards the Spanish and Flemish Irish seminaries.^ 
The Pope had already in 1597 strongly urged the Archduke 
Albert to care for the Irish students in Flanders.^ The 
seminaries on the continent were rendered doubly necessary 
as a counterweight to Trinity College, which Elizabeth had 
established in Dublin to act as a bulwark of Protestantism, 
and which was endowed, both by her and by her successors, 
with enormous revenues and extensive privileges. All the 
students and officials of Trinit}^ College had to subscribe to 
the Thirty Nine Articles, while a third part of the students 
who were educated there were trained in Anglican theology, 
which was taught in a spirit entirely hostile to Catholicism.^ 
According to medieval ideas, Ireland was a country that 
had special ties and obligations towards the Holy See. When 
Paul IV. in 1555, at the request of Philip II. and Queen Mary, 
raised Ireland to the dignity of a kingdom, he expressly 
reserved the rights of the Apostolic See.® This was probably 
the reason why Clement VIII., in dealing with Irish affairs, 
departed from his customary principles. From 1590 onwards 
the severit}^ and cruelt}'' of the viceroy had goaded the Irish 
leaders into rebellion, and after certain successes on the part 
of O'Neill, Bishop Cornelius O'Melrian addressed to the Pope 
on November 4th, 1595, from Lisbon a request that, on the 

1 Ihid., 222. 

2 *Brief of May 28, 1604, Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 50, p. 213, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

^ *Brief of May 28, 1604, ibid., p. 212. 

* *Letter of September 20, 1597 ; " Tibi igitur catholicos 
Hybernos in universum at illos nominatim egreriae spei iuvenes 
efficaciter commendamus." Negociations de Rome, I., 1582- 
1597, State x\rchives, Brussels ; Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 220, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

* Bellesheim, II., 215. 

« Ibid., 108. Cf. Vol. XIV, of this work, p. 360. 


strength of the bull of donation of Adrian IV., he would 
separate Ireland from England and nominate O'Neill as 
king.^ Clement VIII. naturally refused this request, but 
when in 1598 O'Donnell and O'Neill had defeated the troops 
of Elizabeth at the battle of Blackwater, and O'Neill had 
applied to the Pope for assistance, Clement, by the agency 
of the Franciscan, Matteo d'Oviedo, who had recently been 
appointed Archbishop of Dublin, sent O'Neill a Papal brief, 
congratulating him on his victory and urging him to continue 
the war " so that the kingdom of Ireland may not henceforward 
be subject to the yoke of the heretics, nor the members of 
Christ any longer have the impious Elizabeth as their sov- 
ereign."^ A brief to the commander of the army renewed 
the indulgences formerly granted for the crusades.^ There 
then followed a series of Papal briefs. On Januarj' 20th, 
1601, Clement VIII. again sent his eulogies, confirming the 
Irish in their struggle for religion, and promising to send a 
nuncio.^ On June 5th in the same year there was a further 
series of briefs : to the King of Spain, to the Archduke Albert, ^ 
to O'Neill, to the clergy of Ireland, and to the notabilities 
of the kingdom.® The Jesuit Lodovico Mansoni, who had been 
chosen as nuncio, was recommended in these to the pro- 
tection of the king and the archduke, but his mission was 
postponed in accordance with the representations of O'Neill.' 
After the battle of Blackwater O'Neill attained to the 
summit of his power, and only the cities of the island still 
held out against him. O'Neill thought that he could easily 
overcome these as well if Spain would help him with troops, 

^ Bellesheim, II., 225. 

2 Ibid., 226 seq. 

3 Ibid., 227, 228. 

* Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 45, n. 22, printed in P. F. Moran, History 
of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation, I., 
Dublin, 1864, 221. Cf. Bellesheim, II., 228. 

^ *Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 45, n. 221, 223. Papal Secret Archives. 

* Ibid., 212-222. 

' Bellesheim, II., 229. Brief of May ly, 1601, with author!;'.a- 
tion foi Mansoni, see Synopsis, I., 216. 


and especially with artillery. In the years that followed, 
however, his position changed for the worse in an alarming 
way, and the Spanish help, which arrived at last on September 
23rd, 1601, under the commiand of Juan de Aguila, and 
occupied Kinsale, came too late. Kinsale was invested by 
the English, an Irish army that marched to its relief was 
defeated, and the Spaniards were forced to surrender on 
January 12th, 1602. ^ With this the capitulation of Ireland 
was assured ; Munster and Ulster were devastated in such a 
way by the English that the viceroy. Mount] oy, wrote to 
James I. that nothing remained to his majesty in Ireland 
save to rule over corpses and heaps of ashes. ^ 

After the King of Scots had ascended the English throne, 
with the name of James I., he still carried on for a time his 
undignified double-dealing towards the Pope. In the summer 
of 1603 he announced to Clement VIII. his desire to resume 
the negotiations.^ At the same time he chose the zealous 
Catholic, Antony Standen, to be his representative in Venire 
and Florence, but when Standen incautiously assisted at mass 
in public, James had him thrown into the Tower, and sent 
back to Rome the sacred objects which Clement VIII. had 
given him for the queen ; but while everyone was expecting 
that Standen would have to expiate his excessive zeal by 
death, his imprisonment was quietly changed into confinement 
in his own house, and he was finally set at liberty.^ 

The hopes of Clement VIII. rose high at the beginning of 
1605, when James Lindsay once more made his appearance 
in Rome, bringing replies to the briefs which he had taken 
with him to London in 1602. A 3'ear before this James I. 
had conveyed to the nuncio in Paris the royal instructions 
which were to guide Lindsay's actions in Rome. As to the 

1 Bellesheim, II., 230 ; Kelso, 55-94. 

"^ Bellesheim, loc. cif. Clement VIII. once again raised his 
voice on behalf of Ireland in the *letters to the nuncio in Spain 
of June 18 and September 28, 1603, Aldobrandini Archives, Rome. 

3 Meyer, 292. 

* Jbid., 292 seq. 


principal matter, which meant most to the Pope, namely the 
Catholic education of the heir to the throne, and to which 
he had so often called the attention of the king, the latter 
remained definitely hostile, saying that immediately after 
he had received the Pope's request, James had ordered his 
reply to be written, and that it was only due to Lindsay's 
illness that it had come to the knowledge of the Pope so late. 
In other respects the king did no more than make vague 
promises, assuring the Pope of the pleasure which he felt in 
his friendship, and promising to treat the English Catholics 
who preserved the peace with justice and in accordance with 
his duty. 

Such expressions as these naturally contained very little 
to cause the arrival of Lindsay to be awaited with any 
particular impatience. In August, 1604, the Pope's senti- 
ments towards the King of England were on the whole 
unfavourable, while the great complaisance shown by Spain 
in making peace with England displeased him as much as 
her friendship with the heretics. ^ Nevertheless he still saw 

i *" Hieri arrivo al Papa il corriero partite d' Inghilterra e 
passalo air arciduca Alberto con la conclusione della pace conce- 
duta da Inghilterra a supplicanti Spagnuoli ; hanno giocata di 
gran somma di moneta verso li deputati e de' instantissime e 
humili preghiere. II Papa non I'approva cosi grande amista con 
eretici e disse all' ambasciatore di Francia le capitolationi vergog- 
nose a Spagna, delle quah mi ricordo queste, che il Re d' Inghil- 
terra sia per honore noininato nel primo luogo, che tenga le 
fortezze che ha sotto nome per li danari che vi ha spesi, che non 
si restituiranno mai, che Inglesi trafichino ne' paesi di Spagna 
pagando solamente dieci per 100, che non sieno per questo nemici 
a Olandesi, che il Re non mandi suoi' galioni in India, ma che 
non puo impedire che Inglesi non vadano alia busca, che c 1' istessa 
che p:ima." (Report of an anonymous agent to Mantua, August 14, 
1604, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Disgust at the unfortunate 
terms of the peace did not prevent the joy at the conclusion of 
the peace itself which Clement VIII. expressed in a letter to the 
nuncio in Spain, of August 24, 1604. Cf. Ph. Hiltebrandt in 
Oiicllen u. Forsch., XV. (1913), 308, n. 


in these events reasons to hope for an improvement in the 
religious position in England. He therefore insistently urged 
the Catholics there to give the king no grounds for suspicion. 
The French nuncio, Maffeo Barberini, was instructed in 
December, 1604, as his predecessor Bufalo had been, to 
maintain friendly relations with the English ambassadors 
in Paris, and thus prove to James I. that the Pope had no 
care except the salvation of souls. ^ In this way Clement VIII. 
hoped in the end to win over James I., and this hope was 
paramount in his mind when Lindsay actually made his 
appearance in Rome, bearing a letter from Queen Anne,^ 
which contained, it would appear, brilliant promises. Accord- 
ing to Lindsay's report, the king was ripe for conversion, if 
only the Pope would renounce his authority over the princes.^ 
Clement VIII. was overjoyed, and in January, 1605, replied 
to the queen in a letter couched in the most friendly terms, 
in which he praised her in the highest way,^ while he appointed 
a special commission of Cardinals to discuss the English 
situation, which held two meetings on January 17th and 

The new King of England treated the English Catholics 
in the same way as he did the Pope, for with them too he sought 
to arouse constant hopes, without ever intending that they 
should be realized. The accession of James I. to the throne 
had been hailed by the Catholics of England with the highest 
hopes ; they trusted in the promises which he had repeatedly 
made, since even on his way to London he had renewed his 
assurance that he would not exact the fines for absence from 

1 See the *Instructions in Vol, XXIII, App. n. 45, Vatican 

2 So far not found. 

3 Meyer, 296. 

* Printed copy in Bellesheim, II., 469. For the date (January 
23 or 28) see Meyer, 296. 

* *Avvisi of January 19 and 26, 1605. Urb. 1073, Vatican 
Library. The members of the commission, according to the 
Avviso of January 19, were Galli (president), Medici, Baronius, 
Pietro and Cinzio Aldobrandini, Avila, Bandini, A. Marzato, Du 
Perron, Bufalo, Visconti and G. Agucchio. 


Protestant worship.^ The superior of the English Jesuits, 
Henry Garnet, wrote- " the death of the queen has brought 
about a great change ; our anxiety was very great, but it 
has now become changed into confidence, and we are rejoicing 
in a period of unhoped for hberty." Two Papal briefs 
concerning the succession to the throne, which had been 
entrusted to Garnet, and kept b}^ him for use in case of need, 
were burned by him as useless ; in these the clergy and faithful 
of England were exhorted to support no claimant to the 
throne who had not sworn allegiance to the Apostolic See.^ 
These fair hopes, however, were nothing but beautiful 
dreams. James was playing a double game : on the one 
hand he hated the religion of his mother, while on the other 
he feared excommunication on account of its political con- 
sequences. He therefore kept Clement VHI. in suspense until 
1605, deceiving him with fair words ;* things even reached 
the point when the Pope offered to inflict ecclesiastical 
penalties on turbulent Catholics,^ and the king put forward 
the proposal, though to no purpose, that the power of inflicting 

^ Gardiner, L, 100. 

* To Persons, April 16, 1603, in Spillmann, IV., 5. The 
Catholics united as a body in supporting the rights of James 
to the throne (Lech at, 194 seq.). Cf. the *report of September 
29, 1604 : " Progressi et augmenti de' cattolici in Inghilterra," 
Vallicella Library, Rome, n. 23, pp. 241-248. Ibid., 150-215, 
many matters concerning the English martyrs. * Reports of 
the nuncio in France, Malfeo Barberini (Urban VIIL) concerning 
England, in the Barberini Library, Rome, XXXL, 75. 

'Confessions of Garnet of March 13 and 14, 1606, in Foley 
IV., 158-159. Particulars of these briefs, of July 5 and 12, 
1600, by J. DE LA Serviere in Eludes, XCIV., (1903) 645. 

^ Cf. Gardiner, L, 225. 

^ Gardiner, L, 140 ,9^(7. " S.S*'^ vole e comanda che li 
catholici siano obbedienti al re d' Inghilterra, come a loro signore 
e re naturale." The nuncio in France must take care " che 
conforme alia volonta di N.S. obedischino al suo re e non s' in- 
trighino in congiure, tumulti ed altri cose, per le quali possino 
dispiacere quella Maesta." Alodbrandini to the nuncio in France, 
in Ranke, Engl. Gesch., I., 531, 


such penalties should be conferred on an authorized agent, ^ 
who naturally would use his powers in accordance with the 
wishes of the government. In a conversation with the French 
envoy-extraordinary, the future Duke of Sully, James pointed 
out^ that he had not exacted the fines for failure to attend at 
church, and that he desired to remain on friendly terms with 
the Pope, if the latter would recognize him as the head of the 
Anglican Church.^ After the conspiracy of Watson, the 
king again expressed himself unfavourably towards the 
Catholics to Beaumont, the French ambassador ; he seemed, 
however, to calm down when Beaumont pointed out that the 
conspirators were only exceptions among a body that was 
otherwise loyal to the king, and that conspiracies were difficult 
to avoid unless libert}^ of conscience was allowed.'* 

The practical attitude of James towards the Catholics 
showed even greater unreliability than his words. His 
promises were no more sincere, when he was striving to obtain 
the English crown, ^ for they always concealed a condition or 
limitation which escaped the notice of the too credulous 
adherents of the ancient faith. " As to the Catholics," he 
wrote, ^ " I do not intend to persecute any of them who main- 
tain the peace and obey the laws at any rate externally, and 
protection will not be denied to anyone who is worthy of it 

^ " Quanto alia facolta di chianiare sotto pena di scommunica 
i turbolenti, non ci par darla per sdesso, perch e trattiamo con 
heretici, e corrianio pericolo di perder i securi." Reply of 
Clement VIII. to the dispatch of Bufalo of December 14, 1604, 
in G.\RDiNER, I., 143. 

■"Ibid., 115 

^ *" Adulando il Pontifice in quelle che si puo, nei regni suoi 
rovina i! Pontificato " is the judgment passed on the frequent 
expressions of James in favour of Rome in a " Comparatione 
tra i tre gran Re dell' Europa 1' anno 1605," State Library, Berlin, 
Inform, polit., XII., 450. 

* Beiiumont to Henry IV., July 23, 1603, in G.^RDINER, I., 115. 

* This is shown by his correspondence with Cecil, 1602 ; see 
Zimmerman in the Rum. Quarfahchr., XVI. (1902), 302 seq. 

* Degli Effetti to Bufalo, June 26, 1603, in Gardiner, I.,_ ioq. 


on accoiint of his good services." So long as " at least external 
obedience " to the laws was demanded, the king, despite these 
fair words, had a free hand to do as he pleased, and in fact, 
in direct contradiction to the sense of the promises which he 
had made since his arrival in England, James caused the fines 
for non-attendance at divine worship to be collected ; if 
the Catholics, he publicly declared at that time,^ professed a 
difierent religion from his own, they could not be good subjects. 
When, however, on July 17th, 1603, a deputation of Catholics 
made complaint before the Priv}^ Council in the presence of 
the king, James promised that the fines should be stopped, 
and that the Catholics, provided they obeyed the laws, should 
have access to the highest offices in the service of the state. ^ 
For a time the wealthy adherents of the ancient Church 
were no longer troubled with the fines, and those who had no 
means, " to the enormous loss " of the revenues of state, were 
excused from the confiscation of their lands. ^ Among the 
Catholics of high estate, the king had admitted to his entourage 
in a special way, Henry Howard, a man of unprincipled 
character, who was later on Earl of Northampton, and was a 
brother of the executed Duke of Norfolk ; he had to serve 
" the royal huntsman " as a decoy, in order to cover the 
king's immorality.^ 

The majority of the Catholics, however, proved themselves 
more sound in their principles than Howard, and the apparent 
favour of the king did not last very long. " We no longer 
have an}- need of the Papists," the king replied, when Watson, 
who had hitherto been his favourite, reminded him of his 

The fact that the number of the Catholics had considerably 

1 Degli Effetti, June 23, 1603, ibid., loi. 

2 Gardiner, I., 115. 

' ■' The income accruing to the Crowii from this source (the 
two-thirds of the property of the recusants) was enormously 
diminished." Gardiner, I., 116. 

^ Ibid., 115 scq. Vox Howard, ibid., 93. 

^ " Na, na, we'll not need the Papists now." Lingard, IX., 
10 n. ; Gardiner, I., 100. 


increased once the laws were no longer enforced, filled the 
king with anxiety ; by May, 1604, the number of those who 
had returned to the ancient religion had risen to 10,000 in 
the diocese of Chester alone ; the number of those who did 
not attend Anglican worship increased from 2,400 to 3,433.^ 
The fear of passing in the eyes of the public as the friend of 
the Catholics then drove the unprincipled monarch openly 
to declare himself against them. 

On February 22nd, 1604, James, under pressure from the 
Privy Council, ordered that on March 19th, the day of the 
opening of Parliament, all Catholic priests must leave the 
countr5^2 On March 22nd, in a speech before Parliament,^ 
he excused bimself for his leniency towards the Catholics, 
by saying that he had allowed himself to be guided by the 
hope that proposals would be laid before the Lords and 
Commons for the removal of certain indefinite points in the 
existing laws against the Catholics, in that these had led to 
an excessive severity which was contrary to the intention of 
the legislator, and to the condemnation of the innocent. 
Catholic priests could not be tolerated in the kingdom so long 
as they professed the doctrine that the Pope had temporal 
authority over all kings and emperors,* or that excommuni- 
cated princes could be killed with impunity. The laity too 
must be prohibited from drawing anyone to their own religion, 
in order that the Catholics might not acquire a power which 
contained within it danger to the liberties of the country 
and to the independence of the crown. 

1 Gardiner, I., 202, 222, 231. James L had caused lists of 
the recusants to be drawn up in each county (ibid., 144). " In 
principatu Walliae et in provinciis septentrionalibus .... 
Humerus eorum non ita pridem crevit in immensum " (Djscursus 
status religionis 1605, in Ranke, England, I., 531). Cf. Gardiner. 
I., 242. For the disturbances at Hereford see Foley, IV., 452. 

2 Gardiner, I., 144. In less than nine months after the death 
of Elizabeth it is said that 140 priests arrived in England. Ibid., 


^ Ibid., 166. 

i " An imperial civil power over all Kings and Emperors ' 


In this way James revealed himself to the whole country 
as a good Protestant, but the cunning monarch at the same 
time did not wish to irritate the Catholics too much. After 
his edict against the priests he told the Spanish ambassador 
that he had not been able to act otherwise because of the Privy 
Council, but that the enforcement of the law would be wanting 
in any kind of rigour. ^ As a matter of fact, a month after- 
wards, not one of the persons concerned had been banished, 
and a priest who had been arrested for saying mass was once 
again set at liberty. - 

The Catholics, however, were under no illusion as to the 
continuance of such a state of affairs.^ Good Protestants 
bitterly complained that Catholics enjoyed a liberty such 
as they had not had for years past.^ James accordingly 
anticipated their wishes. On May 17th, 1604, he expressed 
in Parliament his disgust at the increase of the Catholics, and 
urged the passing of a law to set bounds to it. On June 4th 
a proposal to that effect was laid before the House of Lords, 
which was confirmed by the Commons in July.^ In this the 
existing laws against the Catholics were renewed and made 
more severe ; all the alumni of the seminaries over-seas were 
declared incapable of possessing land or any other property' 
on English soil, while all professors were forbidden to set up 
a school without the approval of an Anglican bishop.® James I. 
rejected a petition of the Catholic priests offering to take an 
oath of allegiance to the king, as well as another in which the 
laity pledged themselves for the good behaviour of the Catholic 
priests whom the law should allow them to have in their 
own houses ; he merely confirmed the law. ^ 

1 From Bulalo to Aldobrandini, March 22, 1604, in Gardiner, 
I., 144. 

'^ Ibid., 201. 

^ From Bufalo to Aldobrandini, May 31, 1004, supplement, 
ibid., 202. 

* Ibid., 201 seq. 

° Ibid., 203. 

^ LiNGARD., IX., 28. 

' Gardiner, I., 203. 


In spite of this the king did not wish even now altogether 
to cut his bridges behind him, and his negotiations with Rome 
still continued. In dealing with the representatives of the 
old Church, James I. spoke of a General Council, which should 
settle the question of reunion among the churches by a free 
discussion of their points of difference ;^ he assured the French 
ambassador that for the moment he had no thought of enforc- 
ing the laws,^ and had excused the sixteen nobles v ho refused 
to attend church the monthly fine of twenty pounds.^ In a 
conversation with a representative of the Duke of Lorraine 
he declared his readiness to accept the Roman Church as his 
mother, and the Pope as universal bishop, with universal 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction. If the Roman Church would take 
one step towards the restoration of unity, he would take three. 
It was distasteful to him to have been forced against his will 
to give his assent to the new law, and he would not enforce 
its penalties on religious grounds.* In the same sense on 
September 24th, 1604, even the Privy Council had decided 
by seven votes to three that the persecuting laws should not 
be enforced in the case of the laity. ^ 

Their enforcement, however, had already been entrusted 
to over-zealous officials. During the years 1604 and 1605 
at least six Catholics died at the hands of the executioner on 
account of their faith. ^ But James I. naturally had no part 
in their condemnation,'' and six other Catholics, five priests 
and one layman, who had been condemned to death by the 
courts during these same years, were pardoned by him.^ 

It was, however, easy to foresee that the leniency of the 
king would not last long, and that the first concessions made 

* From Bufalo, June 12, 1604, in Gardiner, I., 202. 
2 Beaumont to Henry IV., July 18, 1604, ibid., 203. 

* Ibid., 203 seq. 

* From Bufalo, September 21, 1604, ibid., 220 seq. 
^ Ibid., 222, 223, n. I. 

•^ Spillmann, IV., 10-16. 

' " Senza la partecipatione di quel Re " wrote Bufalo on 
August 24, 1604, in Gardiner, I., 222, n. i. 

* Spillman, IV., 16. 


to the Protestants must soon be followed by others. At the 
end of September, 1604, he caused all the Catholic priests 
who were incarcerated in the English prisons to be sent out 
of the kingdom over-seas.^ From November 28th onwards 
absence from Anglican worship was again punished by heavy 
lines.- It is possible that this measure was solely due to the 
financial straits of the king,^ and as the heavy fine of twenty 
pounds a month could only be paid by the most wealthy 
Catholics, it only affected thirteen gentlemen.^ But when 
the action taken by James against the Puritans aroused a 
suspicion of his favouring the Catholics, and the public 
obtained some inkling of his negotiations with the Pope, the 
king preferred his rei^utation as a good Protestant to any 
sense of justice towards the Catholics. On Februar}/ loth, 
1605, he declared at the Privy Council that he detested in the 
highest degree the superstitious religion of the Papists, and 
if he thought that his son and heir would show the slightest 
favour to them, he would rather see him buried before his 
eyes. The Lords of the Council and the other bishops must 
instruct the judges that the laws were to be enforced with all 
possible severity.^ 

The effects of this exhortation were not long in making 
themselves felt, for on the day after its proclamation by the 
Lord Mayor of London, forty-nine citations were issued in 
the capital and the county of Middlesex. 5,560 persons were 
condemned in the various districts of England for having failed 
to attend Protestant w^orship.^ Enormous fines were once 
more levied upon the wealthy Catholics, while many had 
two-thirds of their property confiscated." In October, 1605, 

1 Gardiner, I., 222. 

2 Ibid., 224. 

3 Thus Gardiner {ibid.). 
* Ibid. 

^ Ibid., 227. 
« Ibid. 

' Exact details from the Receipt Books of the Exchequer, in 
Gardiner, 227-230, who brings out especially the relaxation 


the superior of the Jesuits wrote^ that the action taken by the 
government was even more severe than in the days of 
Elizabeth. 2 

Strict investigations in private houses were the order of the 
day, and every six weeks a special court of justice sat, which 
despoiled the Catholics of their possessions ; the enforcement 
of the laws was entrusted to the most rigorous Puritans, who 
in other respects were disliked by the king. If one of the 
" recusants " offered to buy back his confiscated property, 
he exposed himself to the risk of losing the sum thus offered 
as well. If this process continued, said Garnet, they would 
have at last to be content with buying back every six months 
the bed in which they slept. The justices openly said that 
the king wanted blood ; he no longer desired caresses for the 
Papists as of yore, but blows. ^ In the county of Hereford 409 
families were reduced to beggary at a single blow.* The 
bishops were instructed to excommunicate the more wealthy 
Catholics ; these could then be thrown into prison, and thereby 
lost a number of their civil rights ; they could not even 
recover their debts, buy or sell anything, nor dispose of their 
property by will.^ 

Death spared Clement VIII. the sorrow of witnessing this 
last development. 

of the severity. We here join with Gardiner against Lingard 
(IX., 30 scqq.) although it dees not appear that Gardiner has 
removed ah the difficulties. 

1 Lingard. IX., Note C, p. 387 ; Foley, IV., 63. 

^ " The courses taken are more severe than in Queen Elizabeth's 
time." Lingard, 388. In like manner an unnamed contem- 
porary in SriLLMANN, IV., 17 : " They (the Catholics) pay their 
two parts more roundly than ever they did in the time of the late 
queen, not any as I think being left out before Michaelmas." 
Northampton in July, 1605, in Lingard, IX., 42 n. 

3 " That the King has hitherto stroaked the papist, but now 
will strike." Lingard, IX., 388. 

* Lingard, IX., 41. 

* Ibid., 42. 


Attempted Catholic Restoration in Sweden. 

The principal event during the life of Cardinal Ippolito 
Aldobrandini had been his legation to Poland in the year 
1588, and the energy that he had then displayed had con- 
tributed not a little to his elevation to the See of Peter. ^ It 
is no wonder, then, that he should have taken a great interest 
in, and shown a sincere sympathy for, the whole of the North, 
and especially for the immense kingdom in the north-east and 
its king, Sigismund III., a man of strictly Catholic sentiments.^ 
Clement fully realized the supreme importance for the future 
of the Church in Europe of the way in which events should 
develop there in that kingdom which extended from the 
Warta to the Dnieper, and from the Baltic to the Carpathians. 
The fact that the King of Poland intended to marry the 
Archduchess Anna, of the Styrian branch of the Hapsburgs, 
who was a staunch Catholic, was certain to win the sympathy 
of the Pope. He therefore at once, at his first consistory on 
February 14th, 1592, appointed Cardinal Georg Radziwill 
as legate for the marriage,^ and afterwards sent the new queen 
the Golden Rose.* At the beginning of June, 1592, the 
nunciature in Poland was entrusted to the Bishop of San 

iC/. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 23 seq. 

^ See Paruta, Dispacci, I., 27, 105. Paruta, Relazione, 431. 
See also Biaudet in the periodical Histor. arkisio, XIX. 
(Helsingissa, 1905), 187. 

* See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, February 14, 1592, 
Cod. Barb. XXXVI. , 5, III., Vatican Library. In the suite of 
the legate was P. Alaleone ; for his *Diarium cf. Arch. Rom., XVI., 
19 seq. 

* See the brief of May 28, 1592, in Theiner, Mon. Pol., III., 
209 seq. 

VOL. xxiv. 81 6 


Severe, Germanico Malaspina,^ who had already distinguished 
himself in other diplomatic missions under the predecessors of 
Clement VI 1 1. 2 

Malaspina found a very difficult state of affairs in Poland. 
King Sigismund was engaged in disputes with his nobles, and 
especially in a violent altercation with the chancellor of the 
crown, Zamoiski. The nuncio rightly looked upon a recon- 
ciliation between these two as his first duty, and this he soon 
succeeded in bringing about, after the celebrated Diet of 
Inquisition in the autumn of 1592.^ The Pope was alike 
gratified at this first success of his nuncio and with his attitude 
at that celebrated diet.^ When in the following year there 
arose another dispute between Sigismund and Zamoiski, it 
was once more Malaspina who, at the Diet of Warsaw in 

1 See the brief of June 6, 1592, in Theiner, Ioc. cii., 209. The 
statement of Hansen (Nuntiaturberichte, I., 308 n.), that 
Malaspina only became nuncio in 1595, is incorrect. The reports 
of the nunciature of Malaspina from June 15, 1592, to April 20, 
1598, in BoRGHESE, III., 52 a, b ; III., 66 c, d ; III., 15 a ; 
III., 91 a, b ; III., 89 c ; III., 89 d ; III., 96 e, Papal Secret 
Archives, were already prepared for publication in 1892-93, by 
the Polish Academy of Science : cf. Am. der Krakauer Akad., 
1894, February, p. 26. Recently a scholar of Finland has 
announced the publication of the acta which refer to Sweden ; 
see BiAUDET, Le St. Siege et la Suede, I., viii. seq. Some reports 
of Malaspina belonging to 1592 were published by ScHMURLOinhis 
work, Russland u, Italien, t. II., fasc. i, Petersburg, 1908, 172 seq. 
Free use was made of them recently by Sven Tumberg (Sigismund 
och Sverige, 1597-1598, Upsala, 1917). L. Kartunnen, Chiffres 
dipl. des Nonces en Pologne vers la fin du 16^ siecle, Helsinki, 
191 1, treats both of the cypher letters of Malaspina in Cod. M. 
II., 56, of the Chigi Library, Rome, which Meister missed, as 
well as of the cypher letters of Caetani, Mandina and Rangoni. 
For the personality of Malaspina cf. Hjarne, Sigismundus 
svenska resor, 10 seqq., and Parnanen, 32 seqq. 

2 Cf. Vol. XXII. of this work, pp. 73, 88. 

* F. V. Wezyk, Der Konflikt des Konigs Sigismund III. Wasa 
mit den poln. Standen u. der Inquisitionsreichstag vom 7 Septem- 
ber, 1592, Leipzig, 1869. 

* Cf. Paruia, Dispacci, I., 27-29. 


1593, succeeded in reconciling them. The nuncio enjoyed 
the complete confidence of both the king and the chancellor, 
and during the course of both Diets all important questions 
that were to be brought forward for discussion were first 
examined in private by the nuncio, so that he was able to 
smooth over all difficulties with the tact of a skilled diplo- 
matist,^ and even settled the disputes between Cardinals 
Radziwill and Bathory.^ 

The most important question with which the Diet of 1593 
was concerned was the journey of Sigismund III. to Sweden, 
his native country, which he had already planned in the 
previous year. At that time, on account of the difficult 
position of affairs in Poland, the Pope had discouraged this.^ 

^ Cf. the report in Anz. der Krak. Akad., 1894, February, 
where it is stated : " Les depeches de Malaspina, fort longues et 
fort nombreuses, nous devoilent les dessous de toutes les intrigues 
qui se nouerent pendant ces deux dietes ; elles entrent dans les 
details les plus minutieux de la vie parlamentaire de cette epoque 
et nous permettent de faire au jour le jour pour ainsi dire son 
histoire secrete, de compendre la tactique qu'on y mettait en 
Oiuvre. en un mot jettent la plus vive lumiere sur ces curieuses 
assemblees. On y trouve aussi quantite d' in formations sur le roi 
et la cour, Zamoyski, le primat Karnkowski, le marechal de la 
couronne Opalinski, et sur beaucoup d'autres personnes. La 
grande figure de Zamoyski ressort singulierement imposante de 
ces correspondances. Cela est d'autant plus digne de remarque 
que Malaspina, loin d'etre favorable au Chancelier, semble 
plutot avoir une sorte d 'antipathic pour lui ; il est, au moins au 
commencement, son adversaire declare et se porte avec chaleur 
dans le parti au roi qu'il sert de toute son influence et de tout 
son pouvoir. Ce n'est qu'avec le temps qu'il abandonnera ses 
preventions contre Zamoyski." 

* See the *briefs to the two Cardinals of April 3 and May i, 
1593, Arm. 44, t. 38, p. 282, 310, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. the 
summary *Attioni seguite in Polonia et in Suetia dapoi I'assun- 
tione al pontificate di N.S. Clemente VIII. in Cod. N. 34, p. 433, 
of the Vallicella Library, Rome. 

* See the brief of August 28, 1592, in Theinek, II., Doc. p. 
82 seq. 


But when, on November 17th, 1592, Sigismund's father, 
John III., died, and the crown of Sweden fell to the King of 
Poland, the situation was entirely altered, but from the first 
the greatest difficulties stuod in the way of his taking possession 
of his lawful inheritance. These difficulties came above all 
from his uncle, Charles, Duke of Sodermanland, who was 
determined at all costs to possess himself of the Swedish 
crown. This unscrupulous politician, who was both far-seeing 
and a cold-blooded schemer, set himself to his task with 
unparallelled astuteness ; he had an advantage in the fact 
that he had already during the latter days of John III., 
practically controlled the government of Sweden, and 
Sigismund III. was unable for the time being to prevent his 
uncle from continuing to direct the affairs of state. 

On January 8th, 1593, Duke Charles obtained from the 
councillors of the kingdom a statement that they looked upon 
him as the head of the government in the absence of the king. 
They further bound themselves to uphold all that should be 
decided with the consent of Charles without distinction, " all 
for one and one for all." Even though this agreement did 
not actually do any wrong to their loyalty towards the lawful 
king, Sigismund, it was not only contrary to the laws, but also 
the greatest imaginable usurpation of his liberty of action. 
He found himself obliged to give his assent to a form of 
government set up without his knowledge, and should 
he disapprove of any measure taken by Charles and his 
councillors, this would at once have been the signal for a 

It was easy to make use of the pretext of religion for keeping 
out the lawful Catholic king,^ and this in fact Duke Charles 
did as soon as possible. Its religion and its freedom, he said 
to the councillors, were the benefits which my father bestowed 
upon his country, and it was in recognition of this that the 
States declared the crown to be hereditary in the house of 
Gustavus ; therefore, only one who will maintain this in the 

^ Opinion of Runs (Gesch. Schwedens, II., 258). 
* See BiAUDET, I., v. 


kingdom, can be the true hereditary King of Sweden. As 
the new king was subject in conscience to the power and will 
of the Pope, it was all the more necessary to lay down, in the 
interests both of religion and liberty, the conditions which 
the Swedes of old had been accustomed to impose upon their 
kings from the earliest times. ^ 

This was done at the ecclesiastical assembly held at Upsala 
on February 25th, 1593, at which many persons assisted, 
nobles, burgesses and peasants. This decided that the Holy 
Scriptures, understood in themselves, were to be one rule of 
faith ; all accepted the articles of the unreformed confession 
of Augsburg. It also prohibited in its entirety the exercise 
of Catholic worship, closed to Catholics access to any office, 
and banished all those who had studied abroad in the Jesuit 
Colleges. It is obvious that these radical decrees abolished 
the liturgy of John III., which had never been approved by 
the Holy See,- and the Catholic usages still retained in it, such 
as episcopal vestments, ciboriums, candles, banners, and the 
blessing of dead bodies and graves. Prayers for the dead were 
removed from the ritual. Duke Charles was highly pleased 
with all this, save that he further wished for the abolition of 
the elevation of the host, and of the exorcisms at baptism. 
The Lutheran pastors, however, were determined to retain 
the exorcisms at baptism, as a mark of distinction from the 
Calvinists. It was finally agreed to retain the exorcisms in 
a modified form, and as a non-essential ceremony. It was 
harder for Charles to assent to the decree which expressly 
declared as heretics, not only the Catholics and Sacra- 
mentarians, but also the Calvinists and Zwinglians. 
But he gave way on this point, though he scornfully 
remarked : " You had better join on to them all those 

^ See Geijer, II., 271. 

^ In a cypher *instruction from Cardinal C. Aldobrandini to 
Malaspina of August i, 1593, the liturgy is described as 
" mescuglio," and it is remarked that John III. " hcbbe pero 
pensiero, per quanto dicono, di introdurre per quella porta 11 
catholicismo." Borghese, II., 68, p. 469, Papal Secret Archives. 


that you know of that kind, even the devil in hell, since 
he too is my enemy. "^ 

On the whole Duke Charles had every reason to be satisfied 
with the ecclesiastical assembly at Upsala, during the course 
of which he had carefully kept in the background. He had 
accomplished all that he could have hoped for in the matter 
of making it impossible for his nephew to exercise the royal 
power fully, for he had induced men to look upon him, not 
as their king, but rather as a foreign pretender to the crown, 
and as an apostate against whom they must be on their guard 
as a danger to religion. ^ 

Duke Charles would very gladly have seen Sigismund 
remain permanently in Poland. The king himself hesitated. 
It was said that he had asked the advice of the Pope, but that 
the latter would not take the responsibility of answering either 
in the affirmative or the negative.^ This is eas}' to under- 
stand, as after recent events the hope of recovering Sweden 
had become very doubtful, and there was no small danger of 
losing ground in Poland. There was much to be said for those 
who advised Sigismund first to consolidate his position in 
Poland, so that he might be able to face Duke Charles and his 
other enemies in full strength in his attempt to recover the 
crown of Sweden ; on the other hand Sigismund thought that 
he ought not to defer his journey to his hereditary kingdom, 
or his taking possession of the Swedish crown which belonged 

1 Cy. MiJNTER, Magazin, II.. i, 69 '^eq. ; Runs, II., 259 seq. ; 
Getjer, II., 272 seq. On the occasion of the third centenary of 
the Council of Upsala K. Hildebrand published the acta of the 
synod. Cf. K. Hildebrand, Upsala mote 1593. Stockholm, 
1893, and Hist. Tidskrift, 1893, 89 seqq. ; A. N. Sundberg, 
Om den svenska Kyrkoreformationen och Upsala mote 1593. 
Sundberg", the Archbishop of Upsala, makes the confession, 
doubly interesting from his lips, that in the Swedish " reform " 
inaugurated by Gustavus Wasa, political motives were 

* Opinion of R.\nke (Papste, II., 248). 

'See Paruta, Dispacci, I., no. 


to him by right. Thereupon Clement VIII. did all that he 
could to help him. 

Immediately after the death of John III. the Pope had 
appointed a congregation composed of Cardinals d'Aragona, 
Galli, Bonelli, Salviati, Sforza and Montalto, in order to discuss 
what should be done in ^iew of the new state of affairs.^ In 
April, 1593, he reminded the nobles and bishops of Poland of 
their duty to Sigismund ;^ at the beginning of August he sent 
thither, in the person of Bartholomew Powsinski, a special 
delegate, who was furnished with instructions and a subsidy 
of 20,000 scudi.^ 

Powsinski was ordered to act in close conformity with 
Malaspina. After he had congratulated the king on the recent 
confinement of the queen and the successful issue of the Diet 
at Warsaw, he was to draw the attention of the king to the 
opportunity that now offered itself for the restoration of the 
Catholic religion in Sweden. The sum sent by the Pope was 
above all intended for this purpose, and Clement VIII. would 
willingly have made it larger if his financial circumstances had 
permitted. The king should avail himself of the circumstance 
that the archdiocese of Upsala and the bishopric of Strengnas 
were vacant, in order to appoint Catholic bishops in both cases. 

^ See the reprot of Peranda, February 16, 1593, in Laemmer, 
Me let., 237 n. 

* See the brief to Zamoiski, April 10, 1593, in Theiner, XL, 
Doc. p. 84 seq. ; ibid. 86, the brief to the episcopate, May i, 1593. 
In Rome there was an idea of sending a legate to Poland for the 
period of Sigismund 's absence ; see the letter of Peranda, 
February 16, 1593, in Laemmer, loc. cit. 

3 Cf. Paruta, Dispacci, I., 286, the *brief to the King of 
Poland concerning the mission of Powsinski is dated July 29, 
^593 (Arm. 44, t. 38, p. 373, Papal Secret Archives) ; the Instruc- 
tion of August I (according to Borghese, I., 758 ibid.) in 
Parnanen, L'ambassade de Bartol. Powsinski a Danzig en 
J 593, Helsinki, 191 1, 30 scqq. To the manuscripts here mentioned 
must be added IV., 34, p. 288 seq. of the Vallicella Library, Rome. 
B. Powsinski restored a chapel in S. Maria degli Angeli ; see. 
FoRCELi.A, IX., 160. 


In case the king should find himself in a position to fill other 
dioceses Powsinski gave him a list of Catholic Swedes who 
seemed fitted for such positions. Sigismund was especially 
urged to give thought to the training of Cathohc priests in 
Sweden, who could be educated, partly at his court or with 
the Polish bishops, and partly in the colleges at Riga, Dorpat 
and Braunsberg. Mention was also made of the possibility 
of establishing a Jesuit college at Stockholm, and of the 
importance of propagating good Catholic books in the Swedish 

It was fatal when Sigismund, in order to avoid any appear- 
ance of coming as an enemy, or with any hostile intentions 
towards his new subjects who had thus invited him, or perhaps 
from a mistaken idea of economy, decided to go without any 
armed force to his hereditary kingdom, ^ which had been 
thrown into confusion by the intrigues of Charles. Malaspina 
had vainly urged him to take some troops with him.^ 

After the Diet of Warsaw had been brought to a happ3^ 
conclusion in June 1593, and Sigismund had been reconciled 
with Cardinal Bathory, the king went first of all to Dantzig, 
where he was awaited by the loyal governor of Finland, 
Admiral Klas Fleming, with the fleet and some ships that had 

1 See Parnanen, loc. cit. In a *memonal (Urb. 860, p. 230 seq. 
Vatican Library) which was drawn up immediately after the news 
of the death of Sigismund, the hope is expressed of claiming for 
Catholicism that liberty of religion which was so openly used by 
the Protestants ; see Laemmer, Analecta, 50. 

^Cf. in App. No. 13 the *Relatione dello stato di Suetia 
(Vallicella Library, Rome) attention to which was first drawn by 
CiAMPi (I., 92). Ranke (Papste, II., 250, 253 ; III., 9o*-9i*) 
acknowledges that in this " the first undertaking of Sigismund 
is described with every appearance of truth by a well-informed 
person " but he has made very little use of this rich source. 
Ranke, according to his wont, does not say where he found the 
report. It is to be found in Cod. H 155, of the Ambrosiana 
Library, Milan, and in Cod. N 33 of the Vallicella Library, Rome. 

8 CJ. the cypher *report of Malaspina to Cardinal C. 
Aldobrandini, dated Stockholm, January 10 (Gregor. Cal.) 1594 
(decif. March 10) in Borghese, III., 91 a-b. Papal Secret Archives. 


been sent by Duke Charles.^ Powsinski, ^\'ho reached Dantzig 
on August 28th," not only discharged all the tasks that had 
been laid upon him by the Pope, but also gave to the nuncio 
Malaspina a cypher letter from the Cardinal Secretary of State, 
dated July 27th, concerning the manner in which Sigismund 
should act in Sweden.^ This letter contained no definite 
reply to Malaspina's question of January 28th, but only advice, 
as the conferences in Rome had not as yet come to a definite 
conclusion. It was only added that it would be well if the 
king deferred receiving the ro3^al unction until a more favour- 
able moment, as the Protestants had no chrism nor holy oils ; 
if he found himself obliged to undergo any other civil cere- 
monial, he should consent to this, without however giving any 
interior assent to anything that was forbidden. As to his 
coronation, which pertained to the Archbishop of Upsala, 
it was the wish of Rome that Sigismund should appoint a 
Catholic to perform this ceremony, and it was agreed that 
should time be lacking to obtain the confirmation of the 
Holy See, the nuncio should supply what was required. 
During the celebrations of the obsequies of the dead king, 
Sigismund must take care that no polemics against Catholic 
doctrines found their way into the funeral oration. If the 
king should be asked to recognize the religious constitution of 
Sweden, on the lines of the Confession of Augsburg, he must 
temporize. If this could not be done without danger of a 
revolution, then he must avoid coming to any decision which 
would render the exercise of Catholic worship more difficult 
or impossible. If, however, the letter goes on to say, it should 
happen that he found himself forced by necessity to take an 

^ See *Ragguaglio istorico di quanto segui in Polonia quando 
il Re Sigismondo voile andare a prendere possesso del Regno di 
Suetia, con il racconto del medesimo viaggio e delle cose occorse 
tanto circa gli affari pratici quanto intorno agli interessi della 
religione cattolica, in Cod. N. 34, p. 540 seq. of the Vallicella 
Library, Rome. The author is some person closely connected 
with Malaspina, probably his auditor, Ruggiero Salomoni. 

2 See Parnanen, 10. 

' See ibid., 12 seq., where the letter is given for the first time 


oath in this matter, then the formula which had been adopted 
in these sad times by the German Emperor and the King of 
Poland would be less blameworthy than that other " to treat 
Catholics and Protestants with a like affection," a formula 
which was impossible for an honourable prince. The text of 
the oath should be furnished as far as possible with saving 
clauses, every care being taken to avoid a formula prohibiting 
the exercise of the Catholic religion. Malaspina must com- 
municate these matters to the two Jesuits, Ju.stus Rabe of 
Cracow and Sigismund Ernhoffer of Bavaria, who were 
accompanying the king and queen as their confessors.^ 

Neither Sigismund nor Malaspina were under any illusions 
as to the difficulties of the situation. The appointment of a 
Catholic to Upsala was out of the question. The king, as well 
as the nuncio, were agreed that Sigismund must in any case 
claim the free exercise of the Catholic religion for himself in 

The king embarked on September 6th, 1593. He was 
accompanied b)^ the queen, his sister, the nuncio Malaspina, 
the two Jesuits, the vice-chancellor, and a number of Polish 
nobles. The military escort of the king only consisted of 
400 men.^ 

Sigismund intended first of all to go to Kalmar, but serious 
storms prevented this, and at the end of September, after a 
long voyage he safely arrived at Stockholm.* There he was 
received by Duke Charles and Abraham Angermann, the 
Archbishop of Upsala, who had been elected in the meantime, 
and who was the most violent opponent of the liturgy of 
John III. Charles feigned, it is true, reverence and submis- 
sion,^ but soon disclosed his true sentiments by forthwith 
demanding the dismissal of the Papal nuncio, a thing which 

1 See HjARNE, Sigismunds svenska resor, 42. For the inter- 
preter, P. I. Rabe, see Script. Rer. Pol., XIV., 63 seqq. For 
Ernhoffer see Duhr, I., 680 seq., 706. 

-See Parnanen, 13 seq. 

* See *Ragguaglio {supra, p. 89, n. i). 

* See ibid. Cf. Hurter, III., 355. 

* Cf. Hurter, III., 355 seq. 


had already been demanded at Dantzig by the councillors who 
had been sent to meet Sigismund. The king refused this 
demand on the ground that Malaspina had not been sent to 
the kingdom of Sweden, but to himself ; he had done no wrong 
to Sweden, but had done good service in promoting the king's 
journey ; if the envoys of the Tartars and Muscovites were 
admitted, why not he as well ?^ Sigismund also refused to 
confirm the decrees of the ecclesiastical assembly of Upsala, 
as well as to recognize Angemiann as archbishop. The nuncio 
encouraged him in this, reminding him not only of his duty 
as a Catholic, but also pointing out to him how much opposed 
it was to his royal authority that he should submit to decisions 
which had been arbitrarily taken during his absence.^ It 
was said, however, that Sigismund was already personally 
pledged, in that, as a youth, together with King John, at the 
request of the nobles and Duke Charles, he had signed an 
undertaking that he would change nothing in Sweden as far 
as religion was concerned, and would not admit Catholics to 
hold public ofhce. This undertaking, however, had been 
expressly revoked by King John in 1591,^ when he realized 
the danger it involved to his civil authority. 

^ See Geijer, IL, 278 n. i ; Hurter, III., 358. 

* *Non mancava il Nuntio Apost. di rappresentarli che ne per 
coscienza ne per dignita dovea confirmare decreti risoluti nel sue 
regno senza 1' autorita sua ne essi havean bisogno di octal appro- 
vatione in cosa che senza lui haveano stabiJita. Ragguaglio istor. 
etc., loc. cit., 541 b. 

3 *Ma accorgendosi Giovanni che da Carlo e da senator! in 
questa lore procurata esclusione de' cattolici si era mirato ad 
escludere anzi Sigisniondo e i suoi figliuoli dal dominio e dagli 
ufficii del regno per tirarne tutta 1' autorita in loro stessi che ad 
altro fine, havea nell' anno 1591 privati i senatori del grade e delle 
facolta et tolto loro di mano lo scritto sudetto e lacerate fattolo 
riporre nella cancelleria del regno, in cui pur cosi squarciato 
tuttavia si serbava, ne da quell' hora in poi haveva permessa ne 
r assoluta confessione Augustana ne 1' esclusione de' cattolici 
(Ragguaglio ist. loc. cit., 542). It is surprising that Ranke 
(Papste, II.*, 245) who had the Ragguaglio at his disposal, paid 
no attention to this important source. 


In the meantime the seeds of suspicion of Sigismund sown 
by Charles were bearing fruit, and the Protestant clergy eagerly 
encouraged it. It seemed intolerable to them that the king 
should have sent a Jesuit to the Castle of Drottningholm, where 
he could give the Catholics of the neighbourhood the comforts 
of their religion.^ One of the preachers hurled from the pulpit 
anathemas against all who had any relations with the Papists ; 
when he was threatened with imprisonment, however, he 
declared that he did not intend to include the king in this.^ 
When two Catholics of the retinue of Sigismund died, the king 
had to have recourse to force in order to obtain Catholic burial 
for them. The preachers then spread the rumour that Sigis- 
mund intended to restore all the churches of Sweden to Catholic 
worship by force ; some 4,000 armed men gathered together 
and threatened the nuncio, against whom quite absurd 
accusations were made, as for example that he had ordered 
stones to be thrown from his house at some bo3^s who were 
singing in church. Malaspina defended himself against 
the accusations, but refused the guard offered to him by 

Duke Charles did all he could to fan the excitement, and for 
this purpose deliberately made use of foolish fables, which, 
however, had their effect upon the populace. Thus he spread 
the story that near Linkoping two dragons had been seen 
fighting, one with a crown and the other without ; the latter 
had been victorious over the one that was crowned.* The 

1 See Thf.iner, II., 49. 

2 See HuRTER, III., 357. 

^ See *Ragguaglio ist., loc. cit. Cf. also Runs, II., 269, and 
HuRTER, III., 357 seq. 

* *Carlo spargeva che in Nicopia sua citta fossero aparsi in aere 
due dragonj, Tunc con la corona in capo et I'altro senza e che 
essendo venuti insieme a battaglia in fine dope molto sangue 
rincoronato perditore e squarciato havesse lasciato I'altro 
vittorioso volendo diniostrare a popoli facili a muoversi da vane 
superstitioni che i cieli e gli elementi per liberare il regno di 
travagli promettevano a lui la corona di Sigismondo. *Rag- 
guaglio loc. cit. 


preachers spread the calumny that on the way to Sweden, 
the nuncio had been guilty of profaning the consecrated 
hosts. However foolish these stories were, they did not 
fail to produce their effect, and stirred up the people 
against the Catholics. Some forty men and women who 
had intended to return to the ancient Church, thereupon 
drew back.^ 

Sigismund endeavoured to calm the excitement by declaring 
that he would do no injury to anyone on account of his religion. 
He also tried to sow dissensions between the aristocracy and 
Charles, counting on the fact that the duke was hated by many 
of them on account of his greed for money. In spite of this 
the king's position remained very difficult ; if he were to leave 
the government in the hands of the aristocracy, it was easy 
to foresee a return to an elective monarchy ; if he were to 
hand it over to Duke Charles, it was only to be expected that 
his desire to be king would lead to a like result. " Of what 
use is it to us," wrote Malaspina to Rome, " to fathom the 
evil intentions of our adversaries ? Our position is like to 
that of a ship without oars which fmds itself tossed about in a 
storm, and unable to count upon any human help."^ The 
fervour with which Sigismund fulfilled his religious duties 
aroused among the Protestant population partly hatred and 
partly contempt, while his great leniency was taken for 
weakness.^ With all the greater insistence pressure was 
brought to bear upon him to confirm the decrees of the 
ecclesiastical assembly of Upsala. Duke Charles declared 

^ See the *report of Malaspina to Cardinal C. Aldobrandini, 
dated Stockholm, January 12 (Gregor. Cal.) 1594, Borghese, III. 
91, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 *" Che giova a noi conoscere li fraudulent! arteftcii di costoro 
poiche siamo a guisa di naviglio senza remi in mezzo di un tem- 
pestoso mare destituti da ogni humane auxilio, et non sapendo 
per cio quelle che dobbianio fare non ne resta altru rifugio se non 
livoltare gli cchi al Signore." Cypher report to Cardinal C. 
Aldobrandini, dated Stockholm, 1594, January 25. Borghese, 
III., 91 a-b, Papal Secret Archives. 

^ See *Ragguaglio ist., loc. cit., 542b. 


that if he would not do so he would not be present at the 
ceremonies of the coronation.^ Against this both the nuncio 
and the queen pointed out that he had no right to impose 
laws upon the consciences of his subjects, for they too could 
claim libert}^ of conscience. ^ The nuncio also advised the 
few Catholics who still remained in Sweden to address 
complaints to the king on account of the violations of the law 
which were imposed upon them, but they could not find the 
necessary courage to take such a step.^ 

In the reply which he made to the Council in January, 
1594, Sigismund expressed his surprise at their wishing to 
impose conditions for his coronation upon him, and hinted 
at the difference between an hereditary and an elective 
monarchy. He was the hereditary king of a kingdom which 
professed a different religion from his own ; it was his intention 
to leave the Protestants undisturbed as soon as they had told 
him what liberty they intended to allow to his Catholic 

A decision had to be come to by the beginning of February, 
1594, when the king would go to Upsala, where the States 
were assembled, in order to celebrate at the same time the 
obsequies of John III. and the coronation of King Sigismund. 
As this occasion might be made use of in order to extort the 
desired concessions, Malaspina advised the king to defer the 
latter ceremiony, which was not absolutely necessary in the 
case of an hereditary king, and as Sigismund's predecessors 
had done on several occasions. The king, however, pointed 
out the difference in his own position, which obliged him to 

1 See the report of Malaspina to Card. C. Aldobrandini, dated 
Stockholm, 1594, January nth, loc. cit. 

2 *" II Nuntio e la Reina moglie . . . facevano ogni opera della 
sua riputatione a non lasciarsi da suoi sudditi mettere leggi nella 
propria coscienza, la quale essi tuttavia volevano libera." 
Ragguaglio, loc. cit. 

3 See the remarks from the *Ragguag!io, loc. cit. already given 
by Ranke (II., 247, n. 2). 

* See Geijf.r, II., 279. 


return to Poland.^ Duke Charles also attended the corona- 
tion, not as Sigismund did, with a simple body-guard, but with 
a retinue of 3,000 armed men, both infantry and cavalry. ^ 
This fact increased the boldness of the Protestants. They 
had demanded that Malaspina should not appear at Upsala, 
but Sigismund remained firm on this point, despite violent 
pressure that was put upon him, and in answer to the 
threatening attitude of the Protestants, gave Malaspina an 
armed escort.^ During the obsequies of his father in the 
cathedral of Upsala, Sigismund tried to maintain, as far as 
was possible, his attitude as a Catholic. He was obliged, 
however, to allow Archbishop Angermann to deliver a funeral 
oration from the pulpit, which was not lacking in attacks 
upon the ancient Church. After this a Catholic delivered 
a Latin discourse, but not from the pulpit.* The nuncio was 
satisfied with the ceremonial observed, in so far that there 
was no ritual of a Protestant character.^ 

1 *Non lascio il Nuntio di raccordare al Re che se egli pur 
temeva com 'era da temersi che i suoi sudditi con coronarlo 
volessero farlo servire a loro dishonesti voleri potrebbe per non 
ricevere con questa corona questa servitii differirla ad altro tempo 
non essendo la coronatione a principe hereditario e giurato come 
lui fuorche un'atto di cerimonia che di sostanza e che Gustavo 
istesso suo avo dopo I'elettione eia stato quattro anni a coronarsi 
et Arrigo suo zio e Giovanni suo padre I' pur differita 
molto tempo amministrando tuttavia ogni cosa con assoluta 
autorita. Replicava il Re, che a quelli che doveano continuare 
la stanza nel regno era stata facil cosa, ma che a lui che dovea 
partirne sarebbe molto difficile a conservarsi Re senza la corona 
Ragguaglio loc. cit., 543. 

* See Geijer, II. , 279. 

3 See the *report of Malaspina to Card. C. Aldobrandini, dated 
Stockholm, 1594, February 8, Borghese, III., 91 a-b, Papal Secret 

* See the *report of Malaspina to Card. C. Aldobrandini, dated 
Upsala, February 12, ibid. 

* *" Quello che in questa attione si e ottenuto di buono e stato 
che non si e fatto atto alcuno secondo il rito heretico." Report 
of Malaspina of February 12, 1594, ibid. 


Duke Charles once again declared that he would not allow 
the coronation unless Sigismund first gave his assent to the 
decrees of Upsala. Charles also declared himself opposed 
to the cession of a few churches to the Catholics, or even of 
one in Stockholm. Some of the royal councillors were in 
favour of this concession, but ultimately agreed with the 
duke. The latter declared to the States : " I will not separate 
myself from you ; if Sigismund desires to be your king, he 
must assent to j'our demands."^ 

Sigismund was attached with all his heart to the Catholic 
religion ; it is no wonder, then, that he resisted to the end 
giving his consent to demands which would not only seriously 
injure his royal authority, but which would also weigh heavily 
upon his conscience. He declared that he would rather lose 
his crown than condemn the Catholics to forfeit all their 
rights. They must at any rate be allowed the free exercise of 
their own religion. The Protestant States, led by Duke 
Charles and the Archbishop of Upsala, wished on the other 
hand only to allow the king to have the Catholic mass cele- 
brated in private, in his own chapel, during his sojourn in 
the kingdom. At his departure he was to be accompanied 
by all the priests, and the two Jesuits. Subsequently the 
States insisted absolutely on the prohibition of all public 
Catholic worship ; moreover, no Catholic must hold any public 
office in Sweden, and anyone who passed over to the Catholic 
religion, or caused his sons to be educated therein, was to lose 
his civil rights. 2 Lastly, the States declared to their king, 
in openly threatening terms, that if he would not agree to 
their demands, they would not pay him homage.^ 

One who was well informed as to the events of the time 
reports that Sigismund's sister, who was a zealous Protestant, 
and the Protestant Swedes of her household, urged their 
co-religionists not to desist from continuing to attack the 
king, ^o make him consent to their demands, saying that 

1 See RiJHs, II., 271 ; Geijer II., 279. 

2 See Runs, II., 272 ; Geijer, II., 280. 

3 See Ranke, II., 249. 


even though at first he showed himself resolute and firm, he 
would end, according to his wont, by giving way.^ This 
policy of annoyance was adopted, and an attempt was further 
made to deprive the king of the support of the Papal nuncio. 
Six Swedish noblemen presented themselves before the latter 
and asked him to leave the country. Malaspina replied that 
he had come openly and had been received as the envoy of 
his sovereign ; he could not, and did not intend to go away, 
as he had done nothing to deserve that the rights of nations 
should be violated in his case.^ Finally the Protestants openly 
told the king that they would have recourse to revolution if 
he did not consent to their demands ; they even went so far, 
Sigismund reported to the Pope, "as to threaten me with 
imprisonment, my Polish retinue with destruction, and the 
Swedish Catholics with death. "^ The nuncio was in obvious 
danger of death, as an assault by violence upon his house 
was in preparation. 

Sigismund warned Malaspina that his life was in danger, 
and that there was no time to be lost, for the attack would 
be made within three hours. The Pope's representative 
calmly replied that the king must in that case wait quietly 
for those three hours, when it would be seen whether the 
threats of the Protestants were really serious. He, the 
nuncio, did not fear death, and would never consent to the 
king's giving way to the Protestant demands. The king's 

^ *Dairinfanta sua sorella ostinatissima heretica e da Suetesi 
ch'erano dimorati appresso I'Re in Polonia, heretic! anch'essi, 
venivano confortati i .senatori e gl'altri a non cessare di battagliare 
il Re, il quale benche di sua natura si mostrasse a primi assalti 
costante e intrepido si lasciava nondimeno doppo non lunga 
batteria facilmente espugnare. Ragguaglio, loc. cit., 543. 

2 See in App. No. 13, the ^Relatione dello state di 
Suetia, Vallicella Library, Rome. Malaspina refers to this 
episode in his *Dialogo sopra li stati spirituale e politico dell' 
imperio et delle provincie infette d'eresie " in Cod. N. 17, p. 31, 
of the Vallicella Library, Rome. 

3 See the *letter of Sigismund of March 8, 1594 (Doria Archives, 
Rome) in App, No. 2. 



Polish councillors were of the opinion that he should give way.^ 
But Malaspina remained inflexible : the king must not yield 
to the demands of the Protestants. 

As the threats became more and more alarming, the king 
turned in panic to Rabe and Ernhoffer, the two Jesuits who 
had come with him from Poland. Rabe was of the opinion 
that in the circumstances, and in view of the difficulties and 
dangers to which Sigismund was exposing himself by his 
refusal, he might yield to the Protestant demands ; Ernhoftcr, 
who had hitherto been of the same opinion as Malaspina, did 
not dare to oppose this definite decision.^ Sigismund made 
public this decision in writing, and then, without notifying 
Malaspina, gave the assent which the Protestants demanded 
as to their religion, reserving to himself, however, the right 
to grant later on, in accordance with the advice of the States, 
more favourable conditions to his own co-religionists.^ It was 
only with great difficulty that Sigismund brought himself to 
recognize Angermann as Archbishop of Upsala, as the latter's 
appointment had undoubtedly been an unheard of usurpation 
of his royal prerogatives.^ In the end, however, he gave way 
on this point as well ; he only insisted that not Angermann, 
but the Protestant bishop of Vesteras should place the crown 
upon his head. 

The nuncio Malaspina had reported to Rome as early as 
the last days of January, 1593, concerning the question of 
the unction and coronation. At that time Sigismund as well 
was resolved not to allow this ceremony to be performed by a 
Protestant bishop, who, as he rightly thought, was only a 
layman. As the Swedes, on national grounds, refused a 
Polish bishop, the king for a time thought of Malaspina.^ 

1 Cf. the *report of Malaspina of August 15, 1594, in App. 
No. 6, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See in App. No. 2, the *report of Malaspina of March «, 
159/I (Papal Secret Archives) and No. 13 the *Relatione dello 
state di Siietia, Vallicella Library, Rome. 

* See Geijer, II., 281 n. i. 
^Opinion of RtJHS (II., 273). 

' See the *report of Malaspina to Card. C. Aldobrandini of 
January 15, 1593, Borghese, II., 68, p. 477, Papal Secret Archives. 


The point of view of the Holy See had by the Pope's orders 
been sent to the nuncio in a long cypher letter from Cinzio 
Aldobrandini of August ist, 1593.^ They had reason to hope 
in Rome that Sigismund would take these observations into 
account, as Malaspina again reported in September concerning 
the firm intentions of the king, and his unwillingness to receive 
the crown from the hands of an heretical archbishop.^ But 
the circumstances were stronger than his good will, for Duke 
Charles threatened to declare any other form of coronation 
than this invalid.^ On February 19th, in the magnificent 
cathedral of Upsala, Sigismund had the crown placed upon 
his head by the Bishop of Vesteras.* His consort did not 
receive the unction, for this descendant of the Hapsburgs, 
in her strong faith, refused to make an}^ compromise.^ 

Malaspina was quite in agreement with her. He had 
threatened to enter a protest, and it was for that reason that 
Sigismund had concealed from him the reply of the two 

1 See ibid., pp. 469-471. 

2 *Report of Malaspina, September 23, 1593, ibid. 

3 See *report of Malaspina of March 8, 1594 (Papal Secret 
Archives) in App. iSFo. 

* Theiner (II., 348 seq.) has published the report of Malaspina's 
auditor, Ruggiero Salomoni, whicu makes it clear how greatly 
Sigismund felt himself to be threatened by Charles. Sigismund 
described his position to the Pope by means of the nuncio : see 
his *letter dated Upsala, 1594, March 8, Doiia Archives, Rome, 
In this it is stated : " Occurrebant nonnulla quae S.V. quam 
secretissime significanda duximus, quae quidem ill. legatus S*^*^ V. 
in notam S*^* V. forman redegit. Mittimus igitur hac ipsa S.V. 
hisce inclusa." The enclosed letter of the king, w^hich was read 
in consistory, in App. No. 2. A second similar *letter from 
Sigismund to the Pope, dated Stockholm, 1594, March 17, is also 
in the Doria Archives, Rome. Even before these letters reached 
Rome, Clement VHI. had expressed himself very leniently as to 
the surrender of Sigisnmnd, which had been forced upon him by 
the circumstances ; see in App. No. 4, the *Instruction to 
Malaspina of April 30, 1594, Papal Secret Archives. 

5 See *report of Malaspina of March 8, 1594 (Papal Secret 
Archives) in App. No. 3. 


Jesuits. When two days later the nuncio learned the truth/ 
he wished to set out for Denmark, where the king had resolved 
to prepare for him a courteous welcome, so as to show, as he 
said, the barbarous Swedes, how the envoys of sovereigns 
should be treated. But Sigismund succeeded in holding the 
nuncio back. The latter sought to profit by the complaisance 
which the king had shown before his coronation, persuading 
him to put into writing a protest that the oath had been 
extorted from him by force, for according to the universally 
accepted doctrine an oath that is thus extorted is void. 
Taking his stand upon this, Malaspina persuaded the king to 
make adequate concessions to the Catholics, since, as had 
been the case with himself in Poland, and v/ith the Emperor 
in Germany, he was bound by oath to favour the Catholic 
party. 2 In conformity with this, before his departure, the 
king conferred offices and titles upon Catholics as well, and 
obliged the four lieutenants, although they were Protestants, 
to swear to protect the Catholics and their religion . Sigismund 
acquired two houses in Stockholm and Upsala, in which he 
established chapels for the Catholics who still remained, and 
installed a priest. Two other Catholic priests were sent by 
him to the ancient and celebrated convent of Vadstena, which 
had almost miraculously survived all the storms.^ 

Even before this change of attitude, of which Sigismund 
sent a report to the Pope,"* had become generally known, the 

^ See ibid. 

^ See in App. No. 13, the *Relatione dello State di 
Suetia, ValliceJla Library, Rome. The text of the passage 
concerned was incorrectly given by Ranke, Papste, IL, 250 seq., 
and the passage is also wrongly interpreted. It is wrong when 
Ra,nke, loc. cit. says : " Sigismund, in order to free himself from 
all the obligations which he had undertaken upon oath, took 
a contrary oath to the opposing party." In the opinion of 
Malaspina, the oath which had been extorted by force implied no 

'See in App. No. 13 the *Relatione dello Stato di Suetia, 
loc. cit. 

* See his *letter in App. No. 2. Doria Archives, Rome. 


Lutheran preachers, exulting in the victory which they had 
won over the king at Upsala, had become guilty of grave 
excesses. They openly deplored the fact that Sigismund had 
allowed himself to be blinded by the tricks of Papistry, as 
they called it. When the king and queen, in accordance with 
ancient usage, had washed the feet of twelve beggars, the 
Lutheran pastor, Eric Schepjerus, delivered a discourse on 
Easter Sunday against this work of charity, and forbade 
anyone to give alms to those beggars, so that these 
unfortunates almost died of hunger.^ Again, the circumstance 
that Sigismund asked the Pope to act as sponsor to his 
daughter,'^ who was born in May, gave rise to fresh attacks 
upon the king. Moreover, disgraceful disputes broke out 
between Poland and Sweden. We cannot wonder then that 
Sigismund felt the ground giving way under his feet when he 
saw everyone in a state of irritation against him in his Swedish 

The news from Poland was such as to make the return of 
the king appear to be urgently necessary,^ and when Sigismund 
had provided, as far as he could, for the security of his sove- 
reignty in Sweden, he embarked once more in the middle of 
July, 1594.^ Malaspina took his place in the principal ship, 
so that the standard of the Holy See once more floated over 
the waters of the Baltic. While on the high seas the nuncio 
wrote a report to Rome, in which he drew a retrospective 
picture of the events of which he had been a witness. In 
this the nuncio makes it appear that the complaisance shown 
by Sigismund towards the religious problem at the advice 

1 See Runs, II., 275. 

2 See the brief of February 17, 1594, in Theiner, II., Doc. 
p. 95. The *letter of thanks from Queen Anna to Clement VIII. 
dated Stockholm, 1594, June 27, in which she informs him of the 
death of her daughter, who had died soon after her baptism, in 
Doria Archives, Rome. 

3 See Theiner, II., 276 seq. 

* Cf. *Ragguaglio {supra, p. 89, n. i) Vallicella Library, 

5 Cf. HuRTER, III., 363. 


of the Polish " politicians " of his retinue had not silenced 
the political aims of the Protestants, but had rather encouraged 
them. Sigismund was opposed by his powerful uncle, who 
was ambitious and unscrupulous, and by the undisciplined 
aristocracy, while the people, instigated by the Protestant 
preachers, only recognized the new king in word. The Polish 
chancellor was of the opinion that Sigismund, by residing in 
Poland, would be far more respected than if he remained 
where he was. This may be the will of God, says Malaspina, 
but many are of quite another opinion ; Sigismund is to be 
counted among the optimists, but how, concludes the nuncio, 
can one have confidence in men who have been found wanting 
in their loyalty to God ?^ 

This fear was only too well founded. Sigismund had given 
Duke Charles, who had solemnly sworn fealty to him at 
Upsala, full powers to govern the kingdom in conjunction 
with all the councillors, though he had expressly forbidden him 
to hold Diets or to introduce new ordinances.^ In open 
defiance of this order, and in spite of the protest of the council 
of the kingdom, with which the aristocracy associated them- 
selves, Charles convoked a Diet at Soderkoping in the autumn 
of 1595, which ventured upon the greatest usurpations of the 
rights of Sigismund, and issued decrees for the extermination 
of the Catholics who still remained in Sweden. All 
" sectaries," so the ordinance ran, who are opposed to the 
Protestant religion, must leave the kingdom within six weeks. ^ 

This ordinance was at once enforced with a rigour that 
often was indistinguishable from cruelty.'* 

This time the death knell had struck for one of the most 

^SeeinApp. No. 6, the *report of Malaspina, August 15, 1594, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See RiJHS, II., 279 seq., who defends Sigismund against the 
accusation of having left his kingdom without having made the 
necessary arrangements for its government. 

^ See Baaz, Inventarium, IV., 567; Ranke, II., 151 seq. 
CJ. also Messenius, Secondia illustrata, VIII., Stockholm, 1702. 


* Opinion of G. Droysen, Gesch. der Gegenreformation, 221. 


venerated places in Sweden. After ten years of martyrdoms, 
there still remained at Vadstena eleven virgins consecrated 
to God, who with prayer and contemplation faithfully watched 
over the tomb of one of the greatest of Swedish women, Saint 
Bridget. In the e3^es of the Lutheran preachers this was an 
abuse that could no longer be tolerated, and the nuns were 
driven out, after they had been submitted to disgraceful 
tortures in the presence of Duke Charles, in order to make 
them apostatize from their religious convictions. The church 
of the convent was despoiled and the library dispersed. With 
the help of Sigismund eight of the exiled nuns found an 
asylum in Dantzig, while three remained in Sweden ; only one 
was faithless to her vows and religion.^ 

After the few Catholic priests who were still carrying on 
their work in Sweden had been banished from the kingdom, ^ 
Archbishop Angermann of Upsala undertook a great visita- 
tion of the churches, in the course of which all traces of the 
ancient faith were destroyed with violence. " With un- 
relenting fury," says a Protestant historian, " all the sacred 
images were destroyed, and all the monuments of the past, 
which had for long been the objects of deep veneration, were 
broken down."^ The people were forcibly compelled to 
assist at Protestant worship, and those who failed to do so 
were scourged. Angermann had this chastisement carried 
out under his own supervision.^ All Catholic ceremonial 
which had remained in use since 1593 onwards was abolished. 
It was then made manifest how little the Swedish people 
had understood Protestant doctrines in their true significance. 
Above all the country folk murmured against these proceed- 
ings, and attributed the bad harvests to the abolition of the 
remains of the ancient faith, which had always been dear to 
them. How enduring was the attachment of the people to the 
ecclesiastical usages of their fathers was shown by the fact 

^ See Messenius, VIII. , 31 seq. ; Runs, II., 85. 

2 See Messenius, VIII., 32. 

3RUHS, II., 285. 

* See Ranke, II., 252. 


that even in 1602 the peasants of Svintuna remonstrated with 
their parish priest because he had refused to celebrate mass 
on the feast of St. Lawrence.^ Highly significant too was 
the fact that the people would not hear above all of the 
abolition of the elevation of the host. One who wrote from 
Sweden was of the opinion that many of the country folk 
would once again become Catholics, if they could be allowed 
to have the mass in their native tongue.^ The brutality 
with which the destruction of Catholic memories was carried 
out was bound to scandalize the minds of such people. It 
sounds incredible, but is vouched for by credible witnesses, 
that a Lutheran preacher, who had taught a crow to babble 
a few words, made it express its sorrow at being excluded 
from heaven, whereupon he baptized the bird according to 
the Catholic rite.^ 

Just as had been the case at Vadstena, where the splendid 
silver reliquaries of St. Eric, St. Bridget and St. Catherine 
were destroyed, no consideration was shown for the precious 
memorials of the early history of the country, so was it in 
other places as well. The statue of the saintly king, Eric of 
Sweden, was dragged from a parish church into the open air, 
and a soldier was ordered to fire his musket at it : the ball 
came back and killed the man, an occurrence which made a 
profound impression on the people.* 

Sigismund was not blind to the attachment of the common 
people to the ancient faith, nor to the indignation which the 
despotic rule of Charles aroused among the nobles. But 
Sigismund could not bring himself to the point of making a 
fresh attempt to recover his kingdom, which his perjured uncle 

1 See Geijer, II., 299 n. i. In Finland as well the peoplt; 
wished to retain the old Catholic customs ; see Schybergson, 
Gesch. Finnlands, Gotha, 1896, 154. 

* See the *report of September 21, 1596, in Theiner, II., 68 ; 
cj. ibid., .i\g. 

^ See in App. No. 13, the *Relatione dello Stato di Suetia, 
Vallicella Library, Rome, 

* See ibid. 

remorsp: of sigismund. 105 

had stolen from him^ by revolutionary methods, for he was 
temperamentally averse to any resolute action.^ He con- 
stantly thought of returning to Sweden, and felt remorse 
for the weakness which he had shown in order to bring about 
his coronation. He once confessed to the nuncio Malaspina 
that he saw the chastisements of God in the various calamities 
which had fallen upon him since then, above all the death of . 
his wife. For the future, he told the nuncio, he would at 
all costs do nothing further to burden his conscience.^ 

This news revived in Rome the hope of the recovery of 
Sweden for the Catholic faith. ^ A memorial which was drawn 

^ " Very rarely were any more rebellious measures employed 
to save the national {s-ic) monarchy ! Sweden stood firm amid 
its glorious revolution," says Dkoysen, Gesch. der Gegensre- 
formation, 222. 

2 See Geijer, II., 287. 

3 See in App. No. 13, the *Relatione, etc. Vallicella 
Library, Rome. 

* The first tidings, which were too optimistic, had raised great 
hopes in Rome, see Paruta, Dispacci, II., 131, 152. To a letter 
from Sigismund to the Pope, of September 16, 1593, Clement VIII. 
replied on December 16 (see Theiner, II., Doc. p. 88 seq.) and 
caused it to be read to the Cardinals in consistory on December 20, 
1593 ; see Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, Cod. Barb., XXVI., 5, 
III., Vatican Library, and the *Relatio gestorum et dictorum in 
consist, die 20 December, 1593, in the Rospigliosi Archives, 
Rome, t. 55. Sigismund 's ambassador for Poland and Sweden 
made his obedientia to the Pope on January 1 7, 1 594 (see Theiner, 
loc. cit., 90). In spite of the bad news contained in Sigismund 's 
letter of March 1594 (see supra, pp. 97 seq), Clement VIII. still 
hoped in the autumn of 1594 for a successful issue to Sigismund 's 
efforts on behalf of the Swedish Catholics ; see the brief of 
October 29, 1594, in Theiner, loc. cit., 92 seq. At the consistory 
on December 2, 1594, information as to Sweden, which must have 
been unsatisfactory, was given, but on the other hand, at the 
consistory of June 19, 1595, Clement VIII. reported an improve- 
ment in Sweden, saying that " *quod Carolus ille dux non est 
adeo infestus catholicis eo quod ecclesia ilia in arce N. frequentatur 
etaim ab haereticis." Acta consist, card, S, Severinae, loc. cit., 
Vatican Library. 


up in the Eternal City at that time by one who was well 
acquainted with affairs in Sweden, brought out, among other 
things, the European importance of such an event. ^ Finland, 
in the hands of a Catholic prince, would become of decisive 
importance in the relations of the Church with Russia. From 
thence the Muscovite kingdom could be successfully attacked, 
and that province could also furnish the infantry which was 
lacking in Poland. Even if it should not come to war with 
Russia, the possession of Finland would always exercise a 
decisive pressure upon the Muscovites. The author of the 
memorial enlarges in detail upon the importance of the ports 
of Kalmar and Elfsborg in Westgothland. Anyone who 
held Kalmar was the master of the Baltic, and could also 
take possession of the Duchy of Prussia, as it might be taken 
for granted that the house of Brandenburg would never consent 
to the restoration of the ancient Church. ^ It would perhaps 
be of even greater importance if the beautiful harbour of 
Elfsborg, which had such a splendid situation, were in the 
hands of a Catholic. If the King of Spain were to be given 
a base there for his fleet, he would be in a position to cause 
so much annoyance to the kingdom of Elizabeth, which was 
only three days distant, that she would have plenty to do 
without attacking the West Indies. An alliance between 
Sigismund and Spain, on the express condition that the latter 
should bear the expense of garrisoning Elfsborg, would greatly 
consolidate the power of the king, both in Poland and in 

All these projects were frustrated by the energetic if 
treacherous activity of Charles, for whom Sigismund was no 
match. ^ From the time of his departure from Sweden, said 
Malaspina in August, 1597, Sigismund, for the protection of 

1 See in App. No. 13 the *Re]atio, etc., Vallicella Library, 
Rome, from which it is clear that the author knew of the 
*Ragguaglio {supra, p. 89, n. i). 

2 The passage concerned, from the * Relatione di Polonia by 
Malaspina (Vallicella library, Rome) was given in part, though 
without indication as to its source, by Ranke (II., 254). 

* C/. SvEN TuNBERG 83 scqq., 142 seqq^ 


his rights, had confined himself to severe words, while Charles 
in the meantime cleverly and astutely gathered all the power 
into his own hands. ^ As Sigismund's adherents had no one 
to support them they could easily be driven out. Charles 
also succeeded in getting possession of Elfsborg and Kalmar, 
and successfully began a war agahist Finland.^ One after 
another the important positions fell into the hands of Charles, 
and in proportion as the lawful king showed himself inert 
did the duke seek to win popularity. The preachers were 
already on his side, and he knew well how to win over the 
country folk. Many were tricked by a report that he was 
acting in union with Sigismund. He cleverly described the 
latter as not caring about the Swedes, saying that he would 
never leave Poland to come to Sweden.^ Sigismund never 
really fathomed his uncle, and it may be seen from the negotia- 
tions which he carried on with Charles, by means of his 
ambassador, Samuel Lascy, how he still hoped to come to 
terms with him."* 

The Diet which assembled at Arboga in February, 1597, 
had resolved that Sigismund must be invited by means of an 
embassy to visit his kingdom ; but this project remained on 
paper. Sigismund realized that he would have to act with 
decision if he did not wish to lose Sweden. He then made 
known his resolve to go thither at once, and for that purpose 
summoned the fleet to Dantzig. Charles, in reply, obliged the 
States to enact, at two further Diets, held in February and 
June, 1598, at Upsala and Vadstena, that they pledged them- 
selves, even at the cost of their lives and property to the 
observation of the earlier decrees, saying that they were ready 
to suffer anything rather than allow violence or persecution 
to be inflicted on the duke or any of their number on that 
account.^ After Sigismund had waited in vain for the Swedish 
fleet, and had failed to obtain ships from the Hanseatic 

1 See report of Malaspina of August 17, 1597, ibid., 146 seqq. 

* See Geijer, II., 302 seq. 

* See report of Malaspina cited supra, n. i. 

* See SvEN TuNBERG, 40 seqq., 67 seqq. 
5 See Geijer, II., 303. 


League,^ he had recourse to the desperate step of forcing 
Enghsh merchant vessels to make the crossing, which was 
done from Dantzig in July, 1598. He took with him 5,000 
Polish troops and a brilliant court, and on Juty 30th landed 
at Kalmar, which at once opened its gates to him.^ 

What were his prospects ? Not over favourable, according 
to the description of the Swedish exiles, but at the same time 
not altogether hopeless, since many Swedes, and among them 
the majority of the councillors of the kingdom, even though 
the}^ were Protestant in their sympathies, did not approve of 
Charles governing the kingdom against the express wishes of 
the lawful king, and who, throwing aside the mask, would have 
raised the banner of revolt. '^ Sigismund's principal mistake 
was that he had begun his enterprise too late, and with an 
insufficient number of troops. An adversary so determined 
and cunning as Charles had to be opposed by an overwhelming 

In spite of this, the undertaking, which was followed with 
the greatest attention in Rome, opened favourably. A great 
part of Finland remained loyal to the legitimate sovereign, 
while Stockholm, the capital, declared for Sigismund.^ After 
having parleyed for a month without any result, the army 
took the field. At first the fortunes of war smiled upon Sigis- 
mund, but his generosity towards Charles after his first 
victory and his unwillingness to shed Swedish blood, led 

1 C/. J. Paul in Hist. Zeitschr., CXXXIII., 448. 

^ See Geijer, 304. The question whether a Papal representa- 
tive should accompany Sigismund, was decided in the negative 
by Malaspina, since, should affairs turn out favourably, one 
could be sent at once ; see Sven Tunberg, 154 sea. 

^ See BiAUDET, L, v. 

* See Geijer, II., 304 ; Schafer, Gesch. Danemarks, V., 299. 
In Sigismund's retinue there was to be found his court preacher, 
the Jesuit Laterna, who had, however, to return to Poland for 
reasons of health. On his way back he fell into the hands of the 
soldiers of Duke Charles, who druwned him ; see Messenius, 
Secondia illustr., VIII., 68 ; Juvencius, V., 262 ; J. Metzler, 
Martyrergestalten aus der schwed, Missionsgesch., in Xaveriiis- 
M'i-'>sionskalender, 1923, 


to this initial advantage being quickly lost, and the disastrous 
battle near Stangebro, not far from Linkoping, which was 
fought on September 25th, 1598, obliged Sigismund to return 
to Poland.^ He continued thence to carry on his struggle 
with Charles, but once again his plans, which were supported 
by Spain, were shipwrecked owing to the passive resistance 
of the Hanseatic cities."^ Charles, who was Sigismund's 
superior in energy and strength of will,^ thus remained the 
victor. In July, 1599, he caused Sigismund to be deposed 
by the Diet, and then began a bloody persecution of all those 
who wished to remain loyal to their lawful sovereign and the 
ancient religion.* Clement VIII. ^ lived long enough to see 
Charles, overbearing all opposition, place on his own head 
the crown,'' which he had thus taken by violence from his 

1 A still unpublished report by N. Sergardi, an Italian who 
accompanied Sigismund, on his second expedition to Sweden 
(*Breve compendio hist, del passaggio in Suctia di Sigismondo 
III., 1598) is preserved in the Library at Siena, Cod. K. III., 58. 

^ See J. Paul, loc. cit., 449 seq. 

* See BiAUDET, II., i (1912) x. seq. 

* See Geijer, II., 306 seq. ; Theiner, II., 70 seq. Biaudet 
(I., V.) describes the measures taken by Charles as " une serie de 
repressions barbares." The cruelty of Charles is also brought out 
in the poem by joh. Messenius " The Catholic martyrs of Sweden " 
in Vol. 9 of his Secondia illustrata, and also by Odhner, Larobok 
i Sveriges, Norges och Danmarks historia®, Stockholm, 1886, 
148 seq. ; Leinbeug, Cm finske studerande i Jesuitcollegier, in 
the periodical Histor. arkisto, XI. (Helsingissa, 1891), 196 seq., 
203 seq. Biaudet : Cm linske studerande i Jesuitcollegier, 
ibid., XIX. (1903), 178 seqq. gives further information concerning 
the Jesuit missionaries. 

* Cf. the *letter addressed to Clement VIII. by Count Eric of 
Visinburg, March 20, 1602, Doria Archives, Rome. 

* Biaudet (I., v. seq., 335 seq.) promises to give fuller informa- 
tion concerning an anti-Protestant league which was projected at 
that time in Rome, and which was to be especially directed 
against Sweden. Steinhuber (I., 360 seq.) shows how Sigismund 
endeavoured to get young Catholic Swedes to enter the 


Progress of Catholic Restoration in Poland. — Reunion 
OF THE Schismatic Ruthenians. — The False Demetrius. 

Some compensation for the loss of Sweden was afforded by the 
consoHng progress of the Catholic religion in the Kingdom of 
Poland. At first things had been by no means encouraging, for 
although Sigismund III. was genuinely attached to Catholicism, 
there were nevertheless serious restrictions upon freedom of 
worship in Poland in consequence of the right which the aristoc- 
racy had extorted from King Henry III. in 1572, and which 
had been confirmed by his successors, of deciding their own 
religion and that of their subjects.^ To this was added the 
fact that Sigismund was in no sense a man of energy and 
resoluteness.^ His weakness in the matter of distributing 
the offices of State degenerated into a favouring of the 
Protestants.^ But little by little the Pope's representative, 
the nuncio Malaspina, as well as the higher Polish clergy, 
and especially the Archbishop of Gnesen, Karnkowski (died 
1603), succeeded in leading Sigismund to a different course of 
action.* In course of time the change in the king became 
so complete that a well-informed correspondent was able 
to report to Rome in 1596 that in the whole world there was 

1 For the so-called Confederation of Warsaw see Vol. 

of this work. An opinion by the Jesuit Toledo " *De juramento 
Stephani regis Poloniae de impunitate haereticorum " (in Borghese 
III., 72b, pp. 460 scqq., Papal Secret Archives) puts forward the 
view : " Juramentum tale multis ex partibus iniquam est. 
Male emissum multo tamen peius est adimplere." 

2 See Paruta, Relazione, 431 ; Dolfin, Relazione, 473. 

' See E. Barwinski in : Reformacye w Polsce (ed. Kox) I. 
* See ibid. 



no such obedient son of the Church as Sigismund 1 11.^ 
Qlement VIII. therefore always spoke of him in terms of the 
highest praise. In order to examine more fully the Polish 
question, the Pope, in the first year of his pontificate, had 
appointed a special congregation, composed of Cardinals 
Tagliavia, Galli, Caetani, Salviati, Sforza and Montalto, to 
whom was added Cinzio Aldobrandini. Minuccio Minucci 
acted as its secretary. ^ 

It was a special joy to the Pope that he was able to satisfy 
a long-standing wish of the Poles by bringing to an end in 
the spring of 1594 the process of canonization of St. Hyacinth. 
On this occasion he recalled how greatly St. Hyacinth was 
venerated in Poland in 1588 when he had been there as 

Besides the duty of watching over ecclesiastical interests, 
Germanico Malaspina, who was nuncio in Poland from 1592 
to 1598, had been charged with the task of encouraging the 
war against the Turks. Clement VIII. hoped to win over 
Poland to the great league which he projected against the 
Turks, and when the king had returned from Sweden in 1594, 
Malaspina laboured in every possible way for this purpose ; 
it seemed, however, that he had not reckoned sufficiently 
on the difficulties.^ When, therefore, the success which the 
Pope so ardently desired, and even expected on the strength 

^ *Si e fatto cosi ossequente il sereniss. Re alia Sede Apost. 
che in niuna parte del mondo e in maggior authorita essa sede ne 
li ministri di essa ne I'ordine et giurisdittione eccles. e piu difesa 
et aiutata da Re alcuno di quelle ch'e dalla M*^ del Re di Polonia, 
it is stated in an account written in 1598, with the title : *Attioni 
seguite in Polonia et in Suetia dopo rassontione al pontificate di 
N.S^*^ Clemente VIII. a benefitio del Re, del regno et della religione, 
Cod. N. 34, p. 433 seq., of the Vallicella Library, Rome. Orig. in 
Borghese, III., 96b, p. 97 seq., Papal Secret Archives. 

''See SiiEVE, IV., 126 n. i. 

* See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, March 31, 1594, loc. cit., 
Vatican Library. Cf. also infra, Chapter VI. 

* See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 133. Cf. Vita di Msgr. Ces. 
Speciani, 181 seqq. 


of the reports of Malaspina/ was not attained, it was resolved 
in Rome to send a special embassy. Therefore, at the 
beginning of 1596, the Bishop of Caserta, Benedetto Mandina, 
who belonged to the Theatine Order, was appointed, ^ and 
in April of the same year, the Cardinal legate Caetani.^ The 
latter left Rome on April 25th with a large retinue and reached 
Vienna about a month later. The master of ceremonies, 
Mucantius, who accompanied the legate, wrote a very inter- 
esting description of this journey from the point of view of 
history and culture.^ 

* Cf. *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, December 2, 1594, and 
March 6, 1595, loc. cit.. Vatican Library. 

2 CJ. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 290. See also B. Mandinae, 
congreg. cleric, regul. episc. Casertini, nuntii ad regem senatumque 
Polonum Apost. Oratio de foedere cum christianis contra Turcam 
paciscendo habita in comitiis Varsaviae, 3 Cal. April, 1596, 
printed at Cracow, 1596, and also Roberti Turneki Orationes, 
II., 80 seqq. Cf. also *" Successo de comitii di Polonia circa la 
lega contra il Turco," dated Warsaw, 1596, May 14, in Cod. N. 35, 
p. 133 seq., Vallicella Library, Rome. Ibid. 108 seq. *" Motivi 
ne Polachi per difficoltare la conclusione della lega contro il Turco 
con le risposte alii detti motivi, 1596." Lunig (Staatsconsilia, I., 
487) makes the " reflection as to whether it is better for the Poles to 
break the peace with the Turks or to maintain it, and of the 
disputation concerning the reasons for and against held in 1597 
before Pope Clement VIII." 

3 Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 291. 

* *" Itinerario o diario di tutte le cose occorse nel tempo di 
Clement VII.. nella legatione del card. Gaetano al Re di Polonia 
libro I e II scritto da Giov. Paolo Mucante, maestro di ceremonie," 
in Ottob. 2623, Barb. LVL, 103, and LVIL, 26, Vatican Library, 
and in Arm. I., vol. 82, Papal Secret Archives, the dedicatory 
letter, dated Ferrara, 1598, May 15, to Cardinal C. Aldobrandini. 
Copy in Cod. 567 of the Palatine Library, Parma. Cf. Ciampi, I., 
'^57> 349 ^^l-i I1-. 49 ^^'1- '> ZocHBAUER, Ein rom. Reisebericht 
liber Osterreicli aus dem Jahre 1596, in Ayckiv. f. Gesch. der Dioz. 
Lim, V. (1909), 75 seq. I have not succeeded in finding the 
article by O. F. Tencajoli : Un legat du Clement VIII. en 
Pologne, 1596, cited in Quellen u. Forsch., IV., 407. The 


Cardinal Caetani received from Mandina more definite 
information as to the position of the league while he was at 
Vienna, where for eight days he enjoyed the hospitality of the 
Austrian court. They both expected to meet with less 
difficulties from Poland than from the Emperor, since the 
Archduke Maximilian, who was intended for the office of 
commander-in-chief against the Turks, still refused to renounce 
the title of King of Poland. What would happen, the Poles 
asked themselves, should the archduke, instead of marching 
against the Turks, turn his forces against Poland in order to 
vindicate his supposed claims ? To this was added, as 
Caetani reported to Rome, the dilatoriness of the Emperor's 
policy, which was averse to applying the proper remedies to 
any evils. If Maximilian would not renounce his claims to 
the throne, the legate rightly pointed out, the Poles would 
offer such a resistance that all efforts would be in vain.^ 

*Registro di lettere scritte dal card. E. Caetano nella siia legazione 
di Polonia in Cod. X.-VI., 13 and 14 of the Casanatense Library, 
Rome. Ibid., 15 other *documents pertaining to this legation. 

1 *Circa la lega Mons. di Caserta, che arrivo qui alii 27, me 
n'ha dato gran luce. Convenghiamo in questo, che i Polacchi 
siano per caminar bene, ma dubitiamo che dalla parte degli 
Imperial! non si zoppichi, poiche quanto al punto della renuntia 
del titolo, secondo che me ne scrive il vescovo di Cremona [C. 
Speciani], arciduca Massimiliano par che non ci venga bene 
attaccandosi a certe speranze che hanno piu fiori che frutti e 
possono anzi deluderlo che aiutarlo oltre che il vederlo disegnato 
capo e generale di questa impresa f omenta la sospettione de 
Polacchi che habbiano almeno apparente ragione di dubitarne 
tanto pill vedendolo armato e munito et atto a poter piegare 
I'armi e le forze communi a libito de'suoi proprii e privati interessi. 
S'aggionge a questo che I'espeditioni della corte Cesarea nel 
presente negotio vanno lente e fredde e par che si cammini a fine 
non di curare I'infermo, ma di sostenerlo co'fomenti e panni caldi 
piu tosto che con remedii opportuni e gagliardi. Chiara cosa e, 
che senza questa cessione i Polacchi non solo staranno duri, ma 
ostinatissimi e sara vana ogni fatica che s'impieghi in questa 
pratica se non si rimuove la pietra di quello scandalo. Casanatense 
Library, Rome, loc. cit. 



Caetani decided to send Mandina to the Imperial court, after 
which he was to come to Poland to report. 

On June i6th the Cardinal legate reached Cracow/ but it 
was not until August 8th that he was able to inaugurate the 
negotiations between the Polish delegates and these of the 
Emperor at the Radziwill palace. Rudolph II. had placed 
the distinguished Bishop of Breslau, Andreas von Jerin, at 
the head of his representatives.^ 

The inaugural address of Caetani to the envoys of the 
Emperor and the King of Poland, besides explaining the efforts 
which the Pope was making for a crusade, expressed a fervent 
hope that they would give effect to his plans by coming to an 
agreement as to the financial contributions and the prepara- 
tions for the war. In the reply which he made in the name 
of the Imperialists the Bishop of Breslau praised the zeal of 
the Pope, and also brought out the efforts of the Hapsburgs 
for the protection of their hereditary territories and of the 
whole of Christendom against their sworn enemy, and appealed 
to the chivalrous sentiments and the ancient military glory 
of Poland, which in close alliance with the Imperialists, could 
destroy that dreaded foe for their own salvation and that of 
others. At the end the bishop called attention to an inveterate 
and serious defect of Polish assemblies : namely that owing 
to the vehemence of the speeches and the excessive character 
of the demands, the desired object was too often lost sight of 
and an alliance rendered impossible. The orator of the 
Polish representatives. Bishop Goslicki of Przemysl, thanked 
the Pope and the Emperor for their complaisance, but asked 
of the latter, deeds instead of words, as well as the fulfilment 
of the indispensable conditions.^ These were at once put 
into writing. Caetani was unwearied in his efforts to reconcile 
the warring interests, and in turning the attention of the 
Poles from their just insistence upon Maximilian's oath of 

^ Detailed description in Mucantius, *Itinerario, loc. cit. 
* See Jerin-Gesess, Biscof Andreas Jerin, Neisse, 1900, 84 seq., 
and Naegele in Katholik, 191 1, I., 364 seq. 
2 See Jerin-Gesess, loc. cit. 


renunciation to the principal point at issue, the war against 
the Turks. The Bishop of Breslau had great difficulty in 
answering the attacks, which were to a great extent justified, 
upon Austrian polic}^ and, in order to come to a discussion 
of the league, in dealing with the just demand for a renuncia- 
tion of all claims to the Polish throne. At length the Polish 
representatives gave way, on condition that the Archduke 
Maximilian would take an oath of renunciation within a 
determined period, a period which was extended until 
November nth, at the proposal of Caetani. Thus, with great 
difficulty, an agreement was arrived at concerning the league 
on August 31st. ^ 

The hopes expressed by the legate at the conclusion, that 
the still outstanding difficulties would soon be overcome, were 
not, however, realized, as neither the Emperor nor the King 
of Poland would accept the terms agreed upon.'^ 

Caetani's journey to see Sigismund IIL at Warsaw, which 
he entered on September loth,^ proved of no avail, and at 
his first audience, which he received on the 24th, the diffi- 
culties which were finally to render his mission void were 
brought forward. The profound distrust of the King of 
Poland was expressed in his opening words : that very morning 
he had received news that peace negotiations were being carried 
on between the Porte and the Emperor at Constantinople, 
through the mediation of the English ambassador.* 

At the end of October the legate followed the King of 
Poland to Cracow, where the interment of his aunt. Queen 
Anna,^ who had died on August 9th, was to take place. 
Caetani again laboured on behalf of the league at Cracow, 

^ See *Acta et gesta legationis Poloniae et tractionis Craco- 
viensis super negotio confoederationis faciendae inter Papain, 
Imperatorem, regem et regnum Poloniae, 1596, in Ottob. 3184, 
pp. 226-314, Vatican Library. 

2 See Jerin-Gksess, loc. oiL, 97 seq., and Naegele, loc. rAt., 369. 

* Cf. the report of Mucantius, *Itinerario, Papal Secret Archives. 

* Cf. the *report of Caetani, dated Warsaw, 1596, September 24, 
Cod. X.-VL, 14, of the Casanatense Library, Rome. 

* Described in detail by Mucantius, Itinerario, loc. cit. 


while he also interested himself in getting Imperial repre- 
sentatives sent to the Diet at Warsaw. The Poles pointed 
out that a league was very dangerous since Rudolph might 
die and the succession of the House of Austria to the Empire 
was very uncertain. In these circumstances a league against 
the Turks would expose Poland, as the weaker party, to grave 

In spite of the unfavourable conditions, Caetani went in 
February 1597 to the Diet at Warsaw.^ There, in the presence 
of the king and all the senators he delivered a discourse which 
lasted for three quarters of an hour, in which he urged war 
against the Turks, pointing out in the most emphatic way the 
dangers which threatened Christendom.^ But his words fell 
on deaf ears. The Diet did nothing, and the laments which 
Skarga made in his celebrated discourse that followed were 
only too well justified.'* Discouraged and unwell, the legate 
resolved to return to Italy. He went by way of Lowicz, 
Gnesen, Ostrava in Moravia, Olmiitz, Nikolsburg, Vienna, 
Graz, Villach, Pontebba, Treviso, Padua and Ferrara,^ to 

^ *I Polacchi dicono I'lmperatore e mortale e la successione 
dellTmperio in casa d'Austria non e certa e I'esporre il regno a 
queste incertezze con evidentissimo pericolo non e resolutione da 
buon politico, atteso che le leghe possono scioglersi et airhora 
chi puo meno suol devenir preda da chi puo piu e rimaner solo 
alle botte ; e questi dubii si aumentano per non si veder fatta 
I'elettione del Re di Romani. Caetani in his *report addressed 
to C. Aldobrandini, dated Cracow, 1597, January 13, Cod. X.-VI., 
14, of the Casanatense Library, Rome. 

2 Cf. Diaria comitiorum Poloniae anni 1597, in Script, rer. 
Pol., XX., Cracow, 1907. 

8 Cf. Mucanzio, *Itinierario, Papal Secret Archives. 

* See Berga, 247. 

^ See the detailed description of the return journey in the 
*Itinerario of Mucantius, loc. cit. together with a report of the 
impressions of the Cardinal legate of the religious conditions in 
the places through wliich he passed, and of the honour paid to 
the representative of the Pope. Mucantius also gives the whole 
of the scholastic drama performed at Graz by the " scolari della 
prima classe di grammatica " of the Jesuit School. 


Rome, where he gave the Pope a full report. From this 
Clement VIII. learned with sincere satisfaction that in Poland, 
owing to the piety of the king, the zeal of the bishops, and 
the labours of the Jesuits, religion was visibly reviving.-*- 

Malaspina was profoundly disturbed by this two-fold 
mission of special legates. Often made the subject of attacks 
and of severe judgments,- it must have seemed to him an 
emancipation when he was recalled from the Polish nunciature 
in 1598. At the beginning of 1599 Clement VIII. appointed 
Claudio Rangoni, Bishop of Reggio Emilia, to succeed him.^ 

In his final report Malaspina drew an interesting picture 
of the state of affairs in the kingdom where he had resided for 
eight years.* After he had described in the most lucid manner 
the peculiar constitution of Poland, where the powerful 
aristocracy did not permit of the development of a strong 
monarchical power, as well as the dangers to which the 
kingdom was exposed, threatened as it was on the north by 

' In the *Relatio card. Caetani ad Papam de sua legatione 
(Ott. 3184, p. 143 seq., Vatican Library) it is stated : " Religio 
catholica in Polonia, ut apostoli verbis utar, fructificat ac crescit 
et novis quotidie haereticorum conversionibus et animarum 
lucris augetur." Then follo-ws praise of the " eximia pietas imo 
sanctitas " of the king, and of the zealous labours of almost all 
the bishops, whose greatest helpers are the Jesuits. 

* C/. Parisi, Epistolografia, L, 196; Ciampi, II., 51. 

* His *Instructions, February 22, 1599, in Nunziat. div. 239, 
p. 238 seq., Papal Secret Archives, and in Cod. H. 155, n. 2 of the 
Ambrosian Library, Milan. The *briefs of January 11, 1599, 
concerning the legation, in Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 13-29 [cf. n. 113 : 
" Regi Poloniae," dated " Cal. Mart."), Papal Secret Archives. 
Cf. Theiner, III., 271 seq. For Claudio Rangoni see Cottafavi, 
II seminario di Reggio nell 'Emilia, Rome, 1907, 3 seqq. 

* See *" Relatione di Polonia al vescovo di Caserta del 1600," 
Cod. N. 33, pp. 120-144, Vallicella Library, Rome ; ibid. Cod. 
N. 35, pp. 235-270, and in LTrb. 837, pp. 480-512, of the Vatican 
Library, here with the name of Malaspina. Ranke (II., 254 ; 
III., 90*) made use of the report without knowing its author, 
and without giving the source. A Polish translation in Relacye 
Nuncyuszow Apost., II., 75 seq. 


the Swedish Lutherans, on the east by the Orthodox Russians 
and the Cossacks, and on the south by the Turks, he could 
see no other hope of salvation than in an alliance with Austria 
and Transylvania, and in the re-establishment of unity of 
faith at home. As to the former, Malaspina, at the end of 
his mission, had witnessed the oath by which the Archduke 
Maximilian renounced the Polish crown (May 8th, 1598). ^ 
But this, as he fully realized, by no means removed all the 
obstacles that stood in the way of an alliance with Austria. 
Malaspina also formed a just estimate of the difficulties which 
the conditions in Poland put in the way of a Catholic revival, 
although he by no means despaired of the possibility of one 
day seeing unity of faith restored there. He gave his 
successor a number of valuable counsels for the realization 
of that purpose. Above all, the nuncio should encourage 
the king in his good intentions, and maintain unity among 
the Catholics, so that they might oppose a united front to 
their adversaries in the Diets. The nuncio, Malaspina pointed 
out, must prove himself the impartial and dispassionate 
servant of the Holy See, for thus he would be in a better 
position to maintain unity among the Catholics, clergy, laity 
and the sovereign. If disputes should break out, then he 
could more easily act as peacemaker, since the Poles would 
rather have a representative of the Holy See to act in that 
capacity than one of their own countrymen.- 

A brief but weighty summary belonging to August 1598 
shows how Malaspina had devoted all his powers to the 
restoration of the Church in Poland. Special credit is due 
to him for having induced the bishops to follow the good 
example set them by the Pope in visiting their dioceses and 
holding diocesan synods, a thing that had been neglected for 
a long time past.^ Clement VIII. had encouraged these 

1 Cf. HiRN in Mitteil. dcs osterr. Instit., Erg. Bd., IV., 248 seq. 

^ Relatione di Polonia, he. cit. 

^ *" Si e indotto li ecclesiastici che a imitatione di N.S. hanno 
visitate le diocesi, fatto li sinodi diocesani che da molte decine 
d'anni si era tra!asciato et hora cercano di potere celebrare un 
concilio nazionale o provinciale " (Attioni seguite in Polonia, etc., 


efforts in every way, and had taken a special interest in the 
visitation of the Polish Dominicans^ and Carmelites.- The 
Pope's representative, Alexander Komulovic, who was 
labouring in eastern Europe on behalf of the ant i-Turkish war, 
undertook by Malaspina's direction, a visitation of the great 
diocese of Wilna,^ which, after the translation of Cardinal 
Georg Radziwill to Cracow in 1591, had been left without a 
bishop. In 1596 Komulovic succeeded in persuading Sigsmund 
to appoint Bernard Maciejowski to Wilna, thus giving that 
diocese a new and virtuous bishop.* 

As far as was possible, Malaspina endeavoured to enforce 
the decrees of the Council of Trent, which had been accepted 
in Poland. In this respect too his labours were crowned with 
much success.^ The nuncio had also worked for the restora- 
tion of the Catholic Church in Poland in other ways as well ; 
in many of the cities the heretics and schismatics had taken 
away their churches from the adherents of the old faith, and 

loc. cit., Vallicclla Library, Rome). For the visitation of 1596 
of. Script, rer. Pol., XV., 252. The brief of praise to the Arch- 
bishop of Gnesen on account of the provincial synod of July 17, 
1598, in Theiner, III., 273 seq. Clement VIII. highly praised 
the Bishop of Ermland in a *brief to the King of Poland, April 26, 
1603, Arm. 44, t. 57, n. 104, Papal Secret Archives. 

1 See the *brief to the " Cancell. Poloniae," August 7, 1593, 
Arm. 44, t. 34, n. 53, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See ibid., t. 46, n. 100, the *brief to Sigismund III., April 10, 
1602. Clement VIII. also intervened on behalf of the Orders, 
in favour of the right of investiture of the abbeys, but did not 
succeed in obtaining anything from Sigismund, all the more so 
as Malaspina had adopted the Polish point of view on this matter. 
See the details in the article by Luotke in Zeitschr. f. osieurop. 
Gesch., IV. (1914), 7 seq. 

=* See PiERLiNG, II., 359. 

* See the *report of Cardinal Caetani, July 26, 1596, in Cod. 
X.-VL, 14, of the Casanatense Library, Rome. 

' *" Se bene il Concilio era stato ricevuto non era tuttavia 
posto in essecutione onde restavano piu tosto illaqueate le anime 
che assicurate. Si e in buona parte posto in uso la essecutione di 
esse." Attioni seguite in Polonia, loc. cit. 


the number of sacred edifices which had been lost in this way 
was about 4,000. Malaspina encouraged the bishops to 
enforce their legal rights over the ecclesiastical buildings 
which had been erected by their labours, and often with the 
help of the Holy See. King Sigismund strongly supported 
these efforts, and when the Protestants had recourse to him, 
appealing to the confederation of Warsaw, which had ensured 
equal protection to both confessions, he remarked that this 
did not apply to the churches which had been usurped contrary 
to all rights.^ In this way by 1598 at least half the churches 
had been recovered. ^ 

Malaspina reported that the exemplary manner of life of 
the king had brought many Protestants back to the Church.^ 
Great influence in this respect had been exercised by the fact 
that the King of Poland had in his hands the conferring of 
nearly all the civil offices as well as many ecclesiastical ones, 
in all some 20,000.* Before this time Hosius, Bolognetti and 
Clement VIII. himself, when he was Cardinal legate,^ had 
advised the making use of this circumstance on behalf of the 
Catholic cause. This was first done in the time of Stephen 
Bathory,® and from 1592 onwards in an ever increasing degree 
by Sigismund III. ; even to the senate, into which many 
Protestants had made their way, none but Catholics were now 
admitted. The change which was effected in this way was 

1 Cf. Ranke, II., 244. 

^ *" Havevano ]i heretic! et scismatici usurpate da quattro 
mila parocchie ; se ne sono ricuperate interne a due mila." 
Attioni seguite in Polonia, luc. cit. 

3 *Relatione di Pelonia. Cod. N. 35, ValliceJla Library, Rome. 

* *[I1 Re] ha il pane in mano et lo puo distribuire a chi h piace 
et si non i Polacchi poveri di patrimonie et senza i beni regii cioe 
palatinati, capitanati, castellanie et altri ufficii et dignita, che 
seno al numero di circa 20,000 comprese le neminationi et dignita 
ecclesiastiche non potrebbeno vivere con splendore. Relatione 
di Polonia, loc. cit. 

^ Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, App. no. 45, the instructions 
for M. Barberini, Vatican Library. 

« Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, p. 393, 


so great that in a letter belonging to the latter days of 
Malaspina's nunciature it was stated : "If before the pontifi- 
cate of Our Lord the Pope, it seemed as though heresy were 
driving Catholicism into its grave, it is now manifest that 
Catholicism is burying the said heresy."^ There can be 
wonder then that Clement VIII. was highly delighted. ^ 

In the same way as he had laboured for its external develop- 
ment, so did Malaspina devote his attention to the interior 
renewal and consolidation of the ancient Church. He advised 
his successor Rangoni above all to see to it that the Papal 
juridical authority suffered no usurpation in Poland, that 
the bishops fulfilled their duty of residence, and that they 
established good seminaries for the training of the secular 
clergy, and paid much attention to the filling of the parochial 
offices. He also drew the attention of Rangoni to the Catholics 
of Livonia, the Duchy of Prussia, Dantzig, Elbing, and the 
diocese of Wilna, who were oppressed by the Protestants. 
Mixed marriages, which were on the increase in spite of 
ecclesiastical prohibitions, called for special vigilance.^ 

1 *Era il senate pieno di soggetti heretici ; si e purgato di 
mode che appena tre sono infatti di heresia et si e indotta S. M*^ 
a non dare offitii ne dignita a persone aliene dalla nostra santa 
religione di mode che sicome avanti I'assontione al pontificate di 
N. S'^^ pareva che la heresia conducesse il cattolicismo alia 
sepultura, hera si vede manifestamente che il cattolicismo 
seppellisce detta heresia. Attieni sei-,"uite in Pelonia loc. cit., 
Vallicella Library, Rome. 

2 *" Nei restiame sodisfatte del vestre servitie, stimiame le 
vestre fatiche et ci teniamo obligati di rimunerarle," he said to 
Malaspina, accerding to the latter's report dated Ferrara, August 
2o, 1598, Borghese, IIL, 96b, p. 96, Papal Secret Archives. 

^ See *Attioni seguite in Polonia, loc. cit. In 1596 Cardinal 
Caetani had, at the request of the Bishop of Kulm, addressed a 
question to the Inquisition in Rome on a similar matter. Cardinal 
Santori repUed in a *letter of December 5, 1596, that the Congrega- 
tion had discussed the matter under the presidency of the Pope : 
Non e parso in modo alcuno che si possa permettere ne tollerare 
senza peccato che li sacerdoti cattolici coniungano in matrimonio 
persone heretiche e benedicano le loro nozze poiche se bene tra 


A great misfortune for Poland, of which Queen Anna had 
complained in 1594 in a letter to Clement VIII., was the great 
lack of priests.^ All the more important, then, was the 
assistance given by the Jesuits, who had proved themselves 
>he loyal co-operators in the work of restoration carried out 
by Malaspina and the king.^ 

During the pontificate of Clem.ent VIII. the Society of Jesus 
flourished in Poland to an extraordinary degree, both internally 
and external^. If hitherto their members had been to a great 
extent foreigners, namely Italians, Spaniards and Germans, 
the number of natives now increased, among whom were 
numbered many of the aristocracy. During the first years 
of the pontificate of Clement VIII. there were thirteen houses 
of the Order in Poland, while bj^ 1596 there were already 
seventeen. There were colleges at Posen, Braunsberg, Wilna, 
Poltawa, Jaroslaw, Lublin, Nieswiecz, Riga, Dorpat and 
Polotzk ; professed houses at Cracow, Lemberg, Dantzig and 
Thorn, and noviciates at Cracow and Riga. To these must 
be added a special " station " at the Toya.\ court, which after- 
wards became a professed house, when Warsaw became the 
capital. As a single superior could not govern all these 
houses, about the end of the century Lithuania was formed 

lore il matrimonio si tiene, non di meno i cattolici e i sacerdoti, 
che v'intervengono, peccano. Di piu si desidera maggiore 
explicatione se quegli heretici tengano il matrimonio per Sacra- 
mento come i primi heretici Luterani e non come i posteriori et i 
Calvinisti. Di piii se nel dubbio [of the Bishop of Kulm] si parla 
quando tutti doi coniugi sono heretici o vero uno heretico et 
I'altro cattolico. Cod. X-VL, 14, of the Casanatense Library, 

1 *" Magna laboramus sacerdotum inopia." Letter of Queen 
Anna to Clement VIII., dated 1594, die XVII. {sic), copy in 
Doria Archives, Rome. 

2 Cf. for what follows Liti. ann. Soc. lesit, 1592, 67 seq. ; 1593, 
?53 seq. ; 1594-95. 318 seq. ; 1596, 11 seq. ; 1597, 45 seq. ;: 1598, 
403 seq. ; 1599, 445 .';eq. ; 1600, 535 seq. ; 1601, 747 seq. ; 1602, 
716 seq. ; 1603, 647 seq. ; 1604, 763 seq. ; 1605, 880 seq. ; 
luvENCius, III., 239, v., 399 seq. ;, Jesuici w Polsce, 
J„ 2, 


into a separate province, with nine houses and about two 
hundred members ; the Polish province proper contained 
about the same number of members. 

As before, the principal care of the Jesuits in Poland, was 
devoted, besides their ministry, to instruction and education, 
because they clearly realized that another generation would 
have to arise before the work of Catholic restoration could be 
fully effected. The greater number of the four hundred and 
more members whom the Society had in Poland were occupied 
in the education of the young, and they succeeded in imparting 
a sound education to their pupils besides a sincere piety and 
a true loyalty to the Catholic faith. The attendance at the 
Jesuit schools, which soon surpassed all others, was very 
large. Their academy at Posen, for example, had no fewer 
than 650 pupils in 1592, of whom the greater number belonged 
to the aristocracy ; four years later there were 800. The 
Jesuit school at Wilna could boast of a similar number in 
1597-"^ The effect of the Marian congregations which had 
been set up for the pupils was very beneficial. On festal 
occasions scholastic dramas in Latin were presented, a thing 
which was also done elsewhere. 

The high reputation enjoyed by these Jesuit institutions 
led even those of another faith to entrust their children to 
them. The latter were only asked to be present at the sermons, 
but the fathers left everything else to their free choice, only 
taking care that the non-Catholic scholars were not in any 
way hurt in their feelings ; many of these returned to the 
Church. 2 

King Sigismund protected the Jesuits in every way he could- 
It was at his expense that the beautiful Renaissance church 
of St. Barbara at Cracow was erected, the architect of which 
was a Jesuit, Giovanni Maria Bernardoni of Milan. This 
religious, who was distinguished for his great humilit3^ lived 
for forty-three years in the Society, until his death in 1605.-^ 

^ Liu. ami., 1592, 89; 1596, 19; 1597, 46. 
* See Zaleski, I., 2, 377. 
^ Litf. ann., 1605, 881. 


The Jesuits did not limit themselves to their ministry in 
the cities, and missions "in the neighbouring and more distant 
districts were undertaken by almost all their houses. As 
far as the Carpathians and Hungary, and even beyond the 
actual borders of Poland, they made their way into the neigh- 
bouring territories of Germany and Russia,^ and brought to 
those neglected peoples the knowledge of the true Church. 
They spent themselves in a special way during the epidemics 
which frequently broke out in Poland, and the courage which 
they displayed in the service of the sick and dying won the 
admiration even of their enemies. They showed themselves 
equally intrepid in the way they attacked the many heresies 
by means of the public disputations which were then in vogue. ^ 
At first the fathers found themselves in a difficult position in 
Polotzk, and in the largely Lutheran cities of Riga, Dantzig 
and Thorn, ^ but they courageously held their ground. At 
Thorn where they preached in German, the situation improved 
so greatly that it was possible in 1598 once again to hold the 
procession of Corpus Domini.'* At Dantzig too they were able 
to point to considerable successes, but the war with the 
Swedes gave them great trouble at Riga.^ 

At Cracow and other places the Jesuits also visited the 
prisons and hospitals. In the ancient Polish city which 
was the coronation place of the kings, the Confraternity of 
the Misericordia, at whose mass the king on one occasion 
assisted incognito, became very wide-spread,^ while the 
house of the Jesuits founded in 1598 at Warsaw attained to a 
special importance.' They preached in German, Polish and 
Lithuanian at Wilna, where, as at Dorpat, they established 
the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament for men and 

^Ibid., 1594-95. 345; 1599, 197. 453; 1601, 768. 

2 Werher, Gesch. der polem. Lit., IV., 871 seq. 

^ Liu. ann., 1396, 60 seq. ; 1597, 65, 82 ; 1599, 479. 

*Ihid., 1598, 453. 

''Ibid., 1600, 563; 1601, 786; 1604, 729. 

'^ Ibid., 1594-95. 348 ; 1598, 423 seq. ; 1599, 451. 

''Ibid., 1598, 403, 439, 453. 


women ;^ Livonia too, where priests were greatly lacking, was 
evangelized with special zeal.- 

The Polish bishops fully appreciated the valuable collabora- 
tion of the Jesuits. Above all the Bishops of Luzk, Lemberg, 
Posen, Riga, Dorpat, Kulm and Wenden encouraged them 
in a special way. The Bishops of Posen and Luzk asked for 
the fathers to make visitations of their dioceses. The Bishop 
of Jaroslaw got them to give the exercises to his clergy, and 
the Bishop of Pultowa entrusted to them his seminary. ^ 

The Jesuits in Poland also showed a special activity as 
writers, and the fathers who above all distinguished them- 
selves in this direction, besides Peter Skarga, whose reputation 
had spread far beyond Poland, were Benedict Herbest, Adrian 
Jung and Jakob Wujek, to whom Catholic Poland was in- 
debted for an excellent translation of the Bible* 

The conversion of the Jews, who were so numerous in 
Poland, also attracted their zeal, and in this respect they met 
with as notable a success as in the conversion of the heretics, 
and the renewal of the clergy, who had in many wa5'S become 
decadent. As missionaries, preachers, writers, controversial- 
ists and educators, they kept one purpose in view : the 
complete recovery of Poland for the Catholic Church. 

It was not only to the moral and religious renewal of the 
people, and their liberation from heresy, that the Jesuits 
devoted their labours ; they also worked for the removal 
of the separation which since the beginning of the XVIth 
century had involved the Ruthenians (Little Russians) in 
Galicia, Podolia, Wolynia and Ukrainia as well as the natives 

^Ibid., 1594-95. 33^; 1599, 437- 

^ Ibid., 1597, 75. 

^ Ibid. 1594-95 325 seq. 334; 1596, 18, 25, 31, 41, 49, 57; 
1597. 67, 78 ; 1604, 733. Light is thrown upon the state of the 
various dioceses by the *reports of the Bishops of Przemysl, 
Samogitia, Wilna, and Ermland of the end of the sixteenth century 
and the beginning of the seventeenth, in the Archives of the 
Congregation of the Council, Rome, already used by Prof. 
Boratynski in 1901, but not yet pubhshed. 
* See Werner, loc. cit., 344 seq. 


of White and Black Russia in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. 
The famous Peter Skarga was the first and the outstanding 
champion of the project for the reunion of the Ruthenians 
who were subject to the PoHsh crown with the Cathohc Church. 
After he and his fellow labourers had struggled for seventeen 
years in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and its capital Wilna, 
both against the new errors of the Protestants, and the more 
ancient ones of the Greeks, Skarga published in 1577 his 
wonderful book " Of the government and unity of the Church 
of God under one only pastor, and of the Greek schism." 
The first volume of this celebrated work^ was dedicated by 
him to the voivode of Ukrainia (Kiew), Prince Constantine 
Ostrogskyj, who, as the most important Ruthenian magnate 
was patron of about a thousand Ruthenian churches, and 
of the dioceses of Luzk and Pinsk.^ Skarga proved to the 
Ruthenians in the clearest way that their church differed from 
the Roman Church, not only in external customs that were 
of no great importance, but as to the truths of faith necessary 
for salvation. He drew attention to the decadent state 
of the Ruthenian Church which was the result of the schism, 
to the contempt for the ecclesiastical state which prevailed 
there, and to the rule exercised by the laity over the house of 
God. No improvement could be looked for from the Greek 
Patriarch, who was bound to submit himself to the will of 
the Turks, but only from the lawful head, the Vicar of Christ. 
He pointed out that reunion would not be difficult, and him- 
self guaranteed that in the event of the metropolitan being 
ordained by the Pope, and following the Apostolic See in 
questions of faith, they would be allowed to retain their rite 
and usages of worship, since the Church of God was clothed 
with variety, like a queen with the glory of many hued 

The idea of reunion, thus gloriously set forth by Skarga, 
was vigorously supported by another Jesuit, Antonio Posse- 

^ C/. Berga, 195 seq. 

2 See LiKOWSKi, 52 seq., 68. Cf. Spillmann in Stimmeyi aus 
Maria-Laach, XL, 89 ; Bekga, 195. 


vino, who had been sent in 1581 as ambassador to the King 
of Poland, Stephen Bathory, and by the nuncio Bolognetti. 
It was Possevino who decided Gregory XIII. to estabHsh a 
seminary at Wihia for the Ruthenian and Russian youth, 
and to provide free places for the Ruthenians and Russians 
at the Greek College in Rome, and in the Jesuit schools at 
Olmiitz, Prague and Braunsberg.^ At the same time as 
Possevino, the professor of the Polish University at Cracow, 
the court preacher Stanislaus Sokolowski, maintained the 
necessity of reunion in two works. ^ 

Following the example of Skarga, the Jesuits, especially 
those at Wilna, which was the principal centre for attempts 
at reunion, laboured to prepare men's minds by sermons and 
other forms of instruction for the process of reunion. For 
this purpose they appealed to the internal renewal and revival 
of the Catholic Church which had been effected within a 
comparatively short time after the Council of Trent, to which 
they held up by way of contrast the uninterrupted decadence 
of the Greek Church. These attempts to bring about con- 
viction by means of instruction and the return of the Ruthen- 
inas to the Catholic Church by a completely free decision, 
produced good results, but naturally met with opposition, 
which principally manifested itself in the academy founded 
by Prince Ostrogskyj.^ In consequence of this resistance. 
King Stephen Bathory did not venture to support the move- 
ment for reunion. Sigismund III. acted in a like manner at 
first, until the Patriarch of Constantinople and the Ruthenian 
episcopate morally forced him to come to a decision.-* 

The most trustworthy sources of information leave us in 
no doubt as to the fact that in the case of the Ruthenian 
Church the words of St. Cyprian were verified : that a branch 

^ Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, pp. 398, 415. 

2 See LiKOWSKi, 76 seq. 

^ See LiKowsKi, 77, who shows that no one can accuse the 
Jesuits of ever havi.ig urged the Polish government to employ 
rigorous measures, or to employ violence against anyone's 

* See LiKowsKi, 79. 


that is cut off from the Hvmg tree must wither away.^ As the 
greater number of the episcopal sees were filled by unworthy 
men, and profaned by simony, both the secular and regular 
clergy were bound to fall into a state of great ignorance, and 
profound demoralization. Owing to decadence of the pastors, 
the religious life of the Ruthenian people was for the most 
part limited to the maintenance of external forms and the 
strict observance of many rigorous fasts. The educated 
classes, especially the aristocracy, had either embraced 
Protestantism or had entered the Roman and Catholic Church. 
Those among them who still adhered to the Ruthenian Church 
looked upon their depraved clergy with profound contempt. 
Only the religious confraternities, in which the inhabitants of 
the cities had banded themselves together, still showed 
anything of the vitality of the Ruthenian Church. These 
steadily acquired greater importance and power, but interfered 
in an ever increasing degree in matters that concerned the 
clergy. In the end they terrorized over the parish priests 
and even the bishops. Even worse was the fact that into 
the schools that were maintained by the confraternities 
masters found their way who taught errors of religion to the 
young, as dogmas of the Rutheniar Church. Thus no religious 
renewal could be looked for from that quarter. 

Nor was the patriarchate of Constantinople, torn asunder 
by internal discord, and oppressed and humiliated by the 
Ottomans, in a position to render assistance to the Ruthenian 
Church. It was only when they found themselves embarrassed 
by want of money that the Patriarchs of Constantinople began 
to interest themselves in the Ruthenians ; thus in 1586 an 
envoy from the Patriarch of Constantinople presented himself 
among them, and two years later the Patriarch himself. 
On his return from Moscow, where Jeremias II. had allowed 
himself to be induced to set up an independent Russian 
patriarchate, he sojourned among the Ruthenians for some 

^ Cf. for what follows Spillmann, loc. cit., X., 435 seq., and 
above all Likowski, 30-59, and 90 seq., where many details are 


time in 1589. Sigismund III. granted him full liberty for 
his ecclesiastical work, but it was soon seen that it was of far 
greater concern to the patriarch to confirm them in their 
already threatened schism than to reform the morals of the 
decadent clergy. Yet the measures which he took for this 
purpose proved unfortunate for the end which Jeremias II. 
had in view. The Ruthenian episcopate had alread}^ been 
divided by the appointment of an exarch, while a further 
misguided blow was struck by the elevation of the religious 
confraternities of Lemberg and Wilna to the " stauropigiac " 
rank ; by this these lay communities were withdrawn from 
episcopal jurisdiction, and they Vv'ere authorized to watch 
over the orthodoxy, not only of the lower clergy, but also of 
the bishops themselves !^ 

As a result of the general disappointment occasioned by 
the action of the Patriarch Jeremias, it came about that soon 
after his departure the Ruthenian bishops seriously discussed 
the idea of separating themselves from Constantinople, and 
of seeking for a renewal of ecclesiastical conditions by reunion 
with Rome. At the same time a firm determination to detach 
the Ruthenian Church from its union with the patriarchate 
of Constantinople, and to unite it with the Holy See developed 
in the minds of the Polish chancellor, Zamoiski and King 
Sigismund. Sigismund was led to this determination princi- 
pally by religious considerations, under the influence of Peter 
Skarga, who in 1590 dedicated to him the second edition of 
his book " On the Unity of the Church of God."^ The 
chancellor was principally actuated by political considerations. 
His shrewd outlook was not blind to the danger of the 
Ruthenians entering into a rapprochement with Russia, a 

^ See LiKOWSKi, 63 seq., 81 seq., 84 seq. The earlier opinion 
that Jeremias II. had asked for large sums from the metropolitan 
of Lithuania for his consecration has been refuted by the publica- 
tion of MiLKOwicz : Monum. Confraternitatis Stauropigianae 
Leopoliens. (I., Leopoli, 1895, n. cclviii.). But as this sum was 
demanded by an intimate and companion of the patriarch, 
indignation fell upon the latter as well. 

2 Cf. Berga, 223 seq. 



people closely akin to them, in the new patriarchate established 
at Moscow in 1589, the titular of which called himself the 
Patriarch of the whole of Ruthenia. As for the Ruthenian 
bishops, if Gedeon Balaban of Lemberg allowed himself to be 
guided, in the matter of reunion, principally by private 
motives, Cyril Terlecki of Luzk on the other hand, was 
influenced by the consideration that the renewal of his Church 
would only become possible by detaching it from the decadent 
patriarchate of Constantinople, and uniting it to the Catholic 
Church which was then vigorously springing into new life.^ 
A great influence in this matter was also exercised by the 
Latin Bishop of Luzk, Bernhard Maciejowski, so that later on 
Clement VIIL warmly thanked him for the part he had taken 
in bringing about the reunion. ^ 

Of the greatest importance for the reunion with Rome was 
the fact that Terlecki found a most capable, enthusiastic and 
energetic collaborator in 1593 in the person of the new Bishop 
of Vladimir, Hypatius Pociej. Far-seeing, prompt in his 
decisions, energetic, outspoken without regard for persons, 
and yet when necessary, very cautious, he was the very man 
needed to attain to victory in this difficult task.^ 

On June 12th, 1595 (old style), the metropolitan of Kiev, 
Michael Rahoza, called together the Bishops of, 
Luzk and Pinsk, together with the archimandrite of Kobryn, 
at Brest. There they drew up a joint letter to Clement VIIL, 

1 Cf. LiKOWSKi, 87 seq., 92 seq., who, especially against the 
opinion maintained by the Ruthenian and Russian historians, that 
the union of Brest (see further infva, p. 132 seq), was nothing but 
a device of the Jesuits, proves that the chief and more important 
part was the work of the Ruthenian bishops. Criticism has 
confirmed the thesis of Likowski ; see Przeglad Polski, 1898, 
and Kwartalnik Hist., XL, 162 seq., as well as Kaindl in Mitteil, 
aus der hist. Lit., XXXIII., 499 seq. Cf. also Berg.\, 242. 

* See Theiner, Mon. Pol., III., 256. 

^ For Pociej, besides the earli3st biography, which L. Kiszka 
added to the edition of the sermons of that prince of the Church 
(Kazania i homiliye Hipacyusza Pocieja, Suprasl, 1714), see 
especially Likowski, 93 seq., 102 seq., no. 


in which they declared that since the Patriarchs of Con- 
stantinople, as subjects of the Turks, were not in a position 
to do anything to restore ecclesiastical unity, in the interests 
of the salvation of their own souls, and those of their flocks, 
they wished, with the consent of their king, Sigismund, to 
adhere to the reunion entered into at Florence, in which their 
fathers had already concurred, provided that the Pope would 
consent to their preserving their oriental liturgy, and the whole 
of their ecclesiastical ritual. For the carrying out of this 
reunion they had resolved to send Bishops Pociej and Terlecki 
to Rome to the Holy Father.^ After the two above-mentioned 
had persuaded the absent Ruthenian bishops to sign this 
document, they entered into negotiations with the Papal 
nuncio Malaspina and King Sigismund.^ The latter, on 
August 2nd, granted them all that they asked, and by the 
privilege accorded to them on that date, the Ruthenian Church 
was to have all the rights and privileges of the Latin Church, 
and protection against possible reprisals on the part of the 
Patriarch of Constantinople ; henceforward the bishoprics 
were only to be governed by born Ruthenians, elected from 
among four candidates chosen by the episcopate. The 
bishops were to have restored to them the property that had 
been taken from them, and the confraternities were once more 
to be subjected to their jurisdiction. They were also given 
seats and votes in the senate, .though this matter had first 
to be laid before the Diet.^ 

Once the negotiations had reached this point, it became 
possible to reveal the secret which had hitherto been closely 
kept. The Bishop of Luzk, Chelm, Prezemysl and Lem.berg 
informed their flocks, in a pastoral letter of August 27th, that 
the whole of the episcopate, including the metropolitan, had 
resolved, for the salvation of the souls entrusted to their care, 

^ See Theiner, loc. cit., 237 seq. 

* See LiKowsKi, 116 seq. 

8 See the acta relating to the history of Western Russia 
published by the Archeological Commission, IV., Petersburg, 
1 85 1, N. 78-79, and Likowski, 116 seq. 



to make their obedience to the Bishop of Rome. On Septem- 
ber 24th King Sigismund addressed an open letter to the 
Ruthenians, in which he made known his will and desire 
that all his subjects should praise God with an united voice 
and heart, and that the faithful should follow the example 
of their pastor, whose representatives would repair to Rome 
in order to give effect to the reunion of the Ruthenian Church 
with the Apostolic See, on the condition of the maintenance 
of their own rite. 

These words on the part of the king were rendered necessary 
by the fact that the timorous metropolitan Rahoza, who was 
unwilling to disturb his relations with the Ruthenian magnates, 
who were opposed to the reunion, was still hesitating.^ 

Clement VIII., who had been informed by his nuncio of 
the important events that were taking place in Poland, was 
awaiting, with an anxiety that is easy to understand, the 
appearance of the Ruthenain bishops in Rome. He, who 
had himself once been legate in Poland, fully realized the 
importance of that great kingdom as a bulwark of Christendom 
against the Turks on the east, as well as against the schismatics 
on the north. The reunion of millions of orthodox Ruthenians 
with the Church would not only strengthen that kingdom 
politically, but would give the Catholics an absolute pre- 
ponderance over Protestantism, which was divided into so 
many sects. ^ It might also become a natural bridge to Russia. 
From the fact that the audience of the Bishop of Plock, when 
he came to Rome, lasted for three whole hours on November 
12th, 1595,^ it was possible to deduce that an important 
decision concerning Poland was imminent. A few days later 
Bishops Terlecki and Pociej arrived in the Eternal City. 
Clement VIII. assigned them lodgings in a special palace, 
and on November 17th the}' had their first audience.'* The 

1 See LiKowsKi, 118 seq., 138. 

2 See Spillmann in Stinimen aiis Maria-Laach, XL, 97 seq. 

* See * A wise of November 15, 1595, Urb. 1603, Vatican 

* See *Avviso of November 15, 1595, ibid. 


Pope, so the bishops reported, welcomed them as a father 
his sons, with indescribable affection and courtesy.^ On 
account of its importance, the matter was first referred for 
examination by Clement to the Congregation of the Inquisi- 
tion. ^ The Ruthenian bishops were prepared to renounce 
the schism and all doctrines rejected by the Roman and 
Cahtolic Church, but they begged that, in conformity with 
the Council of Florence, the administration of the holy sacra- 
ments and the whole of the Byzantine rite should remain 
unchanged, nor should they undergo any change in the future. 
In agreement with the above-mentioned Congregation 
Clement VIII. granted this request, which was in absolute 
conformity with the principle admitted by the Council of 
Florence : namely, unity of faith despite diversity of rite. 
In his anxiety to promote the reunion the Pope desisted 
from his demand for the immediate introduction of obligatory 
celibacy, and thus gave up the apparently well-founded hope 
that the renewal of the decadent Ruthenian Church, thus 
begun with the reunion, would proceed of its own accord 
as time went on. Clement VIII. also gave up the adoption 
of the Gregorian calendar, as Terlecki and Pociej declared 
that this would meet with determined opposition.^ The 
Pope appointed December 23rd, 1595, for the definite accom- 
plishment of the reunion. On that day he assembled the 
thirty-three Cardinals who were in Rome, the whole of the 
court and the diplomatic corps in the Hall of Constantine 
at the Vatican. The historian Cesare Baronius, who had a 

1 See the letter of the two bishops of December 29, 1595, 
in Harasiewicz, Annales ecclesiae Ruthenicae, Leopoli, 1862, 

2 See Bull, X., 247. The notes referring to this question in 
the Archives of the Roman Inquisition are still unpublished. 
The other acta are given by G. Hoffmann : Ruthenica I. ; Die 
Wiedervereinigung der Ruthenen, Sofia, 1923-24, in Orientalia 
Christiana, III-2, Rome, 1924-25. 

' Spillmann, loc. cit., 98 ; Likowski, 139 ; see Smolka, Die 
reussische Welt, Vienna, 191 6, 162. 


short time before been raised to the purple, has described 
the accomplishment of the reunion as an eye-witness.^ 

After the two Ruthenian bishops had paid the customary 
hom.age, the canon of the cathedral of Wilna, Eustace 
Wollowicz, read first in Ruthenian and then in Latin the 
synodal letter of June 12th, 1595, addressed to the Pope, 
which had been signed by all the Ruthenian bishops. After 
this Silvio Antoniano, by the Pope's command, welcomed 
the Ruthenian bishops, who, for their own good and that of 
their country, and to the unspeakable joy of the Pope, had, 
after a separation of 150 years, once more returned to the 
rock on which Christ had founded His Church, the mother 
and mistress of all Churches, the holy Roman Church. " Oh 
how great and how well deserved," he exclaimed, " is the 
praise which you yourselves have given to the goodness and 
wisdom of God, which has enlightened you to see that members 
divided from the head cannot remain in life, and that he 
who has not the Church for his mother, cannot have God 
for his father.'"^ Then Pociej, in his own name and that of 
all the Ruthenian bishops read in Latin the Catholic profession 
of faith, according to a formula based upon those of Nicaea, 
Florence and Trent, and then accepted it on oath.^ Terlecki 

1 See Baronius, Annales, VII., Venice, 1739, 859 seq. Cf. 
*Diarium P. AJeleonis on December 23, 1595, Barb. 2815, Vatican 

2 The *discourse of Antoniano in Ottob. 1088, p. 142, Vatican 
Library. Pichler, whose account of the union is both biassed 
and inaccurate, calls Antoniano (II., 95) a Cardinal, which he 
only became in 1599. False too is the statement of Pichler that 
the union took place at a consistory. P. Alaleone (*Diarium, 
loc. cit.) expressly calls the assembly congregatio gcncralis. The 
event is not entered in the *Acta consist card. S. Severinae (Cod. 
Barb., XXXVI., 5 III., Vatican Library). The publication of 
the Documenta de Riithenoruin unione (1595) has been prepared by 
G. Hofmann. 

3 The text, omitted in Bull., X., 243, of the " Professio 
fide praesulum Ruthcnorum " is in Theiner, Mon. Pol., III., 
238 seq. 


then did the same in Ruthenian, and thereupon the Pope 
repaired to the church to receive the Ruthenian bishops ; 
his eyes were shining with tears of joy. " To-da}^" he said, 
" a joy fills our heart on account of your return to the Church, 
that cannot be expressed in words. We render special thanks 
to the immortal God, Who, by means of the Holy Spirit has 
guided your minds so as to lead you to seek a refuge in the 
Holy Roman Church, your mother, and the mother of all the 
faithful, who lovingly welcomes you once more among her 
sons." In significant words the Pope paternally exhorted 
these sons who had come back to him, to humility as the 
groundwork of the obedience they owed to the Church, 
" since, owing to her pride, Greece, which deserves our pity, 
and whose misfortunes we deeply deplore, has lost the light 
of truth, and now groans under the yoke of the most bitter 
slavery." With the assurance that his protection and help 
would never be lacking to them, and with the bestowal of the 
apostolic blessing, this memorable solemnity came to an end. 
On the vigil of Christmas the Ruthenian bishops appeared in 
their vestments in St. Peter's for vespers,^ and on the following 
day they were appointed assistants at the pontifical throne. ^ 
By a bull dated December 23rd Clement VHI. announced 
to the Catholic world the return of the Ruthenians to ecclesi- 
astical unity ; in this document he confirmed their rite in 
all particulars, with the exception of anything which might 
eventually prove to be contrary to the truth and the doctrines 
of the Catholic faith. ^ A commemorative medal* immortal- 
ized the important event by which, a centur}' and a half after 
the Council of Florence, the bond of union between the 
Ruthenian Church and the Roman Church was once again 
formed. A similar purpose was served by a constitution of 
February 23rd, 1596, which granted to the metropolitan 

1 See the letter of the bishops, December 29, 1595, cited supra, 
p. 133, n. I. 

2 See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, Vatican Library, 

3 Bull., X., 239 seq. 

* Reproduced in Baronius, loc. cit. 


of Kiev the faculty to consecrate his bishops, but obliging 
him himself to obtain confirmation from the Pope.^ 

"When Pociej and Terlecki made preparations, in February, 
1596, for their return journey, Clement VIII. gave them letters 
for King Sigismund, the civil and ecclesiastical senators, the 
metropolitan Rahoza and the Ruthenian bishops. All were 
warmly urged to maintain the glorious work of reunion, the 
king in particular being urged to admit the Ruthenian bishops 
to the senate as he had promised to do, and to grant the same 
rights to the Ruthenian clergy as to the Latin. The Pope 
enjoined the metropolitan to convoke a council as soon as 
possible for the solemn proclamation of the union formed with 
the Holy See.^ 

While the feeble Rahoza delayed until the autumn in 
fulfilling this duty, the supporters of the schism, under the 
leadership of the aged Prince Ostrogskyj, in conjunction with 
declared heretics, raised a powerful agitation against the work 
of pacification.^ Fortunately Sigismund stood firm, although 
every attempt was made to stir up the populace against Rome, 
Above all others, Cyril Lukaris, who was inclined to Calvinism, 
encouraged schismatical hatred, in which he was assisted by 
a Greek adventurer, named Nicephorus, who had been obliged 
to leave Constantinople on account of various thefts. 

In spite of the prohibition of the king, Nicephorus repaired 
to Brest, while, in defiance of the royal commands, there also 
appeared there Prince Ostrogskyj with an armed following, 
together with Lukaris, who, by the command of the Patriarch 
of Alexandria, was working against the reunion. As the 
Bishops of Lemberg and Przemysl joined the party at 
Ostrogskyj, the hopes of the schismatics grew stronger. This 
party assembled in a Protestant house in Brest, and formed a 
kind of opposition synod, under the presidency of Nicephorus, 
who proclaimed himself, though quite untruly, the envoy of 

1 Bull., X., 250 seq. 

2 See the briefs, all dated February 7, 1596, in Theiner, Men. 
Pol., III., 250 seqq. Cf. Pelesz, II., 11 seq. 

3 Cf. for what follows, the excellent description of Likowski 
(M3 •^^?- 151 seq.]. 


the Patriarch of Constantinople, though that see was vacant 
at the moment. But neither he nor his companions were 
able to prevent the lawful synod from taking place. In this 
there took part, besides the metropolitan Rahoza, the Arch- 
bishop of Polotzk, the Bishops of Vladimir, Luzk, Pinsk, and 
Chelm, as delegates of the Pope, the Latin Bishops of Lemberg, 
Luzk, and Chelm, and as theological advisers, the Jesuits 
Peter Skarga, Justin Rabe, Martin Laterna and Caspar Nahaj. 
On October gth (old style) the metropolitan celebrated 
the sacred liturgy in the church of St. Nicholas, after which 
the Archbishop of Polotzk, Hermogenes, read in his own name 
and those of the other Ruthenian bishops a declaration of 
their reunion with Rome. " We know well," he said, " that 
the sovereignty of the Church of God, according to the gospel 
and the words of Christ, founded upon Peter alone as the rock, 
must be exercised and administered by one alone, that over 
one body there must be but one head, over a well-ordered house 
but one master and administrator of the treasures of divine 
grace for the guidance of the flock, who must provide for 
the well-being of all, and that this must endure in a like 
manner, from the time of the Apostles through all the ages." 
After the reading of this declaration the Latin and Ruthenian 
bishops embraced each other, and then proceeded, as a sign 
of their brotherhood, in a single procession to the Latin church 
of the Mother of God, where the Te Deum was sung. The 
synod then deprived the Bishops of Lemberg and Przemysl, 
who had apostatized from the union, and declared Nicephorus 
and all who had taken part in the opposition synod excluded 
from ecclesiastical communion. The latter for their part 
retaliated by depriving all those who accepted the reunion. 
But King Sigismund cited Nicephorus before the courts, 
which sentenced him to imprisonment for life as an impostor 
and a Turkish spy. In a message dated December 15th, 
1596, addressed to the Ruthenian nation, the king called upon 
the people to recognize only the bishops who were in com- 
munion with Rome. In this document, however, nothing 
was said of a confirmation of the promises made to the 
Ruthenian bishops or to the Holy See. The opposition of 


the Polish bishops and senators did not make it seem an 
opportune moment for the king to summon the Ruthenian 
bishops to form part of the senate.^ 

The great dangers to which the reunion was subsequently 
exposed came above all from Prince Ostrogskyj, whose agents 
worked indefatigably against the union with Rome. Against 
the acceptance of the union it was principally urged that it 
was not legal, becaiise it had been concluded without the 
consent of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and without the 
agreement of the whole of the clergy, nobles and people. 
Although these reasons were fallacious, and were in evident 
contradiction of the ancient principles of the Church with 
regard to the episcopal office, nevertheless the agitation which 
was skilfully directed by Ostrogskyj and his collaborators of 
the protestant party, was successful in stirring up the 
Ruthenian clergy, both secular and regular, and with them 
the majority of the people and the aristocracy against the 
uniat bishops. The constant reiteration of the same com- 
plaints and grievances led the people in the end to adopt them, 
to show their sympathy for the schismatics, and to withdraw 
their allegiance from the uniat bishops, ^ who were described 
as tyrannizing over men's consciences and as disturbers of 
the public peace. 

The union continued to be more and more severely 
threatened, yet the powerful Prince Ostrogskyj did not attain 
his true purpose, namely its complete destruction ; on the 
contrary he was forced to witness two of his own sons become 
Catholics.^ In Rome it was clearly understood how much 
depended upon this man, and therefore Clement VIII. sought 
to make the prince change his views. ^ For a long time the 

1 See LiKOWSKi, 152 seq., 162 seq., 170 seq. 

2 See ibid., 180 seq. 

* See ibid., ig\. A *]etter of Janus Ostrogskyj, dated March 
24, 1602, vouches for his zeal for the CathoHc reUgion in spite of 
the calumnies ; his enemies are the heretics and the " frigidi 
catholici." Original in Doria Archives, Rome, 

* See Theinek, Mon. Pol., III., 285, 


reason why Ostrogskyj attacked the union with such fury and 
hatred was supposed to be his pride, but more recent research 
attributes it also to the heretical atmosphere which sur- 
rounded the prince, namely the learned Greek, Cyril Lukaris, 
the Arian Bronski and Motowila, and other religious inno- 
vators, who exercised an evil influence over him.^ 

The principal champion of the union was Hypatius Pociej , 
who became metropolitan of Kiev in 1599. Difficulties only 
increased his courage, and more descriptive of him than 
anything else is his own saying : " Even if I had to beg my 
bread, I would still continue to serve the Church of God."^ 

Clement VHI. too, continued to the end the loyal defender 
of the union. He repeatedly sent the Archbishops of Gnesen 
and Lemberg to take the part of the uniats against the 
machinations of the Greeks, as for example in July 1598 and 
March 1604.^ The Pope had recourse to the king on April 3rd 
and July loth, 1599, with the request that he would grant 
the Ruthcnians the rights and privileges promised to them, 
and would protect them from the schismatics.^ Again on 
March 31st, 1604, he urgently reminded Sigismund of his 
promise to receive the uniat bishops into the senate ; at 
any rate the metropolitan should have a place there, so that 
he miight reply to the attacks of the schismatics and defend 
the rights of the uniat Church.^ A further proof of the long- 
suffering of the Pope and his pastoral care was the fact that 
when, owing to the efforts of Maciejowski, there was a glimmer 
of hope that Ostrogskyj would give up his opposition in view 
of his approaching death, he addressed a letter to the prince 
on January 15th, 1605, in which he once again refuted all the 

^See LiKOWSKi, 198 scq. 

^See ibid., 244. 

^See Theiner, loc. cit., 271, 282. 

*See ibid., 272 seq. ; Pelesz, II., 33 seq. 

*See Theiner, Ioc. cit., 283. Cf. also the briefs to Bishop 
Peter Tylicki of Ermland, of the years 1593 and 1604, in 
Ehrenberg, Ital. Beitrage zur Gesch. von Ostpreussen, Konigs- 
berg, 1895, 64 seq. 


objections to the reunion, and exhorted him in paternal words 
to accept it.^ 

While reunion with the Ruthenians was still in the balance, 
there unexpectedly opened out a prospect of once again 
uniting Russia to the Catholic Church. 

With the death of Ivan IV., which took place in 1584, there 
had begun in that kingdom the " period of the disturbances " 
which lasted until the accession of the Romanoff dynasty. ^ 
Under Ivan's successor, the imbecile Feodor I., the real power 
passed more and more into the hands of his cousin, the Tartar 
Boris Godunov. As Feodor had no heirs, it seemed, according 
to all human expectation, that the second son of Ivan, Dimitrij 
(Demetrius), would ascend the throne of the Czars, but this 
was not in accordance with the plans of the ambitious and 
energetic Boris, who aimed at obtaining that supreme dignity 
for himself. With this was evidently connected the mysterious 
disappearance of Demetrius in May 1591. It was said that 
the boy had, by pure accident, been mortally injured in a game, 
but the suspicion was at once aroused that he had been 
removed purposely. In face of the suspicion which fell 
upon himself, Boris caused an inquiry to be made, which, 
as might have been foreseen, went to show that the last 
male descendant of the house of Rurik had met with an 
accidental death. This official statement at once aroused 
doubts, and later on the rumour was spread that the child 
had been saved, and that his mother had substituted 
another who resembled him in his place. ^ 

1 See Theiner, loc. cit., 286 seq. 

* Cf. Waliszewski, Las origines de la Russie moderne. La 
crise revolutionnaire, 1 584-1 61 4, Paris, 1906. 

^ Among the more recent works on the false Demetrius mention 
must first be made of the profound researches, based on 
new authorities by Pierling : Rome et Demetrius, Paris, 1878 ; 
Un memuscrit du Vatican sur le tzar Dimitri, in the Rev. des 
quest, hist., 1894, II. ; Lettre de Dimitri dit le Faux a Clement 
VIII., Paris, 1898, and La Russie et le St-Siege, III., Paris, 1901. 
The problem has also frequently been dealt with by others ; 


When in 1598 the Czar Feodor I. died, Boris Godunov 
attained the object of his ambitions, cleverly profiting by 
the state of affairs in the country and his friendship with the 
Hapsburgs.^ With feigned reluctance he yielded to the urgent 
request of the Patriarch Job of Moscow, who was completely 
under his influence, and that of the aristocracy, and assumed 
the government as Czar. Far-reaching plans filled the mind 
of the new sovereign, who was a far-seeing and highly gifted 
statesman. Although he could not even read, he was never- 
theless the friend of culture. At the opening of the century 
he tried to establish schools and a university in Moscow, and 
summoned thither German scholars ; he had his sons taught 
by foreigners, and even sent Russian youths to the west to 
be educated. Thus this Tartar on the throne of the Czars 
stood out as the first " western " in the line of Russian 
sovereigns. In his efforts to Europeanize Russia, and by 
his alliance with the Protestant north of Europe, he recalled 
Peter the Great. But as far as the people were concerned 
he lacked the blood of the Ruriks, while he was too autocratic 
for the powerful boyars.^ 

Diplomatic complications were added to domestic diffi- 
culties. This man, who had sprung from nothing, would 
gladly have seen the beautiful Xenia, his only daughter, 
married into one of the ancient European dynasties, but his 
proposals were courteously rejected everywhere, both at 

cf. especially Hirschberg, Dymitr Samozwaniec, Leopoli, i8g8 ; 
Baudouin de Courtenay in Rozprawy . . . z posiedzen wydz, 
filologieznego, 2nd Series, XIV. (1898), 1S3 seq. ; Scepkin, War 
v/ar Pseudodemetrius ? in Archiv. /. slaiv. Philol., XX-XXIII. 
(1898-1900) ; Caro in Hi^t. Zeitschr., LXXX., 264 seq. ; Walis- 
ZEWSKi, loc. cit. and also the critique of Pierling in the Rev. des 
quest, hist., LXXXI. (1907), 213 seq. ; Skribanowitz, Pseudo- 
Demetrius I., Berlin, 1913. Pantenius (Der falsche Demetrius, 
Bielefeld, 1904), gives a number of interesting illustrations, but 
adds nothing new. 

^ Cf. Karamsin, X., 90 seq., 97 seq. ; Ubersberger, Oster- 
reich u. Russland, I., 541 seq., 564. 

" Cf. Waliszewski, loc cit. 


Stockholm, London and Prague. ^ The little court of 
Copenhagen at last showed itself more favourably disposed, 
but Prince John, the brother of King Christian IV., met with 
a premature death. To this domestic disappointment there 
was added a great national disaster ; the years 1601 and 1602 
brought bad harvests, which resulted in terrible famine, 
scarcity and disease. Brigands made their appearance, who 
levied contributions from the people, who credulously listened 
to the prophecies of the monks, foretelling a great catastrophe. ^ 

In the midst of this social and economic crisis, the throne 
of Boris Godunov was seriously threatened when the alarming 
news reached the Kremlin in 1603 that a youth, who gave 
himself out as the son of Ivan IV., the Demetrius who had 
died in 1591, had met with a great following in Poland. 

The claimant to the throne had first made himself known 
to the powerful Prince Adam Wisniowezki in Lithuania, and 
had won the latter, who hated Boris Godunov, to his plan 
for conquering the throne of the Czars which belonged to him 
with the help of the Cossacks and Tartars. The ambitious 
George Mniszek, voivode of Sandomir, who was gravely in 
debt, and the confidant of Sigismund III., who was an ardent 
supporter of the Ruthenian reunion, also put his faith in the 
story of Demetrius, and received him so cordially that the 
claimant to the throne asked him for the hand of his daughter 
Marina. The reply was deferred until Demetrius had pre- 
sented himself before the king at Cracow. Accompanied by 
Mniszek and his father-in-law, Prince Adam Wisniowezki, 
Demetrius went at the beginning of March 1604 to the ancient 
capital of Poland. There the voivode of Sandomir prepared 
a great banquet on March 13th, at which Demetrius was the 
guest of honour, though, out of consideration for the still 
dubious senators, the latter preserved his incognito as far as 
possible. Even the nuncio Rangoni took part in the festivity. 
The mysterious pretender made a good impression upon him : 
his white and slender hands pointed to high birth, he was 

1 See tJBERSBERGER, I., 564 scq., 568 seq. ; Pierling, IIL, Sg. 

2 See PlERLING, III., 89. 


frank in his conversation, and his whole attitude and behaviour 
had something majestic about them.^ Rangoni also makes 
mention of a large wart at the corner of his left eye, and the 
contraction of one of his arms,^ which were said to be marks 
of the missing son of the Czar. 

On March 15th Demetrius had a private audience of the 
King of Poland at Wawel, and this determined the attitude of 
Sigismund, who had at first refused to believe in the identity 
of the pretender. After this, however, the king made up his 
mind to support Demetrius, and showed this by loading him 
with gifts. ^ So far the nuncio Rangoni had remained com- 
pletely neutral, but on March 19th he had a conversation for 
the first time with Demetrius, who was successful in winning 
over the Pope's representative.^ Rangoni then put the 
claimant to the throne into touch with the Jesuit Caspar 
Sawicki,^ and in the presence of these two Demetrius expressed 
his desire to be received into the Catholic Church. When 
Sawicki had satisfied himself as to the genuineness of his 
intentions, he received from him, on Holy Saturday, April 
17th, 1604, the Catholic profession of faith at the Jesuit 
college of St. Barbara.^ All this, however, was done 

1 See ibtd. 67 seq., where there is a reproduction of the portrait 
of Demetrius in the Historical Museum, Msocow. 

2 See PiEKLiNG, III., 68 seq. 

* See ibid., 6g. 

* See ibid., 73 seq. 

* This fact, which is proved for the first time by Pierling 
(Rome et Demetrius, 14 seq.) in the light of the documents, 
destroys the older view, which was especially propagated by 
Ranke (Piipste, II., 256) in a wider field, that the intrigue was 
engineered by the Jesuits and the nuncio, and that it was only 
later on that Sigismund was won over. The contention of Ranke 
that the conversion was precipitate, is also false. For this 
Ranke depends upon the Historia di Moscovia by Aless. Cilli 
(Pistoia, 1627), whom he considers worthy of all credence. Pierling 
has proved the contrary opinion, and has refuted the many and 
grave errors of Cilli. Skribanowitz too [loc. cit. 19, 36, 38) 
shows how little worthy of belief Cilli is. 

* See Pierling, Rome et Demetrius, 27 seq., 183 seq. 


in secret, on account of the Russian adherents of the 

With the assistance of Sawicki, two days later the convert 
wrote a letter to the Pope in Polish, dated April 24th ; this 
was to the following effect : " Who I am who thus venture 
to write to your Holiness will have been explained to you 
by the Polish nuncio, to whom I have made known all my 
resolves and the motives therefor. Having been saved by 
the help of God while still a child from the hands of a bloody 
tyrant and from death, kindly Providence has brought me 
to the realm of the King of Poland, whose acquaintance I 
have set myself to make. In Poland I came to the knowledge 
of the flourishing state of the Roman Catholic religion, I 
became more and more drawn to it, and found in it a treasure 
far more precious and a kingdom far more noble than that 
which the injustice of a tyrant had robbed me of. While I 
was meditating concerning the salvation of my soul I clearly 
saw the grave danger in which Moscow stood by reason of 
the schism, and how unjustly the authors and propagators 
of that schism had attacked the pure and ancient doctrine 
of the Catholic, Roman and Apostolic Church. Therefore, 
by the help of divine grace I have returned without delay 
to the unity of the Catholic and Roman faith, and by means of 
the sacraments have become a little sheep of your Holiness, 
the supreme Shepherd of all Christendom. My position 
constrains me still to conceal this, and to await what God, 
Who has saved me from so many perils, wishes to do with me. 
I hope that God will soon be willing to assist me, the 
descendant of the ancient and renowned princes of Muscovy, 
to recover my inheritance. If this should not prove to be 
the case, there still remains to me the consolation of Catholic 
truth, and my union with the Church which will lead me to 
the kingdom of heaven. If God should see fit to assist me to 
win back my inheritance, then I urgently implore your Holiness 
not to deny me your support. The almighty God may be 
able to make use of me, however unworthy I may be, to spread 
His glory, by the conversion of so many lost souls, and by 
the reunion of so great a country to the Church. Who knows 


whether it be not for that very purpose that He has led me 
into the Church ? " 

This letter, the author of which reveals himself as a native 
of Greater Russia, and not very familiar with the Polish 
language, ended with an assurance of his complete submission 
to the supreme pastor of Christendom, and with the request 
that he would keep silence as to its contents for a time. The 
document is signed : Demetrius, son of John, Czar of Greater 
Russia and heir to the Muscovite monarchy.^ 

When Demetrius handed his letter to the nuncio Rangoni 
on April 24th, he threw himself at his feet and assured him 
of his submission to the Holy See ; at the same time he 
promised, in the event of his accession to the throne of the 
Czars, to use all his power for the spread of the Catholic 
religion. 2 Henceforward Rangoni was completely won over 
to the cause of the pretender, whom Sigismund HI. also 
favoured in secret, although a very strong party in Poland 
would not hear of any warlike undertaking against Russia. 
In the meantime the Czar Boris had taken up a defensive 
attitude ; supported by the Patriarch Job he spread the 
report everywhere that Demetrius was an impostor, and an 
apostate monk named Gregor Otrepjev,^ who had escaped 
from the Tschudow monaster}' at Moscow. 

The pretender, who had become betrothed to Marina 
Mniszek, was also very active. He succeeded in raising a 
small army of Poles and Cossacks, with which at the end of 
October 1604, he crossed the Dnieper, which then marked the 
boundary between Russia and Poland. Counting on meeting 

^ The letter of Demetrius to Clement VIIL has been published 
from the original in the Archives of the Roman Inquisition by 
Pierling in a photographic reproduction, together with a French 
translation, in a little work of which only 100 copies were printed 
(Lettre de Dimitri dit le Faux a Clement VIIL, Paris, 1898). 
The Latin translation by Sawicki in Pierling, Rome et Demetrius, 
157 seq. For the style and the authorship see Skribanowitz, 
46 seq., and the literature cited there. 

" See Pierling, III., 83 seq. 

* See ibid., 92 seq., 96 seq. 

VOL. XXIV. 10 


with support in Russia, he hoped, in spite of the small force 
at his disposal, to recover the throne of the Czars. Among 
his troops there were Jesuits who acted as military chaplains 
for the Catholics. Demetrius kept up a correspondence with 
Rangoni, who was very necessary for the attainment of his 
purpose, while the nuncio cherished the hope that within a 
short time there would be a Catholic ruler in the Kremlin, 
who would undertake the conversion of his great kingdom by 
means of Catholic missionaries.^ 

In contrast to the optimistic ideas of his representative, 
Clement VIII. displayed his customary prudence in the matter 
of Demetrius. He was perhaps confirmed in his attitude of 
reserve by the fact that he had by his side, as his confessor 
and friend, Baronius, the great historian. When the first 
news of the appearance of the pretender reached the Curia 
from Rangoni, the Pope's scepticism went so far as to attach 
to the letter of Rangoni a marginal note to the effect that 
this was probably a case of a person like the false Sebastian 
who had come forward in Portugal. ^ Only the conversion 
of Demetrius and his letter of April 24th, together with the 
reports of Rangoni, brought about a change of mind in the 
Pope. He handed over that important document to the 
Roman Inquisition for examination ; this tribunal had to 
decide whether the desire expressed by Demetrius to the nuncio 
could be granted, namely whether on the day of his coronation 
as Czar he could receive communion from the hands of the 
Patriarch of Moscow. 

While this matter was still under discussion, on May 22nd 
a Papal brief was addressed to "our beloved son and noble 
lord Demetrius " in which he was exhorted with paternal 
kindness to persevere in the way of piety and virtue. If 
Clement VIII. in this abandoned his attitude of cold reserve 
which he had so far maintained, he nevertheless avoided all 
mention of politics, nor were the great interests of Christendom 

1 See ibid., 85, 114 seq., 220. 

" " Sara un altro Re di Portogallo resu.scitato." Pierling, 
III., 41. 


even mentioned in the brief. Demetrius had looked for a great 
deal more. In a letter of July 30th he treated of spiritual 
matters as well as political, and expressed his thanks in 
anticipation for the help offered to him. Clement VIII. left 
this letter unanswered.^ The later developments of this 
affair, which ended with the murder of Demetrius, do not 
belong to his pontificate. 

^ See ibid., 86 seq., 230 seq. The letter of July 30 in Piekling, 
Rome et Demetrius, 160 scq. 


Clement VIII. and the interior life of the Church, — 
The Religious Orders. — The Episcopate. — The Sacred 


Filled with a conviction that the clergy of the Eternal City 
ought to stand out before all the world for their virtue and 
piety, Clement VIII., immediately after the beginning of his 
pontificate, proclaimed a general visitation of all the churches, 
religious houses, and pious institutions of Rome. In the 
document which was published on June 8th, 1592,^ it was 
declared that just as none but a well cultivated field can 
produce an abundant harvest, so was it also in spiritual 
matters, and for that reason the Council of Trent had so 
strongly urged canonical visitations. To this end a commis- 
sion composed of cardinals and bishops was appointed, which 
was to begin its labours with a visitation of the Lateran 
basilica. In order to obtain the divine assistance the Pope 
ordered the Forty Hours to be celebrated in the principal 
churches of Rome. 

Mindful of the words of Our Divine Lord, that the good 
shepherd must know his sheep, ^ Clement VIII., regardless 
of his high dignity, took a personal share in the visitation of 
the greater number of the Roman churches. In this he was 
assisted by Cardinals Medici and Valiero, as well as by three 
bishops, among them the distinguished Lodovico de Torres, 
Archbishop of Monreale.^ After the Pope had celebrated 

1 See Bull., IX., 562 seq. 
* See ibid., 564. 

8 See *Commentarius visitationis Clenientis VIII. a. 1592; 
Urb. 837, p. 268 seq., Vatican Library ; Borghese, I., 869 and 



high mass in the Lateran basilica on June i8th, 1592, and 
distributed holy communion to the clergy, he gathered them 
together in the sacristy, and delivered a discourse to them, 
in which he spoke of all the duties of their office, threatening 
grave punishments to those who had failed therein. Then, 
assisted by four Cardinals, he made a visitation of the church, 
and especially of the tabernacle, ordering that a place of greater 
honour should be assigned to it. He also demanded a more 
splendid reliquary for the heads of the Princes of the Apostles. 
The visitation was continued in the afternoon and on the 
following day. When the Pope visited the Lateran Hospital, 
he found there a sick man at the point of death, and 
Clement VHI. rendered him all assistance with as much 
fervour as though he had been a simple parish priest.^ The 
Pope also carried out in person the visitation of the Lateran 
clergy, and of the house of the penitentiaries attached to the 
basilica, where he arrived quite unexpectedly. One peni- 
tentiary, in whose room he found a copy of the love- 
songs of Petrarch, was deprived of his office ; the same 
fate befel another penitentiary who was found to be unfit. 
Clement VIIL declared that he would proceed in like manner 
everywhere, as he preferred to have a few well instructed 
priests to many who were ignorant.'^ 

In the same way as the Lateran basilica, St. Mary Major's 
and St. Peter's^ were subjected to a strict visitation, and 
after them one by one according to their rank, all the churches 
of the city. It was at once realized that Clement VIIL knew 
in every case how to observe a just mean between excessive 

Arm. 7 t. 4, Papal Secret Archives. Cj. ibid. t. 3 *Decreta visit, 
sub Clemente VIIL See also the *report of G. Niccolini, June 19, 
1592, State Archives, Florence. Med. 3303. 

^ See *Avvisi of June 17 and 20, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican 
Library, and the *letter of G. Niccolini of June 26, 1592, State 
Archives, Florence, loc. cit. 

^ See *Avviso of June 27, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican Library. 

^ See *Avvibi of July 4 and 8, 1592, Urb, II., Vatican Library. 
Cf. the *report of G. Niccolini, July 3, 1592, State Archives, 
Florence, loc. cit. and Collectio bull., etc. Basil. Vatic, III., 186, 


severity and too great leniency.^ However much he clung 
to the splendour of divme worship, he energetically protested 
against the exaggerated pomp displayed at processions by 
the Spaniards in their national church. ^ Wherever it was 
necessary he intervened with great severity.^ The exactitude 
with which he proceeded could not have been greater, and he 
paid attention to the smallest details.^ He made a very 
searching visitation of the Hospital of Santo Spirito,^ and at 
the Aracoeli he went into the cell of every one of the friars.^ 
The confessors were everywhere examined with special 
vigilance.' The Pope preferred to make' his appearance 
without warning and quite unexpectedly,^ and, as in the case 
of all his reforms, he took steps on his own initiative.^ 

^ See *Avviso of July 8, 1592. Urb. 1060, II., Vatican Library. 

2 See *Avviso of April 30, 1596, Urb. 1064, I., Vatican Library. 
The Pope would not make his appearance even in St. Peter's 
with the tiara ; see Studi e docum., VIII., 28. 

* The *Avviso of November 25, 1592, reports: " Sabbato 
N.S. visito la chiesa di S. Maria in Trastevere, et vi fece il solito 
sermone con maggiore vehementia del consueto, toccando certi 
tasti et minutie, che non ha costumato nell' alter chiese " (Urb. 
1060, II., Vatican Library). The commandant of the Hospital 
of S. Spirito was dismissed, according to the *Avviso of July 15, 
1593 (Urb. 1061, ibid.). 

* Examples are given by the *Avvisi of August 22, 1592, and 
June 22, 1596, Urb., 1060, II., and 1064, Vatican Library. Cf. 
Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 25. 

^ See *Avviso of September 23, 1592, Urb. 1060, II., Vatican 

* See *Avviso of February 22, 1595, Urb. 1063, ibid. 

' See *Avvisi of September 9 and November 7, 1792, Urb. 
1060, II., ibid. 

* See besides Bentivoglio, Memorie, 46, the *Avvisi of 
September 23, 1593, February 22, 1595, and August 22, 1601, 
LTrb. 1061, 1063, 1069, Vatican Library. 

* *" II card. Rusticucci afferma, che quanti editti di riforme, 
bandi di donne, restrittioni di camere locande et simili ha mandati 
fuori in questo pontificato, sono stati tutti di ordine del S.P. 
vivae vocis oraculo." *Avviso of November 25, 1592, L^rb. 1060, 
II., ibid. 


The visitation of the Roman churches in 1592 was 
continued by the Pope in person even after the com- 
mencement of the cold season,^ and the Venetian 
ambassador reports that in this he displayed a zeal 
that could not have been greater if he had been a simple 
bishop. 2 The reforms which he prescribed were all entered 
in the Acta.^ 

In view of the minuteness with which the visitation was 
carried out, it is not surprising that it was prolonged from 
1593 to 1596.^ It proved very efficacious^ so that it was again 
repeated later on.^ In July 1603 Clement VIII. took part 
in the visitation of the church and convent of S. Salvatore in 
Lauro.'^ The Pope also insisted on taking part in the 
examinations, begun in 1597 onwards, of the parish-priests of 
Rome, which were entrusted to a commission of Cardinals, 
even though it was pointed out to him that in so doing he 
was fatiguing himself unduly.^ 

Convinced as he was of the importance of the religious 

1 See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, Cod. Barb. 2815 ibid. 

" Paruta, Dispacci, I., 21. 

3 See ibid, and *Avviso of November 28, 1592, Urb. 1060, II., 
Vatican Library. Cf. *Acta. visitationis multarum ecclesiarum 
Urbis sub Clemente VIII. Cod. 7, 59, Vallicella Library, Rome. 
See also *Borghese, II., 51a and 52 Papal Secret Archives. 

* See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. Cf. *Avvisi of 1596, 
Jane 22 (visitation of the convent of the Minims), June 26 (convent 
near S. Croce in Gerusalemme), July 10 (S. Prassede). Urb. 
1064, I. and II., Vatican Library. 

5 Cf. the *brief to Archbishop Ernest of Cologne of November, 
1592, Arm. 44, t. 34, n. 10, Papal Secret Archives (see Vol. XXIII., 
App. n. 5), and *Vita et gesta Clementis VIII. in Inform, polit., 
XXIX., State Library, Berlin. 

^ See *Avvisi of August 22, 1601, and July 2, 1603, Urb. 1069, 
10 71, Vatican Library. 

' See *Avviso of July 2, 1603, according to which the Pope 
found in the cell of P. Massimiliano some jewels which he at once 
caused to be sold. Urb. 1071, ibid. 

* See *Avvisi of January 18, February 12, 15 and 22, 1597, 
yrb. 1065, ibid. 


Orders to the Church,^ Clement VIII., in the course of his 
visitations, devoted special attention to the state of the 
religious houses of Rome. As early as March 1592 he had 
summoned before him the generals and procurators of all the 
Orders, and had exhorted them, with threats of grave penalties, 
to lead an exemplary life.- This warning was repeated in the 
severest terms in September, when it had transpired that the 
enactments ordered during the visitation had to a great 
extent not been carried out. The Pope asked for a list of all 
those who failed to obey, and said that in the place of so great 
a number of small houses which were difficult to supervise, 
he would like to see in every province three or four large houses 
in which the reform could be carried out exactly.^ In 
October 1592 all the gratings and windows in the convents 
of women which gave upon the street were walled up."* At 
the visitation in 1593 the Capuchins in the convent on the 
Quirinal had to listen to words of severe reproof.^ In 1596^ 
there were fresh measures of reform for the religious houses 
of Rome. Later on too the Pope took advantage of his visits 
to the houses of the Orders to address serious observations 
to them,' though wherever he found a satisfactory state of 
affairs he did not spare his praises.^ 

In December 1592 a prohibition, addressed for the time 

^ The Pope called the Orders "ossa et medullas christianismi " ; 
see Zachakiae, Iter, litt., 302. The Cod. Vat. 3565 contains 
among the *discourses of Giov. Paolo Eustachio dedicated to 
Clement VIII., n. i : " Delia necessita et utilita della visita che 
fa N.S. alia religioni. Vatican Library. 

* See *Avviso of March 14, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., ibid. 

' See *AvvJso of September 19, 1592, Urb. 1060, II., ibid. 

* See *Avvdso of October 21, 1592, ibid. 

* See *Avviso of July 7, 1593, Urb. 1061, ibid. 

* See *Avvisi of May 4, and November 16, 1596, Urb. 1064, 
II., ibid. 

' See *Avviso of February 24, 1599, Urb. 1067, ibid. 

* See the *brief to the General of the Carthusians, in which the 
Pope speaks of his visitation of S. Maria degli Angeli, November 
15, 1603, Arm. 44, t. 56, n. 24, Papal Secret Archives, 


being to the religious houses of Rome, was issued against the 
making of gifts, which did not appl}^ however, to alms to 
the poor.i On June 19th, 1594, this ordinance was extended 
to all the religious houses in the world.- In the same way the 
constitutions concerning the erection of new houses,^ and the 
punishment of exempt religious who had committed some 
fault outside their own houses,'* were also made universal. 

Clement VIII. rendered good service to the Orders by his 
constitution of March 12th, 1596, and four subsequent decrees 
of the years 1599, 1602 and 1603, concerning the exclusion 
of those who had no true vocation, and the training in deep 
piety of young religious. These contained the most salutary 
prescriptions, limited for the time being to Italy, on the 
reception of novices.^ 

With what care Clement VIII. laboured everywhere for 
the re-establishment of religious discipline, where it had 
become relaxed, and for its maintenance, where it still existed, 
is shown by the visitors whom he sent,® by his many instruc- 
tions to the nuncios, '^ and by a whole series of special enact- 
ments. These applied to the Augustinian Hermits,^ the 

1 See *Avviso of December 26, 1592, Urb. 1060, II., Vatican 

2 Gifts to individual inhabitants of religious houses were also 
prohibited ; see Bull., X., 146 seq. Cf. Pakuta, Dispacci, II., 

365. 4«5- 

3 See Bull., XL, 21, and the *decla.ration of August 26, 1603, 
copy in the Cod. 55 of the Theodoriana Library, Paderborn. 

* See Bull., X., 348 seq. 

^ See Bull., X., 769 seq. and Archiv. fiir kath. Kirchenrecht, 
CXI. (1911), 696 seq. 

« See Zachakiae, Iter, litt., 302. 

' Especially to the nuncio at Venice were instructions given 
to persevere in the work of reform ; see in App. n. 7 the 
♦instructions to M A. Graziani, March 30, 1596, Graziani Archives, 
Citta di Castello. Caetani devoted himself to the reform of the 
religious houses in Spain from the beginning of his nunciature ; 
see *Nunziat. di Spagna, 43, Papal Secret Archives. 

* See " Clementis P. VIII. pro reformatione fratrum ord. 
Eremitarum s. Augubtini decreta," Pisauri, 1599. 


Basilians/ the Camaldolese,^ the Cistercians,^ the Cluniacs,^ 
the Order of the Holy Ghost, ^ the Hermits of the Hieronymite 
observance,^ the Knights of St. John,' the Carthusians,^ the 
Servites^ and the Dominicans. ^° Clement VHI. introduced 
more strict rules in the case of the Brothers of Charity and the 
Fathers of a Good Death. ^^ He greatly encouraged among 
the Franciscan Order the new reforms of the Observants, the 

I Bull., X., 623 ^eq. 
^ Ibid., 293 seq. 

3 See the *brief to " capit. general, ord. Cisterc," dated March 
14, 1601, Arm. 44, t. 45, n. 70, Papal Secret Archives. 

* See the *brief of blame to " Abbas Cluniacensis," October 27, 
1592, Arm. 44, t. 38, p. 78, ibid. 

^ Cf. Brune, L'ordre du Saint-Esprit, Paris, 1892, 263, and 
E. Michael in Zeitschr. J. kaih. Theo!., XXIII., 210. 

* Bull., X., 34 seq. 

' See the severe *briefs to the Grand Master of Malta, May 14, 
1592, June 15 and September 2, 1594, and April 30, 1602, Arm. 
44, t. 37, n. 304 ; t. 39, n. 214 and 258 seq ; t. 46, n. 129, Papal 
Secret Archives. See also C. Fedeli, Carteggio del Gran Maestri 
di Malta con i duchi d'Urbino, Pisa, 1912, 69 seq., 82 seq. 

® See the *brief to the chapter general of the Carthusians, 
April 15, 1599, Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 217, Papal Secret Archives. 

' See Bull., X., 658 seq., 662 seq., and Decreta Clementis P. 
VIII. pro reformatione fratr. ord. Serv. B. Mariae Virg., Rome, 

^^ See Bull., IX., 561 seq. F'or the reform of the Dominicans 
at Naples, where there were bad relations between the secular 
clergy and these religious, see Arch. star, ital., IX., 441 seq. ; 
MuTiNELLi, II., 176 seq. Cf. the *brief to the Cardinal of the 
Dominicans, June 29, 1596, concerning the enclosure. Arm. 44, 
t. 40, n 200, Papal Secret Archives. The *Avviso of June 13, 
1 60 1, states : When the Dominicans went on Saturday with their 
General to the Pope, " N.S. fece loro un breve ragionamento, 
esortando in particolare tutti alia concordia et esso Generale al 
giusto governo et a far osservar la lor regola, senza che sia bisogno 
venghino d'altronde chi la facci loro osservare." Urb. 1069, 
Vatican Library. 

II See Bull., X., 295 seq., 63^. 


Riformati in Italy and the Recollects in France.^ Francisco 
Sousa of Toledo who in 1600 was elected General of the 
Observants in Rome, presented to the Pope a memorial on 
the state of his Order, in which he had lived for thirty-five 
years, filling almost all the offices, and making visitations of 
almost all the provinces.^ He described in detail the condi- 
tion, to some extent not very consoling, of the convents in 
Germany, France, Spain and Italy, and makes suggestions 
for their improvement. He lays it down as a maxim for 
reform that it must not be universal, but adapted to the very 
varied needs of the different districts.^ 

In the Benedictine Order, reform had been carried out, 
in accordance with the decrees of the Council of Trent, both 
in Italy and Spain, by means of the institution of congre- 
gations ; at the beginning of his pontificate Clement VIII. 
gave some salutary ordinances to the Cassinese Congregation.^ 
In France, where the system of commendams had exercised 
a harmful influence, they did not prove of any particular 
importance, except in the case of the congregation of Saints 
Vanne and Hydulphe, established in Lorraine at the 
beginning of the seventeenth century, and in that of the 
Feuillants. The former was confirmed by Clement VIII., 
from whom it received new and milder rules. ^ In Germany 
the most important congregation was that established in 1564 

1 C/. ibid., 299 seq. ; Gaudentius, Beitrage, 242 seq. ; 


^ *" Informazione copiosa del P. Sosa ministro generale de 
Min. osserv. a P. Clemente VIII. sopra il mode di reformare la 
religione " in a niiscellaneous codex of the Communal Library, 
Ancona, which was not yet catalogued when I made use of it in 

8 *" Che in una parte sarebbe riformatione, nell'altra causarebbe 
scandali et nell'altra distruttione," says Fr. Sousa in his 
* Informazione, loc. cit. 

* See Bull., X., 28 seq. ; Bull. Casin., I., 266 seq., 270 .'ieq. 

' Cf. Bull., XL, 64 seq. ; AscHBACH, Kirchenlex, I., 653 seq. ; 
ScHMiEDER in Studien aus dem Bened. Orden, XII., 60 seq. ; 
Heimbucher, L, 150 seq., 242. 


in Swabia, which was confirmed in 1603 with the title of the 
Congregation of St. Joseph.^ The most important Benedictine 
monasteries in Switzerland, St. Gall, Einsiedeln, Muri and 
Fischingen, were united into one congregation in 1602. 
Clement VIII. confirmed this and also invited other Swiss 
monasteries to join it. Pfafers and Rheinau did so at once, 
and all the others later on.^ 

In the matter of the reform of the regular and secular clergy, 
Clement VIII. addressed himself repeatedly to the bishops. 
If the latter were fulfilling their pastoral duties he expressed 
his satisfaction,^ but if not, he addressed severe admonitions 
to the archbishops, and sometimes even to the princes.^ 
Occasionally he also sent special visitors, as was the case 
with Sardinia in 1598.^ His nuncios at Naples and Venice 
laboured incessantly for the reform, which was very much 
needed in many of the religious houses there. ^ 

However cold Clement VIII. showed himself towards the 

1 See Heimbucher, 1., 140. 

2 See Hist.-polit. BL, CV., 729 seq. 

^ Cf. *briefs to the Bishop of Oria, June 20, 1598, and March 31, 
1599, Arm. 44, t. 42, n. 176 ; t. 43, n. 203, Papal Secret Archives. 
Ibid., t. 46, nn. 177-180 *briefs to " episc. Lausan. Constant, 
Curiens. Basiliens," June 15, 1602. 

* Cf. Bull., IX., 541 seq. (to the Patriarch of Venice), X., 731 seq. 
(to the Bishops of Corsica) ; *brief to the Duke of Savoy, March 
15. 1597 (orders the Bishop of Maurienne to reform a monastery 
of Cistercians) Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 83, Papal Secret Archives. 
Ibid., t. 43, n. 45 and 208, *briefs to Rudolph II., January 30 
and April 3, 1599, concerning the reform of the religious houses 
in Suabia. See also n. iii, *brief to the Archbishop of Crete, 
February 19, 1599. 

s See Bull., X., 78 seq. 

* For Venice see in App. n. 7 the *instructions to the nuncio 
there March 30, 1596, Graziani Archives, Citta di Castello. On 
January 29, 1605, Clement VIII. recommended to the Doge the 
visitor sent for the Congreg. di S. Giorgio in Alga, which was in 
need of reform (*Brief in State Archives, Venice). For conventual 
reform at Naples see Cod. L. 23, p. 172b, Vallicella Library, 
Rome, and Carte Strozz., I., 2, 237, 290. 


Jesuits/ he was not blind to their success in popular missions, ^ 
for which work they were especially fitted. Therefore in 1598 
he induced the Jesuits in Rome to preach such missions in 
the Campania, the Sabines, and the Roman Campagna. The 
self-denial of the fathers in this work among the poor country 
folk, in the full heat of summer, was indeed admirable, and 
their success was in the highest degree consoling. The 
Bishops of Civita Castellana and Montepulciano asked that 
these missions might also be extended to their dioceses.^ 

In Rome, where the Jesuits were doing very useful work,"* 
above all encouraging in their churches the devotion to the 
sufferings of Christ,^ they were rivalled by the Theatines and 
the Oratorians. Clement VIH. confirmed for the Theatines 
their emended rule,^ and granted them many favours.'^ The 
Capuchins^ and the Barnabites^ who were spreading through- 

^ Cf. supra, p. 

* Cj. Litt. ann. 1592, 13 seq. 
' See ibid., 1598, 14 seq. 

* Cf. " Domus ac pietatis opera quae B.P. Ignatius facienda 
Romae curavit quaeque societas suae curae commissa habet " 
(rare engraving of 1600). 

* See *Avviso of January i, 1603, Urb. 107 1, Vatican Libraiy 
The *Avviso of April 17, 1604 (Urb. 1072, ibid.) states : The 
Jesuits have made in their church a beautiful sepulchre, like that 
at Jerasalem ; " e ben vero, ch'era ogni cosa di bianco et dentro 
et fuori, cosa non appro bata cosi generalmente da tutti in questi 
tempi die la S. Chiesa va certando con le candele le cose meste et 
di malencolia." 

* Bull of July 28, 1604, Theatine Archives, Rome. Ibid, a 
*brief dated " sexto Idus August! : " Clement VIII. grants to 
the Theatines the church of S. Stefano at Vicenza ; also a 
♦document concerning the grant of the church of S. Bartolomeo 
in Porta at Bologna (1599) and a bull of Clement VIII. " per la 
fundazione de Teatini nella chiesa di S. Giorgio in Rimini." 
The Theatines were also brought to Florence in 1592 by 
Clement VIII. 

' See Carte Strozz., I., 2, 323 seq. 

^ See Bull. Capuc, II., 113, 172 seqq., 223, 318, 407; III., 
19 seqq., 62 seqq., 78 seqq., 100 seqq., 116 seqq. 

» Cf. Premoli, 335 seq., 355 seq.. 357 seq., 370 seq., 374 seq., 
379 seq., 381 seq., 388 seq. 


out Italy, received many proofs of the good-will of the Pope. 
The same was the case with the Oratorians, who were very 
dear to the Pope, who had Baronius as his confessor. In the 
matter of the absolution of Henry IV. it was seen what 
influence that distinguished man, as well as Philip Neri, had 
over him. The relations between Clement VIII. and the 
holy founder of the Oratorians, who died on May 26th, 1595, 
were both cordial and intimate, as between father and son. 
Clement VIII., who, like all the Aldobrandini, loved cheerful- 
ness, was well able to adapt himself to the joking and 
humourous methods which Philip Neri loved to adopt, and 
we have evidence of this in certain letters which were 
exchanged between them.^ But though the Pope willingly 
yielded to the wishes of Philip Neri, he nevertheless preserved 
his independence even with him. Thus he remained immov- 
able when the saint presented a plea on behalf of a bandit 
who had been condemned to death, for Clement judged it 
necessary that in this case the law should take its course in 
all its rigour. 2 Nor would he suffer himself to be moved from 
his intention of making the most beloved of the disciples of 
Philip Neri, Tarugi, Archbishop of Avignon, and though the 
saint did all he could to induce the Pope to change his mind, 
he adhered to his purpose, saying that he could not give way, 
because it was incumbent upon him to care for the well-being 
and the betterment of the whole Church. ^ 

^ See Capecelatro, Der hi. Philipp Neri, revised by Lager, 
Freiburg, 1886, 324 seq., where we find corrected the interpretation 
which a thinker like Goethe, who otherwise so well understood 
the life of men, gave to these letters. 

2 Others on the other hand, who had been condemned to prison 
for lesser crimes, were released in 1593 at the instance of St. 
Philip ; see *Avviso of June 30, 1593, Urb. 1061, Vatican Library. 
For the favour which the Oratorians enjoyed with the Cardinals, 
see *Avviso of December 25, 1596, Urb. 1064, II., ibid. A 
Relatione of that period tells us that the number of the 
Oratorians, who in turn delivered two or three sermons every day, 
was 40 ; see Carle Strozz., I., i, 393. 

* See Capecelatro, loc. cit., 335. 


The Minorite, Angelo del Pas, was held in high esteem by 
Clement VIII. He had also been esteemed by his predecessors 
on account of his theological works and the purity of his life ; 
he died in 1596 in the odour of sanctity.^ The same was true 
of Camillus of Lellis, the founder of the Fathers of a Good 
Death. 2 

Two other saints also found a fervent protector in the 
Aldobrandini Pope : Giovanni Leonardi and Joseph 

Giovanni Leonardi,^ who was born in 1543 in a village near 
Lucca, and who first, by the wish of his parents, became a 
chemist, only attained to the goal of his desires, the priesthood, 
later on. Although he was already twenty-six Giovanni took 
his place once more on the benches of a school in order to learn 
Latin. Ordained at the end of 1572, he devoted himself with 
ardent zeal in Lucca to the catechizing of poor children and 
the instruction of the young in their religion. The first fellow- 
labourers that he met with there were a hat-maker named 
Giorgio Arrighini and Giambattista Cioni, the scion of a noble 
family. Together with these he established himself in 1574 
in a room near the church of the Madonna della Rosa. Among 
the companions who joined them there were above all two 
brothers, Cesare and Giulio, of the Franciotti family, and 
related to the della Rovere. Being asked by his companions 
for a written rule, Leonardi took a sheet of paper and wrote 
the single word : " Obedience." Although the members 
of this new company lived for nothing but their own 
sanctification and the good of their fellow-citizens, they did 
not lack persecution, but the Bishop of Lucca, Alessandro 
Guidiccioni, supported the work of these pious men. 

^ *Avviso of August 28, 1596, Urb. 1064, Vatican Library. 
For A. del Pas cf. Hurter, I., 89 seq., 397. 

2 Cf. Vol. XXII,, p, 398, of this work, and M. Amici, Mem. stor. 
intomo S. Camillo de Lellis, Rome, 1913 ; ibid., p. 219, the 
protection given to him by Clement VIII. 

^ Cf. the biographies by L. Marracci (Venice, 161 7 ; Rome, 
1673) and Carlanionio Erra (Rome, 1758). Cf. also Barelli, 
Memorie de chierici regol. di S. Paolo, L. Bologna, 1703, 26 seqq. 


Giovanni Leonardi drew up a catechism, and did such 
useful work in Lucca and the neighbourhood, that the Bishop 
of Lucca called him the apostle of his diocese. With 
unwearied activity he introduced into the cities, on the last 
Thursday of the Carnival, a general communion, and, following 
the example of Charles Borromeo, the pious exercise of the 
Forty Hours during the last three days of the carnival. When 
he was once again subjected to persecution, the holy man 
was not discouraged, not even when he and his companions 
came to lack all means, and their house was taken away from 
them. His firm trust in God was not in vain ; in 1580, the 
rector of the church of S. Maria Cortelandini, made over to 
him, with the consent of the bishop, his presb^^tery, and in 
1583 Leonardi and his zealous companions established there 
a religious congregation, under the name and patronage of 
the Madonna, for their own perfection and the preaching 
of the word of God.^ 

While on a pilgrimage to Rome Leonardi formed a friend- 
ship with Philip Neri. This proved very valuable to him 
when a fresh persecution at Lucca forced him to have recourse 
to the Holy See. On his return the inhabitants of Lucca 
closed the gates of the city against him. Although Sixtus V. 
had declared Leonardi innocent, the latter was unwilling to 
stir up his adversaries against him any further, and he there- 
fore remained in Rome, in close relationship with Philip Neri, 
and furthering the work in the hospitals and schools. 
Clement VHL esteemed his labours in the highest degree ; 
it did not seem fitting to him that the work of a religious 
society, which sought for nothing but the welfare of the 
inhabitants of Lucca and its own members, should be any 
longer hampered, and accordingly, on October 13th, 1595, 
at Leonardi's request, he approved his congregation.^ 

In 1596 the Pope arranged that this zealous priest should 
be able once more to return to Lucca. Since men's minds 
there were not yet quite calmed, Clement VHL for the time 

1 See Bull., IX., 227 seq. 
^ See ibid. 


being made use of Leonardi as apostolic commissary for the 
introduction of reforms into the Order of Montevergine in 
the province of Naples. After this Leonardi also reformed 
certain monasteries of the Vallombrosans, and visited Monte 
Sennaro, the cradle of the Servite Order. Cardinal Tarugi 
asked for him in 1597 for the reform of his diocese,^ and in 
the same year he visited his house at Lucca. In 1601 
Leonardi was successful in founding a second house in Rome 
near the church of S. Maria in Portico. ^ 

Two years later the Pope entrusted to Cardinal Baronius 
the protectorate of the Clerks Regular of the Mother of God, 
whose first General Leonardi became. A brief of June 24th, 
1604, allowed the new congregation to establish houses every- 
where, provided the diocesan bishops gave their permission, 
" Take care of the young," said the Pope to the founder, 
when he presented himself before him with Baronius.^ 

There was another saint who was likewise predestined to 
the priesthood, who was filled with enthusiasm for the good 
of his neighbour, and whose efforts were encouraged by 
Clement VIIL : this was Joseph Calasanctius,^ so called 
from the mountainous hamlet in Aragon, near Petralta de 
la Sal, where he was born in 1556. After the young nobleman 
had studied philosophy and jurisprudence at the university 
of Lerida, and theology at Valencia and Alcala de Henares, 
he was urged to contract matrimony after the death of his 
brother without issue, so that his ancient family might not 

^ See Erra, loc. cit., 63 seqq. 

^ Cf. Storia di S. Maria in Portico, Rome, 1750. 

* See Erra, 81 seq., Bull., X., 229 seq. 

* See the biographies by Alessio della Concettione (Rome, 
1693), TosETii (Rome, 1767 ; Florence, 1917), Lipowsky 
(Munich, 1820), Kellner (Skizzen u. Bilder aus der Erzichungs- 
gesch., I., Essen, 1862), Timon-David (2 vols., Marseilles, 1883), 
Hubart (Mayence, 1862), Tommaseo (Rome, 1898), Casanovas 
Y Sanz (Saragossa, 1904), Heidenreich (Vienna, 1907). Cf. 
also Heimbucher, II., 272 seq. ; Hist. pol. Bl., VII., 599, XXXIII. 
746, CXX., 901 seq. ; Faloci Pulignani, Notizie del ven. G.B. 
Vitelli da Foligno, Foligno, 1894, 49 seq. 



die out. The young man would not hear of this, but it was 
only after he had been miraculously cured of a grave illness, 
that his father abandoned the project. 

Having been ordained priest at the end of 1583 Joseph 
Calasanctius devoted himself for nine years to the care of 
souls in various parts of his native Spain. It seemed that 
he might confidently look forward to some great ecclesiastical 
office, but a secret desire drew him to Rome. He arrived 
there in a state of poverty in the spring of 1592, for after his 
father's death he had distributed the whole of his inheritance. 
The inhabitants of the Eternal City were still suffering at 
that time from the effects of the plague and famine, which 
had scourged them from 1590 onwards ;i thus there were many 
orphan children wandering about the streets, without clothing, 
food or instruction. A friend of Philip Neri, the noble and 
pious Giovanni Leonardo Ceruso, known as "II Letterato," 
had already in the time of Gregory XIII. founded an institute 
for abandoned children, ^ of which, after his death on February 
13th, 1595,^ Baronius, by the order of Clement VIII. under- 

1 Cf. Vol. XXII. of this work, p. 345. 

2 See *Avvisi of September 9, 1592, and February i8, 1595, 
Urb. 1060, 11., and 1063. According to the *Avvi50 of April 28, 
1 60 1, the number of the " poverelli dell'hospitale di Letterati " 
was at that time about 200 (Urb. 1069, Vatican Library). These 
children were called " i poveri letterati." See Moroni, XIV., 45. 
Fra Marcello Fossataro of Nicotera, a hermit of St. Francis *asked 
Clement VIII. for permission to found at Naples an asylum 
" come fece il Literato in Roma," State Archives, Florence ; 
see Carte Strozz., I., 2, 250). About 1600 Carlo Carafa founded a 
congregation " dei pii operaii " at Naples, and converted many 
Turkish servants there ; see Freiburger Kirchenlex., l^., 1231 seq. 
Art. Arbeiter, and F. Ceva-Grimaldi, Delia citta di Napoli, 
Naples, 1857. 

3 Cf. Mansio, Vita di Giov. Leonardo Ceruso detto Letterato, 
Rome, 1S34 ; Calenzio, Baronio, 103 seqq. ; Orbaan, Documenti, 
151 n. and Rome under Clement VIII., 62 seqq. In the *Memoirs 
relating to the Congregation of the Oratory by Pompeo Pateri, a 
description of the inriuence of the " opera di Litterato " as 
follows : In questo tempo s'era cominciata gia I'opera di Litterato 


took the care.^ But this alone could not overcome the evil. 
Joseph Calasanctius, who immediately after his arrival in 
Rome had become a member of the confraternity for teaching 
Christian Doctrine, saw with profound grief how many 
abandoned children were growing up without instruction or 
supervision. When he applied to the masters of the schools 
to be allowed to instruct the little ones gratuitously, he was 
referred by them to the magistracy. But he failed to obtain 
a hearing there as well. Then it seemed to him that he heard 
the words of Holy Scripture : "To thee is reserved the care 
of the poor, and to the orphans thou shalt be a helper." Thus 
there sprang up in his mind the idea of founding a special 
school for the poor, and of becoming its director. To this 
end he met with his first helper in the parish priest of the 
church of S. Dorotea in Trastevere, Antonio Brendani, who 
put a few rooms at his disposal, and promised to help him 
with the instruction. It was in that church that the Oratory 
of Divine Love had once sprung into existence, from which 
the work of Catholic reform and restoration had begun. ^ 

(che COS! era chiamato il fondatore d'essa quale comincio a 
radunare li poveri figliuoh di poc'eta ch'andavano spersi, et h 
menava per le strade cantando laudi spiritual! et scopando le 
strade dove era bisogno ; poi dimandava d'elemosina per quel 
poveri figliuoli, quali la sera conduceva al coperto sotto le grotte 
del monasterio di S. Lorenzo in Panisperna, che all'hora ci poteva 
entrare clii voleva dalla parte di S. Maria Maggiore ; et cosi cosa 
nuova il card. Rusticucci m'ordino ch'io m'informassi deirhuonio 
et come governava quel figliuoli. Andai una sera airimproviso 
alle dette grotte et trovai che teneva quei figliuoli con quell'ordine 
bono che poteva in quel luogo et li governava con tanta carita 
ch'io ne restai con grande edificazione, vedendo che li dava tutti 
quelli soldi ch'haveva, senza pensare punto a se stesso : et con 
questa relatione si lasso seguitare. Carpegna 62 p. 58^^, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

1 See Moroni, L., 4. Cf. ibid., IX., 203, and XIX., 247, for 
the asylum of S. Eufemia founded at that time. The " Letterato " 
was buried in S. Maria dell'Orazione e Morte ; see Lanciani, IV., 
68 ; FoRCEi.LA, VIII., 475. 

2 Cf. Vol. X. of this work, p. 390 seq. 


It was a strange coincidence that now, at the moment of the 
highest development of that movement, a new and important 
institution was to spring up in the same place. As soon as 
some of the members of the Society of Divine Love had 
promised their co-operation, the first popular free school in 
Europe was able to come into existence. 

Clement VIII. extended his protection to a work on 
which the blessing of God visibly rested. The number 
of children, of whom from the first there were about a 
hundred, grew from year to year. They were given the 
necessary books and writing materials gratuitously ; they 
were also given clothing, since, following the example of 
the open-handed Pontiff, other benefactors as well provided 
ample alms. 

In 1601 it was possible to hire a larger house near S. Andrea 
in Valle, in which Joseph Calasanctius began to lead a 
community life with his companions, who had by 1604 reached 
the number of twelve. Thus were laid the foundations of 
the Piaristi or Clerks Regular of the Pious Schools, afterwards 
called the Poor Clerks of the Madonna, the " Scolopi " (Scuole 
pie) or the Poalini. Since noble and wealthy families also 
sent their children to the excellent school of Calasanctius, 
jealousies and envy were aroused, but the Pope convinced 
himself that the accusations made against the school of the 
poor children were unfounded, and he continued as before 
to be their protector. 

Clement VIII. founded in Rome, for the Roman nobles and 
foreigners, the " Collegium Clementinum " the direction of 
which he entrusted to the Somaschi.^ This institution, the 
Protector of which was Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, soon 
attained great celebrity. ^ 

^ See Bull. XL, 90 seq. 

^ Cf. Elogio del nobile e pontificio Collegio Clementine di 
Roma, Rome, 1795 ; Palantrini, Notizie dei convittori illustri 
del Clementine di Roma, 1595-1795, Rome, 1795 ; Donning, I 
convittori del nobile Collegio Clementine di Rema, Rome, 1898. 
The inscription affixed to the building, which is situated in the 


The Society of Christian Doctrine, founded in 1560 by 
the noble Milanese Marco de Sadis Cusani, found an ardent 
protector in Clement VIII. From this sprang in 1596 the 
Congregation of Clerks Secular of Christian Doctrine and a 
confraternity in connexion with it. After the death of Cusani 
(September 17th, 1595) the connexion between the two bodies 
was severed ; the confraternity was given a director of its 
own, and the Congregation was given a provost and the 
church of S. Martina near the Forum. In order to confirm 
both young and old in Christian doctrine, the Society of 
Christian Doctrine established disputations in the churches, 
which are still in use to-day in the Eternal City.^ 

It was of importance too that the Pope confirmed^ the 
French teachers of Christian Doctrine founded by Cesar de 
Bus, and in 1598 charged Bellarmine himself with the com- 
position of a catechism, which by its perfection very quickly 
superseded all other works of a similar nature.^ 

The attempts of certain Spanish Jesuits to modify the 
Constitutions, drawn up by Ignatius of Loyola, met with no 
success in the time of Clement VIII., although the struggle 
took another aspect after the confirmation of the Constitutions 
by Gregory XIV. In the time of Sixtus V. the two or three 
dozen malcontents had stormed the Inquisition and the king 

Piazza Nicosia, was destroyed after the college was confiscated. 
For the bull for the college founded in 1596 at Aosta, see Frutaz 
in the periodical Societe acad. dti duchd d'Aoste, XIX. (1905). 

1 See Moroni, XX., 246 seq. ; Freiburger Kirchenlex., III., 
1871 ; Heimbucher, II., 339 seq. The e.Kemption of the 
" Congreg. clericorum doctrinae christ.," dated 1596, December 
29, confirmed by Clement VIII., in Bandi, V., 15, p. 95, Papal 
Secret Archives. The " Confirmatio (dementis VIII.) erectionis 
congreg. doctrinae christ in civitate Avenion," of December 23, 
1597, in Bull., X., 411 seq. 

* See HeimbtjCher, II., 338 seq. 

3 See Sommervogel, I., 1182 ; T.\cchi Venturi, I., 295, 301. 
A second edition of the rare Catechismo di Don Giovan Paolo da 
Como, sacerd. dei chierici regoL, Cremona, 1595, mentioned 
ibid., 300, in the City Library, Frankfort a M., Ital., 24 V. 


with an array of memorials, in order that with their help 
their own schemes might be carried into effect. ^ But in the 
time of Clement VIII. such memorials were but few,^ so that 
it seemed that the grave penalties which Gregory XIV had 
threatened against all attacks on the Constitutions of the 
Order seemed not to have been without their effect. But 
the bull of Gregory had not been able to close the last resource 
to the malcontents ; it had of necessity to leave open the 
way of appeal to the Pope himself, and to the general con- 
gregation of the Order. ^ 

It was a strange thing that no less a man than Jose de 
Acosta adopted this course, for it was he whom Aquaviva 
had sent a short time before to Rome as his confidant, in 
order to set matters straight and who had dissuaded the 
King of Spain from his plan of causing a visitation of the 
Orders to be made by externs, and had himself carried out 
the visitation in two provinces.^ Yet Acosta was no more 
pleasing to some of his brethren on account of his having 
made the visitation. It was seen that he was overcome with 
ambition, and was waiting until the General should confer 
upon him the ofhce of provincial. The appointment did not 
come, and a deep despondency and hatred of Aquaviva took 
possession of him, though he was otherwise ver}^ capable and 
resolute. It seemed to him that the powers of the General 
ought to be limited by the General Congregation of the Order, 
and he persuaded King Philip to entrust his task to him, 
obtaining, should it prove necessary, a command from the 
Pope for such a restriction. He arrived in Rome on December 
2nd, 1592, and through the Spanish ambassador, though 
without the knowledge of the General of the Order, had an 
audience with the Pope. He explained to Clement VIII. 
that the disputes among the Jesuits did not arise so much 
from the subordinate members, who were acting from sim- 
plicity, obedience and the love of God, as from the ambition 

» Cf. Vol. XXL of this \vork, p. 154 seq. 

2 AstrAin, III., 417. 

3 Bull of June 28, 1591, §21, Bull., IX., 441. 
* Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 165 seq. 


and worldly outlook of the superiors. The underlying cause 
of everything lay in the unrestricted power of the General, 
as that office had come to be in the hands of Aquaviva, and 
the only means of repairing the trouble was the General 

At first Clement VIII. was not ill-disposed towards the 
Jesuits, and recognized their services to the Church, especially 
in the matter of missions, ^ while he had striven for their 
re-admission to France.^ He was the first Pope to raise two 
Jesuits, Toledo and Bellarmine, to the purple. Both of these 
had great influence with him, and he made use from time to 
time of the services of Bellarmine as his spiritual father.^ 
But Clement VIII. allowed himself to be influenced by the 
general trend of the moment. ^ Under Gregory XIII. the 
Jesuits counted for everything, and would have all been 
looked upon as saints, if certain defects, which are generally 
inseparable from success, had not manifested themselves 
among them. They certainly stood in the first rank where 
it was a question of the welfare of the Church, but there were 
those who thought that they went too far in their zeal, so as 
to wish to be first in everything, give their opinion on all 
subjects, and intrude themselves into matters which did 
not concern them. 

Thus there sprang up in the time of Sixtus V. and 
Clement VIII. and still more during the first years of Paul V., 
a reaction against the high esteem which they had formerly 
enjoyed. One after another occurrences took place, which 
were bound to affect their good name. It was certainly an 
act of too great severity when Sixtus V., publicly and in the 
full light of day, caused a Jesuit to be carried off to prison, 

^AsirAin, III., 516-525. 

^ Cf. supra, p. 157. 

^ Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 174 seq. 

^ A warning from Bellarmine to the Pope, and the latter's 
replies in Fuligatti, I., 3, c. 5, HH 2 seqq. ; Le Bachelet, 
Auctarium, 513-518. 

^ What follows is based on Pollen in The Month, XCIV. (1899), 


and ordered another to be brought from Spain to be executed 
at the Bridge of St. .Angelo, but there could be no doubt as 
to the fact that at any rate one of them had allowed himself 
to make use of unlawful expressions. It was unjust when 
the Spanish Inquisition, in the time of Sixtus V., imprisoned 
four Jesuits on vexatious accusations, and entered upon a 
bitter warfare against them and their privileges,^ though it 
is highly probable that the Jesuits had not been prudent in 
the use of these privUeges, and in the way in which they spoke 
of them. When, after the attempt of Chastel on Henry IV., 
a Jesuit had been put to death in Paris as an accomplice, 
and the Jesuits were banished from Paris and other cities, 
this too was a crying injustice ; but after all it was the 
consequence of the fact that some of them, during the struggle 
of the League, had meddled in politics. If during the struggle 
with the English appellants and the secular clergy, there 
had been such strong feeling against Persons and the Jesuits, 
part of the blame for this was due to the political writings of 
Persons. Clement VIII. had once clearly expressed the view 
that he personally blamed the Jesuits, and on the occasion 
of an appeal which a Jesuit, the confessor of the Queen of 
Spain, had made against the attacks being made from all 
quarters upon his Order, the Pope had drily written in the 
margin of this document the words : God resists the proud. ^ 
While on the journey which Aldobrandini had made to Poland 
as legate, the Cardinal was of the opinion that he had 
convinced himself with his own eyes that the Jesuits were 
too intimately mixed up with the court and the aristocracy.^ 
In a word, dislike of the Jesuits had made itself felt in Rome, 
Spain, France and England ; to this fact were added the 
internal disturbances of the Order itself, the rebellions in 
the seminaries in Rome and Valladolid, which injured their 
reputation as educators, and the accusations made by the 
Dominicans against their teaching as to grace, which damaged 

iC/. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 155. 

" Pollen, loc. cit., 240. 

3 luvENCius, I., II, n. 5, p. 12. 


their good name as men of learning. There can be no wonder 
then if even well-disposed men asked themselves whether all 
was well with the Order. Charles Borromeo had long before 
seen the storm approaching, and had sought to avert it, 
especially by recommending the election of his confessor, the 
Jesuit Adorno, as General of the Order. ^ That Clement VIII. 
would have something to sa}^ concerning the Order was 
placed beyond doubt by the remarks which he wrote with his 
own hand on the reports of his envoys ;^ he was also personally 
annoyed with Aquaviva, because the latter had refused him 
the services of the skilled Possevino as his companion on his 
journey to Poland.^ Nor was the learned and very influential 
Cardinal Toledo a friend of the General of the Order. Even 
in the time of Pius V., when he was preacher to the Apostolic 
palace, Toledo had taken up his abode there, leading almost 
a prelate's life,* and thus losing in a distressing way all contact 
with his Order. 

Clement VIII. listened attentively to the remonstrances 
of Acosta ; if the General did not desire the Congregation, 
said the Pope, then he himself would order it. Aquaviva, 
with whom Acosta had recently spoken in great detail, was 
in fact opposed to a General Congregation. In view of the 
divisions in the Order, he said to Acosta, it might be that 
even the Congregation might not come to an agreement, and 
the foreigners would certainly bring pressure to bear to 
obtain, not what was for the good of the Order, but what 
would add to their own aggrandizement ; moreover deputies 
could not be sent either from Flanders or France.^ But the 
attempts of Aquaviva to induce the Pope to change his mind 
were without effect. In his second audience with Acosta 

1 AsTRAiN, III., 2:5 n. I ; Van Orirov in Anal. Boll., 1912, 
51^ ; Carlo Borromeo, Lettere per la prima volta date in luce, 
Venice, 1762 (a work of anti-Jesuit sentiments). 

* PoLi,EN, loc. cit., 237. 

^ Ittvencius, loc. cit., p. 5. 

* See AstkAin, III., 573 ; cf. 652^ 
^ Ibid., 527, 528. 


Clement VIII. expressed his firm determination that the 
Congregation should be held, and on December 15th Toledo 
had to take orders to this effect to his General.^ Aqua viva 
had not been consulted throughout the affair. Alonso Sanchez, 
a Jesuit visitor of the Spanish provinces, who had gone to 
Spain four months before Acosta left that countr}^ might 
perhaps have prevented the carrying out of Acosta's plans, 
but he was hindered by illness from speaking to the king 
until F ebruary. He was able during the course of his visitation 
to remove various abuses, and he changed the provincials, 
but when he had succeeded in making the king better disposed 
towards Aqua viva, ^ it was already too late ; the General 
Congregation had already been promulgated. 

Thus there was begun a fresh struggle against the Con- 
stitutions of the Order, that is to say against one of its 
fundamental points : the power of the General. When 
Ignatius of Loyola laid down with such exactitude the choice of 
the General, placing in the hands of one man the whole of the 
power to appoint the superiors, he was probably influenced by 
the wish to keep far from his institute the alarming decadence 
of the religious Orders of his time with which he found himself 
faced. His idea was that a capable General would appoint 
capable superiors, and that everything else would follow of 
itself. The very disputes in Spain had proved how important 
it was for the Order to be firmly governed by a single hand. 
The Spanish superiors were under the dominion of Philip II. 
and his Inquisition ; they were in his power and did not dare 
to take energetic action. Salvation could only therefore come 
from Rome, and certainly was not to be found by giving the 
Spaniards a special superior on Spanish soil, nor in entrusting 
the appointment of the provincials and rectors to men who 
were bound to be influenced by a thousand other considera- 
tions. If Acosta's plans were to be acted upon, then the 
great work of Loyola was ruined, and was bound to be broken 
up into as many parties as there were nations ; in place of a.n, 

^ Ibid., 531. 
^Ibid.. 533-553- 


impressive unity of action there would be division and discord. 
But the danger of Acosta proving victorious was by no means 
small ; if Clement VIII. and Philip II. seriously wished to 
do so, they could bring pressure to bear, to which the General 
Congregation, whether it liked it or not, was bound to yield. 

Fortunately for the work of Loyola, it found a highly 
intelligent and resolute defender, in the very man against 
whom the principal attack was directed, the General of the 
Order, Claudio Aquaviva. Alonso Sanchez was of the 
opinion that if there could be fused into one man the eight 
or ten most able Jesuits, both as regarded their natural and 
their supernatural qualities, this would not produce another 
Aquaviva. This was his own conviction, and all those with 
whom he had spoken on the subject admitted that he was 
right. 1 The 3'oung Duke of Bavaria, Maximilian I., later on 
Prince-Elector, was enthusiastic on his behalf. " I cannot 
praise him enough " he wrote from Rome to his father, ^ 
" one is forced, so to speak, to fall in love with him, and to 
look to him alone." 

Deeply penetrated with the ideas of Loyola, Aquaviva 
stood like a sentinel for some thirty-four years, as his champion. 
No attack could move him. A man of prayer, who sought 
his recreation in the Fathers of the Church, and who looked 
at everything from a supernatural point of view, he gave his 
decisions clearly and firmly, and without any trace of passion 
as though they were law incarnate. In the countless writings 
that came from his pen, he never even once abandoned his 
dignity or unalterable calm, and it is impossible to tell from 
these pages whether he was well or ill, or whether they were 
written by him in youth or old age.^ The esteem which he 
thus won was added to by the nobility of his family which 
held a ducal title, as well as by his relations with his nephews, 
one of whom was a Cardinal, another Archbishop of Naples, 

^ Ibid., 541 seq. 

* On April 24, 1593, in Aretin, Maximilian I., Passau, 1842, 


3 Opinion of Astrain, IV., 738. 


a third Bishop of Cajazzo, while a fourth, also a Jesuit, had 
won the martyr's palm in the Indies.^ Of great advantage 
to Aquaviva was the fact that before he entered the Society 
of Jesus, he had been a Papal chamberlain, and thus knew 
exactly the conditions of the Roman Curia. ^ If, however, 
Philip II., by the advice of the Inquisition, and Clement VIII., 
by the advice of Toledo, were to impose their will upon the 
General Congregation, then the hand of its most skilful pilot 
would be rendered powerless. 

In spite of the efforts of Acosta the malcontents were not 
successful in obtaining the election of one of their number 
to the General Congregation. Only in the province of the 
Society at Toledo was there any probability of the election 
of a man who, although he was a celebrated scholar, had never 
been able to overcome the harshness and bitterness of his 
haughty temperament, and who through all his life remained 
a burden upon his brethren. This man, who for several years 
had identified himself with the malcontents, was the celebrated 
historian Juan de Mariana.^ 

Philip II. had not interfered with the freedom of the 
elections, but he informed those who were elected that he 
had submitted certain proposals to the General Congregation.* 
By means of a letter addressed to Clement VIII. ,^ he arranged 
for Acosta to participate in the Congregation with the right 
to vote, but on the other hand the Pope would not consent 
to his wish that Acosta should present his suggestions to the 
Congregation in the king's name.^ More troublesome to 

1 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 168. 

2 Cf. as to him Iuvencius, I., 25, par. 19, n. 33 seqq. ; p. 888 
seqq. ; AstrAin, III., 211 seqq., IV., 734 seqq. 

3 AsTRAiN, III., 554-562. The work of Mariana against the 
institute of the Society of Jesus is authentic. When the papers 
of Mariana were confiscated in 1609 on account of his writings 
against the debasement of the coinage, his manuscript fell into 
the hands of the enemies of the Order, and was printed by them 
after the death of Mariana (1624) : ibid., 559 seq. 

^AstrAin, III., 565 seq. 

* Ibid., 567. 

* Jbid. 570. 


Aquaviva than the presence of Acosta at the Congregation 
was the fact that a short time before its commencement 
Toledo was appointed Cardinal/ since Acosta had suggested 
to Philip II. that he should ask for the elevation of Toledo so 
that he might as Cardinal preside at the Congregation, and 
thus act as a counterweight to the influence of Aquaviva.^ 
The General of the Order succeeded, however, in inducing 
the Pope to abandon the much debated proposal that a 
Cardinal should act as president.^ 

At the beginning of the Congregation, on November 3rd 
1593, Aquaviva and seven other Jesuits presented themselves 
before the Pope, who received them graciously. " From the 
beginning of my pontificate," he said, "I have heard from, 
men of judgment that your Society has relaxed its first zeal, 
and I have therefore assembled the Congregation in order 
that you may provide a remedy. You can do so better than 
anyone else ; you have in your hands seven-eights of the 
Christian people, and thanks to your care they remain firm 
in the Christian faith. I am an eye-witness to this, and I 
know how well you are working in Poland and Germany 
for the Christian religion. If then your Order has anywhere 
weakened, you must remedy this. Inquire whether the final 
vows of the professed are not delayed overlong, and whether 
it is wise that any should hold the office of superior so long. 
As to learning it is my wish that you should follow Thomas 
Aquinas, that great master whose writings were confirmed 
and accepted by the Council of Trent."'* 

In this discourse Clement VIII. had clearly shown his own 
point of view as regards the Jesuits ; he was not guided by 
any antipathy for them, but by anxiety on their behalf. He 
had not formed any definite opinion as to the complaints and 
accusations brought against them, and he seemed to leave 
it absolutely to the Congregation to arrive at a decision as to 
the truth of these. 

^ Ibid. 575. 

2 Ibid. 570. 

8 Ibid. 575 seq. 

* Ibid. 580 seq. 


Thus the first task of the assembly^ would have to be to 
discuss abuses and the accusations against Aquaviva. Some 
of the fathers wished to abstain from any judgment upon the 
General, but Aquaviva insisted upon a full examination. 
For this purpose Clement VIII. granted all the necessary 
powers, and sent to the Congregation all the memorials against 
the Jesuits which had reached him. The examination of the 
charges against the General, which was carried out by a 
deputation of five delegates, lasted for a whole month. No 
blame of any impotrance was found to rest upon the person 
or life of Aquaviva. As to his method of government the 
criticism was made that he clung with too great tenacity 
to his own opinions, and that he had favoured some more 
than was fitting. Aquaviva begged to be allowed to present 
this document to the Pope, who was favourably impressed 
by it. 2 

Besides the inquiries into the matter of the General, certain 
points of minor importance were first dealt with. Then began 
the intervention of Philip II. On November 15th he pre- 
sented five demands, which were principally concerned with 
the relations of the Order with the Inquisition ; none of these 
touched the really burning questions, and the assembly 
accepted them all without difficulty.^ But this was far from 
exhausting the wishes of the Spaniards, and soon afterwards 
the ambassador of Philip, the Duke of Sessa, presented a 
memorial in the sense desired by Acosta, concerning certain 
changes in the Constitutions ; he said that the assembly 
must consider this in all freedom, but at the same time he 
sought to obtain from the Pope a suggestion to the Jesuits 
favourable to his wishes ; to this request Clement VIII. 
would not consent at first. From November 24th to December 
3rd there were no general meetings, though discussions were 
held in private as to the proposals made, but between 

^ Their deliberations in the Institutum Soc. Jesn, II., 262-283. 
* AsTRAiN, III., 583. 

'Deer. 18, 19 in Instit. Soc. Jesu, II., 266; AstrAin, 
HI., 584. 


December 3rd and 8th, these were unanimously rejected 
by vote. Acosta, seeing himself powerless and completely 
isolated, voted with the rest.^ In accordance with the 
renewed pressure brought to bear by Sessa, the Pope had 
laid down the subject of discussion for the meeting on 
December 8th ; it must be decided whether the final vows 
were to be made after a fixed period of time, so that once that 
period had elapsed, there was a right to make them. The 
Congregation declared that if it considered this essential 
point, it was purely out of obedience to the Pope. There then 
followed once more a unanimous resolve to adhere in this as 
well to the prescriptions of Loyola. - 

During the weeks that followed there was a discussion as 
to the attitude to be adopted towards the theology of Thomas 
Aquinas, and as to diversity of theological opinions,^ the 
members of the Order were forbidden to meddle in politics,* 
and the descendants of Jews and Moors were refused admission 
to the Order. ^ A decisive factor in this last provision was the 
discovery that out of the twenty-seven writers of memorials 
against the Constitutions, at least twenty-five were so-called 

* AsTRAiN, III., 585-587. luvencius on several occasions puts 
matters erroneously, as though the malcontents had a party in 
the Congregation. As to this see Astrain, III., 603 n. 

2 Astrain, III., 587 seq. 
^ Ibid. 589. 

* Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 389. 

* Astrain, III., 588-593 ; cf. 338, 369, 493, 498. In the case 
of the Dominicans there was the same difficulty at anyrate in 
the case of Spain (Bull. ord. Praed., IV., 125 ; Monumenta ord. 
Praed. hist., X., 231), as well as in the Portuguese province of the 
Carmelites (Antonius a Spiritu Sancto, Consalta varia, Lyons, 
1675, 360). For the Franciscans cf. Bull. Rorn., VII., 918 ; 
VIII., 59. The doubt felt as to the neo-Christians in general is 
treated of by Ag. Barbosa, Votorum decisivorum, t. II., Lyons, 
1723, I., 3, vot. 93, pp. 102-128. Cf. Clement VIII. on January 
14, 1603, Bull., X., 889 : In Portugal they may not receive 
canonries with a care of souls, and in Coimbra itself only those of 
the third and fourth rank. 


neo-Christians.i On December 31st the Order addressed 
itself in severe words to its disloyal sons, the disturbers of 
its peace and the stirrers up of rebellion, as well as against the 
" false calumnies " which they had " without any justifica- 
tion " brought against the Order. It was true that their 
memorials bore these words : "So demands the whole of the 
Society of Jesus," but actually they were but few in number, 
and reprobate sons ; they ought as soon as possible to be 
cut off from the Order as a " plague," and where this was 
not possible they should under pain of expulsion, take an 
oath to the institute of the Society of Jesus, and to the Papal 
bulls of confirmation. Anyone who should come to learn of 
their schemes must denounce them ; the Pope should be 
asked for a fresh confirmation of the institute. ^ 

These last words show that the assembly felt full confidence 
in the Pope, but it was soon to be undeceived. Clement VIII., 
as well as his adviser Toledo and the Duke of Sessa, could not 
but marvel that in spite of the many memorials on the subject 
of the dissension in the Order, its representatives turned as 
one man against the handful of innovators, and declared 
unreservedly for the Constitutions of Loyola.^ To 
Clement VIII. this looked like a kind of defiance, which was 
unwilling to make any change at all. The Spanish ambassador 
could not feel satisfied at seeing that the exhortations of his 
king had had no other effect than to cause the decree against 
the innovators to be followed by a second, which was aimed 
at further enlightening the king as to the state of affairs.'* 

1 AsTRAiN, III., 593. Cardinal Henry of Portugal had already 
on the occasion of the General Congregation of 157?, asked for the 
intervention of the Pope in order that no neo-Christian should be 
received by the Order, for otherwise there was reason to fear 
" ne Societas ista periclitetur et destruatur " (ib id., 695). 
Ignatius had only desired that care slvould be taken in the 
admission of neo-Christians [Mon. Ignat., I., 336, V. 335, Zeitschr. 
fur kath. TheoL, 1923, 589). 

" Deer. 54, in Instit. Soc. Jesu, II., 279. 

3 AsTRAIN, III., 595. 

* Deer. 55, ibid., 281. 

THE pope's allocution TO THE JESUITS. I77 

Toledo too had expected the assembly to have recourse to 
himself, the great scholar, in frequent consultations, and he 
was annoyed when he found himself simply ignored. When, 
on January 3rd, 1594, a fresh decree had laid down the essential 
points of the Constitutions of the Order, the Duke of Sessa 
sent a confidant of his to Toledo. The Cardinal complained 
that the Congregation could not be in worse plight ; he said 
that the Spanish demands were just, that a proof of the bad 
disposition of the assembly was the fact that, despite the 
Pope's orders, they had not asked for any advice, and that 
they had spoken of the sovereign of Spain as though he were 
a mere esquire. The Pope, however, would remedy all this 
on the very next day. 

On January 4th, early in the morning, Clement VI IL went 
with six Cardinals to the professed house of the Jesuits, 
celebrated mass there with great recollection, and then 
delivered an allocution to the assembled fathers.^ He began 
by bringing out the great merits of the Order, but this very 
thing should be an incentive to humility. After speaking 
of humility and pride, he blamed the meddling of the Order 
in politics and in matters that did not concern it, its preference 
for peculiar doctrines, and its censure of the doctrines of 
others, and further blamed them in that they had no regard 
for princes, king or Emperor, that they discussed whether 
the Pope had or had not the right to do this or that, that they 
despised monachism and looked upon their own constitutions 
as being so perfect and inalterable that there was nothing in 
them that could be improved ; they were of the opinion that 
they stood in no need of visitations or reform. All this he 
said with great gravity, but at the same time with a manner 
that was altogether friendly, and he ended with a warning 
that they must consider a remedy, for otherwise he would 
himself intervene.'^ 

This allocution, with its enumeration of defects, threw the 

^ Printed copy in J. Wielewicki S.J., Diarium domus professae 
Cracoviensis. Script, ver. Pol., VII., Cracow, 1881, 180-183. 
2 AsTKAiN, III., 597 seq. 

VOL. XXIV. 12 


Congregation into confusion. Decrees had already been 
issued concerning divergence of doctrines and adherence to 
St. Thomas Aquinas ; but what point in the constitutions 
could be changed in order to impose upon the Jesuits a greater 
respect for the King of Spain and the monastic Orders ? As 
far as humility was concerned, Loyola gave place to none 
as an apostle of that virtue, especially in the case of his own 
Order, the " lowliest " Society of Jesus, as he often called it, 
thereby going a step lower even than the friars " minor." It 
was decided to have recourse to the Pope himself, so that 
he might point out the matters that required to be changed. 
Cardinal Toledo, who was asked to further this request, 
refused in his ill-temper to present it ; as he told the Spanish 
ambassador, he had presented to Clement VIIL, the day 
before his visit to the Jesuits, a document naming nine points 
in the constitutions which called for emendation.^ 

But to the Pope it seemed dangerous to change the con- 
stitutions of the Order by force, and on January 8th he pointed 
to the Congregation four matters for their consideration, as 
to which they were to come to a free decision. ^ The accept- 
ance of the first two points met with no difficulty ; these 
concerned the tenure of their office for only three years by 
the superiors, and the account which the provincial must 
render at the termination of his period of office. The third 
point, the acceptance of the Papal reservation of certain sins, 
was obvious.^ It was only the fourth suggestion, that in 
certain cases the assistant of the General should be given the 
right of decision, which met with difficulties. By a unanimous 
vote, with five exceptions, the assembly decided that this 
restriction of the supreme power was inopportune. 

But very soon further demands were put forward, which 
had their origin in conversations between Toledo, Acosta and 

1 Ibid., 599. 

* Deer. 64, Instit. Soc. Jesu, II., 284 ; AstrAin, III., 600. 

* On May 26, 1593, Clement VIII. himself had verbally dis- 
pensed the Jesuits from his decree concerning reserved cases. 
Thus the dispensation was now annulled. Synopsis, 155. 


the Duke of Sessa.^ On January 12th Toledo informed 
Aquaviva that the Congregation must come to a decision 
as to two questions, namely whether another General Con- 
gregation should be held after six years, and whether 
Aquaviva's assistants ought not to be changed, with the 
exception of a German who had only recently been appointed. 
The Congregation resolved to declare to the Pope its readiness 
to obey, but to beg him not to press the second demand, and 
to be allowed to express their reasons against the recurrence 
of General Congregations at fixed intervals, as well as against 
the change of the assistants.^ This explanation was never 
made, and on January 14th Toledo conveyed to the Con- 
gregation an order to accept them without more ado. In 
accordance with this order three new assistants were elected 
on January i8tli, 1594.^ 

This ended the Congregation, which had brought to the 
malcontents the opposite of what they desired. All their 
aims, though not yet dead, had received a mortal blow. 
Aquaviva had been splendidly justified, and nothing essential 
had been changed in the constitutions. The order concerning 
the limitation of the office of superior to three years, was 
afterwards mitigated by Clement VIII. himself, and was later 
on altogether abrogated.^ The fixed period for General 
Congregations also seemed to the Pope, after the six years 
had elapsed, to be useless, and none was held.^ The 
Inquisition in Spain became reconciled with the Jesuits, while 
the king as well declared himself satisfied with the course of 
events.^ Even Acosta realized that his procedure had been 

1 AsirAin, III., 600-602. 

* Deer. 73, loc. cit. 286. Astrain (III., 602) interprets the 
demand as meaning that " cada seis afios " another General 
Congregation was to be held, but Deer. 73 only says : " ut post 
sequens sexennium congregetur denuo generalis congregatio." 
Cf. Deer. 75. 

' Deer. 74, loc. cit. 

* Alexander VII. on January i, 1663, Ii^stit. Soc. Jesu, I., 109. 
5 AstrAin, III., 605. 

^ Ibid. 607 seqq. 


a mistake, and he was reconciled with Aquaviva.^ After 
the next General Congregation of the Order in 1608, no more 
was heard of the party of the malcontents,^ and with Loyola's 
beatification in 1609,^ his constitutions received a new 

One of the principal points which had been desired by the 
king at the Congregation, namely the question whether there 
should not be appointed a special superior for Spain and the 
Indies, and whether the life-long duration of the office of 
General should not be limited, had not even been discussed 
at the meetings. We learn the reason for this from Acosta, 
who had been charged, in a special brief to Philip II., to report 
to him concerning the Congregation. Acosta told the king 
that not only the Congregation itself, but the Pope himself 
had been opposed to the discussion of these matters, and that 
therefore neither the Duke of Sessa nor himself had made any 
mention of them.^ 

In spite of this Clement VIII. was still thinking in 1595 of 
abolishing the life-duration of the office of General of the 
Jesuits. According to what was written to the king at that 
time by the Spanish ambassador, whom the Pope had 
informed of his proposal, his motives were " the same as those 
presented at the last General Congregation by Your Majesty " 
Aquaviva must therefore be removed from his office and sent 
to Naples as archbishop. Naturally the Jesuits laid their 
remonstrances before the Pope, but in vain. They then 
turned to Cardinal Toledo, who had boasted that he held 
the Pope in his hand ; but in his case too all petitions were 
at first of no avail ; it was even bitterly said that Toledo, by 
getting Aquaviva removed, intended to have a free hand to 
interfere in the Order. But the Portuguese assistant devised 

^Ibid. 611. 

2 Ibid. 667 seq. 

' Ibid. 676 seq. 

^ Ibid. 610, cj. 608. The brief of Paul V. of September ^, 
1606, mentions in the first place the desire of the disturbers 
of the peace that the duration of the office of General should be 
shortened. Instit. Soc. Jesii, I., 131. 


a remedy. He said to Toledo : if Aquaviva has to be an 
archbishop, then the Jesuits would be very glad to see him 
a Cardinal ; this could easily be managed by the intercession 
of the princes, and after that it would remain to be seen which 
of the two Jesuit Cardinals would have the upper hand in the 
Order. Aquaviva would not have been a pleasing colleague 
to Toledo, so he took steps to get the Pope to abandon his 

But this did not bring the intrigues against Aquaviva to 
an end, Ferdinand Mendoza, one of the party of the mal- 
contents, had already in 1592 been on the point of being 
expelled from the Order on account of his unseemly behaviour, 
but he had been treated indulgently and had been sent to the 
lonely college of Monforte. But this step led to a fresh 
dispute, in which the Pope intervened several times against 
Aquaviva. Mendoza, who was well versed in the ways of 
the world, was able by his savoir faire to win the high esteem 
of the Count of Lemos, who possessed vast properties in the 
neighbourhood of Monforte, and still more that of the 
countess, a sister of the future Duke of Lerma, who was the 
true king of Spain in the time of Philip III. When Lemos 
went to Naples as the new viceroy, Aquaviva vainly tried 
to prevent the rebellious Jesuit from accompanying him as 
his confessor. Once he was in Italy, Mendoza was very soon 
able to stir up against his General even the Pope, who was 
unwilling to annoy the viceroy. Mendoza had addressed to 
Aquaviva several arrogant letters, which he afterwards wished 
to have sent back to him. By the Pope's orders the General 
was forced to send them. Aquaviva had sent to Naples a 
man whom he could trust to obtain information as to the 
conduct of the viceroy's confessor. Owing to the insistence 
of the latter, this confidant had to be recalled, and when 
Mendoza spread the rumour that this had been done by the 
Pope's orders, Clement VIII. did not dare to deny it. The 
inquiries that had been begun had brought to light many 

* AstrAin, III., 629-632. Sessa to Philip II., February 18, 
1596, ibid. 717 seq. 


unseemty things, but Clement VIII. forbade all interference, 
and when further accusations had reached him, " on account 
of more important considerations " he refused permission 
even for an inquiry to be begun. After the death of the Count 
of Lemos in 1601, Mendoza wished to return home with the 
countess. The Spanish Jesuits made every effort, but in 
vain, to be freed of his presence ; Aquaviva could only reply 
that if he retained Mendoza, the Pope \vould give orders to 
let him go.^ Armed with a secret brief forbidding all superiors 
to make any inquiries about him, Mendoza accompanied the 
countess to the court at Valladolid. There he soon began to 
make his influence felt, for the all-powerful Duke of Lerma 
suddenly showed himself opposed to the Jesuits. 

Aquaviva took every means to remove this dangerous man 
from the court. Of the two attempts he made, the first failed 
to attain its purpose, while the second, even before it had been 
begun, was rendered impossible by an intrigue.^ The General 
then sought to obtain the consent of the Pope to a third 
attempt. Clement received the remonstrances of the Jesuits 
graciously, and assured them that he did not wish to hamper 
the steps they were taking against Mendoza. But 
Clement VIII. was above all anxious not to offend the Countess 
of Lemos, as is clear from a letter of Aldobrandini to the 
Spanish nuncio.^ Aldobrandini wrote that the Pope had 
refused to give the Jesuits a brief against Mendoza, as he did 
not wish to mix himself up with the affair, and that the nunco 
must not pay any attention to it. 

The Pope was not ill-advised in acting thus ; he probably 
foresaw that in face of the power of Lerma, Aquaviva would 
not have any more success with his third attempt, and so it 
proved. Counting upon the Pope, Aquaviva had charged 
the superior of the professed house at Toledo to take steps 
against his presumptuous subject. When the superior 
threatened him with excommunication and other penalties, 

1 AstrAin, III., 634-638. 

■■' Ibid. 641-644. 

'Of August 23, 1604, ibid. 645. 


Mendoza promptly declared himself ready to leave the court. 
But while the two were still in negotiation, a visit from the 
nuncio Ginnasio was announced ; Lerma and the Countess 
of Lemos had learned from him what had occurred, and both 
of them " spat fire." Two days later Hojeda was able indeed 
to repeat to Mendoza in the presence of the provincial and 
other Jesuits his commands, but on the same day the nuncio 
summoned the provincial and Mendoza to his presence, 
forbade Mendoza under grave ecclesiastical penalties to leave 
Valladolid, and ordered the provincial not to give his consent 
to his departure. Ginnasio wrote to Aldobrandini that this 
step had been taken in the interests of the Order itself, and 
that Aquaviva had not perhaps realized the consequences 
of his interference. Clement VIII. approved the action of 
his nuncio, and soon afterwards issued a brief to Mendoza 
withdrawing his correspondence and his relations with the 
countess from the supervision of his superiors, and permitting 
him to have a lay-brother and two secretaries in his service, 
as well as other privileges.^ 

Mendoza had thus won a brilliant victory. In order to 
humiliate the General yet more, and as it were display his 
power, there occurred to this arrogant man the strange idea 
of bringing Aquaviva to Spain and thus tying his hands 
completely. Philip III. was therefore obliged to invite the 
General to Spain, and a sheet attached to the king's letter 
gave a number of reasons for his making the journey. On 
November loth, 1604, Aquaviva thanked the king for his 
kindness and sent to Spain by means of his assistants a 
refutation of the king's reasons. But Mendoza found a way 
out of the difficulty, and a second letter from the king asked 
the Pope to order the General to set out. Clement VIII. 
issued this order and adhered to it. Aquaviva pointed out 
that the summons to Spain was nothing else but an act of 
vengenace, but to no purpose ; the assistants set forth their 
reasons verbally and in writing, but this too was useless. 
The Jesuits then succeeded ui obtaining some fifty letters 

^ Ibid, 644-649. 


on behalf of the General, from the most distinguished persons, 
among them the Kings of France and Poland. But 
Clement VIII. was unwilling to deprive the sovereign of the 
two worlds of the modest pleasure of a visit from the General 
of the Jesuits. 

Thus the head of the Society of Jesus found himself faced 
with the danger of finding himself handed over with tied hands 
to his rebellious subject, and this proved too much even for 
the iron constitution of Aquaviva, and he fell dangerously 
ill. The Pope sent his private physician to ascertain if the 
illness was really serious, but the latter as well as seven other 
doctors certified that there could be no question of his thinking 
of the journey. When Aquaviva recovered, Clement VIII. 
was dead, and there was no longer any talk of the journey 
to Spain. 1 

Of great importance was the impulse given by Clement VIII. 
to the reform of the Carmelite Order, « inaugurated by 

^ AsTRAiN, III., 649 seqq. The difficulty was not ended, even 
after the death of Clement VIII. The premature death of Leo XI. 
made his help against the Jesuits of the court inefficacious {ibid. 
653 seq.) ; Paul V. seemed at first to wish to leave the Jesuit 
superiors a free hand towards their subjects, but he probably 
wished to make use of the work of Mendoza for a family marriage, 
and made him (brief of June i, 1606, ibid. 655) a concession that 
was perhaps even greater than that of Clement VIII., namely 
that in the houses of his Order he must naturally be subject to his 
superiors, but outside of them he was allowed to live in his own 
way and in opposition to the will of his superiors, being subject 
only to the Pope, and freed moreover from his obligation to 
poverty and obedience. But this very excess of privilege brought 
its own remedy. Aquaviva succeeded in getting hold of a copy 
of the brief, and thus he and his assistants had the means of 
persuading the Pope that Mendoza would lead a better life 
outside the Order. Paul V. resolved to make him Bishop of 
Cuzco in Peru, and Mendoza was at last, whether he liked it or 
not, compelled to accept this unsought-for dignity. He was 
preconized on January 12, 1609, and Aquaviva was able once 
more to breathe freely {ibid. 654-659). 

2 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 148. 


St. Teresa. This had spread further and further, and in 1593 
had reached Rome. In that year Clement VIII. allowed the 
reformed Carmelites to elect a General of their own, and in 
1600 approved of their forming congregations independent 
of each other, a Spanish one with the Indies, and an Italian 
one called that of St. Elias, which later on included France, 
Germany and Poland.^ A Spaniard, Andrea Diaz, introduced, 
at the beginning of the pontificate of Clement VIII., the 
discalced Augustinian Hermits into Rome, where they were 
treated with favour by the Pope.^ 

There were few Orders to which Clement VIII. did not 
extend his favour.^ The Barnabites, whom he had once 
described as the best collaborators of the bishops,^ were in 
several cases encouraged by him. He confirmed the privileges 
of the Somaschi,^ the separation of the reformed Basilians 
from the unreformed,^ the Order of Capuchin nuns,' the 
statutes of the Italian Annunziate,^ and the reform, 
inaugurated in Spain, of the Orders of the Trinitarians 
and Mercedari,^ whose work was the liberation of the 
slaves. ^'^ 

But however much the interests of the religious Orders 
occupied the attention of Clement VIII., he did not neglect 
his care for the secular clergy. Cardinal Rusticucci, who had 
already been made Cardinal Vicar by Sixtus V., continued 
to discharge that important office. ^^ To him was attached 
a special commission of reform, which was to carry out the 

^ See Freibiirger Kirchenlex., III.*, 971. 
2 See Bull., X., 548 seq. 

^ See Diet, de thdol. cath., III., 85. For the Capuchins see 
Bull., X., 763 seq. 

*See Premoli, 337, 358, 366, 378, 381, 388, 393 seq. 
^ See Bull., X., 42 seq. 

* See Archiv f. kath. Kirchenrecht, VIII., 82. 
' See Heimbucher, I., 362. 

* See ibid. 621. Cf. Aschbachs Kirchenlex.^, I., 224 seq. 

* Bull. X., 184 seq., 580 seq., XL, 128 seq. 
I'Bull. X., 529 seq. 

11 See D01.FIN, Relazione, 463. 


ordinances made during the visitation.^ As he had already 
done in the case of the Auditors of the Rota,^ so did 
Clement VIIT. at the beginning of his pontificate address to 
the directors and students of all the pontifical colleges paternal 
exhortations to live and make progress in virtue.^ In order 
to put an end to all abuses he issued salutary ordinances 
concerning indulgences.* Nor did the inscriptions, nor the 
tomb of the inamorata of Alexander VI. in S. Maria del 
Popolo escape his attention, and these were removed in 
April 1594.^ In the same way he caused to be removed from_ 
the cathedral of Siena the image of the so-called Pope Joan 
which was there.* 

From the beginning of his pontificate the Pope above all 
insisted, both in the case of the parish-priests' and of the 
bishops, upon their observance of the duty of residence.^ 
In so doing he met with the same difficulties from the bishops 
as his predecessors had done. Still, as in the past, many 
bishops remained without necessity at the Curia in Rome. 
The verbal exhortations of the Pope that they should return 
to their diocesses only had a partial effect. One made one 
excuse, another another, and the requests for dispensations 
grew in number.^ A new and more severe ordinance became 

^ Cf. Bentivoglio, Memorie 46. 

* See *Avviso 01 March 21, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican Library. 
3 See Bull., IX., 573 seq. 

* Rkusch, Bellarmins Selbstbiographie, 134 scq. 

5 See *Avviso of April 19, 1594, Urb. 1062, p. 193, Vaticari 

« See DoLLiNGER, Papstfabeln des Mittelalters^, Munich, 1863, 

' See *Avvisi of February 5, 1592, and November 12, 1594, 
Urb. 1060, I., 1062, Vatican Library. 

* See *letter of G. Niccolini of February 6, 1592, State Archives, 
Florence ; *Avviso of February 12, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican 
Library, and Pakuta, Dispacci, I., 93, 220. 

' *S.D.N. proposuit constitutionem contra praelatos non 
residentes, ut non possint esse cardinales, faciendam, an per 
bullam an vero per decreturn consistoriale. . . . Dixit canones et 


inevitable ;^ this was to include even the Cardinals, and the 
only diversity of opinion was whether the enactment should 
be made by bull or by consistorial decree.^ After a discussion 
by the Congregation of the Council and Bishops,^ on July 5th, 
1595, Clement VIII. laid down a decree, which renewed all 
the previous enactments concerning the duty of residence, 
and laid it down that no one could receive the purple who had 
failed in this respect.'* 

There was then a sensible improvement, but rigorists like 
Cardinal Bellarmine were not yet satisfied. To the remon- 
strances made to the Pope by the Cardinal in an out-spoken 
memorial,^ Clement VIII. frankly admitted that he had been 

constitutiones Patriim nostrorum satis superque testari, quantum 
semper optatum fuerit ut episcopi in suis ecclesiis resideant et 
ad munia pastoralia incumbant. Hoc ipsum tarn concilio 
Tridentino quam aliis postmodum S.P. constitutionibus sancitum 
esse. Varum adhuc non satis provisum, cum se plerique variis 
excusationibus ab ipsa residentia eximere conentur, et non 
levi S*'®™ S. molestia atficiant, importune instantes, ut eis ab 
ecclesiis suis abesse permittatur, non sine magno crediti sibi gregis 
compendio. He ordered them to ponder well the constitution. 
Acta consist. June 2, 1595, Cod. Barb. lat. 2171, HI., Vatican 

1 C/. Paruta, Dispacci, HI., 157. 

2 See *acta consist, June 5, 1595, loc. cit. Cf. supra, p. 186, n. 9. 
^ See Paruta, loc. cit. 171, 

* *S.D.N. laudavit residentiam et eius necessitatem et utilita- 
tem, et e sinu decretum proferens, illud legit, innovans onmia 
decreta et constitutiones de residentia, et constituens, ne quis 
episcopus vel superior non residens actu in sua ecclesia vel non 
solitus residere possit in cardinalem assumi. Acta consist, 
July 5, 1595, loc. cit. 

^ This document, together with the " Responsiones S. 
Pontificis " which show how humble the Pope was, and at the 
same time how profoundly convinced he was of the great and 
difficult task of his pontificate, were immediately spread abroad 
by means of manuscript copies. Urb. 538, p. i seqq., and 859, 
p. 504 seqq., Barb. lat. 2620, p. 58 seqq., Vatican Library ; Cod. 
X,-IV., 43, Casanatense Library, Rome ; Cod. 38 B. i, p. 61 seq., 


wrong in allowing the bishops to come to Rome so easily, 
so that it was only with difficulty that they could be sent away 
again. With regard to the eleven non-resident Cardinals 
whom Bellarmine had named, the Pope was able to point 
out that in their case there were legitimate excuses, as well as 
for the employment of bishops as nuncios, because persons 
suited for that office were only to be found in limited numbers, 
and because the nature of their business prevented frequent 
changes. That the state of affairs was very much better 
than it had been, is clear from the fact, that in the whole of 
the States of the Church there was only one bishop who held 
a political office ; another, the Bishop of Camerino, who was 
vice-legate of the Marches, did not count, because there he 
was able to go every day to his diocese. 

But even Clement VIII. was obliged to realize how difficult 
it was to eradicate the abuse, by which bishops were absent 
from their dioceses, and remained without excuse in Rome. 
In spite of his warnings,^ towards the end of his pontificate, 

Corsini Library ; Cod. 75 of the Library of S. Pietro in Vincoli 
(see Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch. 47) ; Cod. C. IV., 21, p. 21 seqq, 
Library at Siena ; Inform, polit., II., i seqq., State Library, 
Berlin ; also elsewhere, e.g. among the Italian manuscripts of the 
Library at Stockholm. This document was also repeatedly 
reprinted, e.g. in Albericius, Baronii epist., III., 3 seqq., 
Hoffmann (CoUectio, I.), Bartoli (Opere 24, IV., 42 seqq.). 
DoLLiNGER (Beitrage, III., 83 seqq.), Lammer (Melet., 367 seqq), 
and Le Bachelet (Auct., 513 seqq.) from a copy revised by 
Bellarmine himself. From a letter of Clement VIII. of October 
14, 1600 (in Le Bachelet in Rech. de science relig., XIII., 444 seq.) 
it is clear that Bellarmine had presented his memorial a short 
time before, and that the replies are those of Clement VIII. 
himself and not of Baronius. A. Ratti (Opuscolo inedito e 
sconoscmto del card. Baronio, Perugia, 1910) has published a 
memorial presented by Baronius in the spring of 1595 to the 
Pope, concerning the government of the Church in accordance 
with the prescriptions of Gregory the Great. 

1 Cf. the * briefs of exhortation to the Bishop of Oristano 
(Sardinia) Ant. Canopolo, July 5, 1600, and " Episc. S. Jacobi 
insulae Capitis Viridi," March 22, 1602, Arm. 44, t. 44, n. 198, 


in 1603, there were so many bishops present in the Curia that 
he was obhged to take fresh steps. ^ Even then it was only 
with reluctance that some obeyed ; but the Pope insisted 
upon his order being carried out. In April 1604 almost all 
the bishops had left Rome, and only a few who had not found 
the opportunity for going still remained. ^ When the Pope 
informed the nuncio at Madrid of this success, he urged him 
to do all he could to see that this example was followed in 
the Spanish capital as well.^ 

Gregory XIV., who had taken part in the Council of Trent 
as Bishop of Cremona, in order to comply with the feeling 
of that Council, which in its twenty-second session had 
required in the case of the bishops a special training in 
theology and canon law, had resolved to submit the candidates 
for the episcopate to a two-fold examination before they were 
confirmed. In the first place, by means of an informative 
process, the previous manner of life of the nominee was to be 
inquired into, and then they were to be examined in their 
knowledge of the above-mentioned sciences. His premature 
death had prevented Pope Gregory from carrying out this 
project. Clement VIII., at the very beginning of his pontifi- 
cate, gave effect to this by prescribing such an examination 
in the case of all the bishoprics of free collation in Italy and 
the neighbouring islands, as well as for those of royal nomina- 
tion. For this purpose he set up a Congregation, and to the 
Cardinals appointed to it there were added certain prelates 
as examiners.* The Congregation began its work as early 

and t. 46, n. 75, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. also the *report of 
G. C. Foresto, October 14, 1600, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

^ See *Avviso of November 12, 1603, Urb. 1071, Vatican 

''See *Avvisi of March 30, April 3 and 7, 1604, Urb. 1072, 
Vatican Library. 

* *Warning to D. Ginnasio, April 6, 1604, Barb. 3852, Vatican 

* C/. *report of G. Niccolini, July 3, 1592, State Archives, 
Florence ; De Luca, Rel. Cur. Rom. for. disc, 21 ; Moroni, 
XVI., 195 seq. ; Bangen, 89 seq. 


as July, 1592. The Pope himself assisted at the examinations. 
These were held with great detail and no dispensations were 
allowed.^ The greater the success obtahied by this method 
of procedure, the more firmly did the Pope adhere to it.^ 
Clement VIII. also gave proofs of extraordinary rigour in 
the matter of granting resignations of ecclesiastical revenues.^ 
He would not allow any accumulation of benefices ; the only 
exception he made was in the case of the cardinalitial dioceses, 
because his predecessors since the Council of Trent had not 
changed the conditions of those dioceses.* 

This careful selection of bishops, as well as the example 
set by the Pope, as supreme pastor of Rome, had an important 
effect in the improvement of the Italian episcopate,^ and 
Clement VIII. had the joy of seeing how many bishops in 
Italy were labouring in the spirit of Catholic reform by 
establishing seminaries, and holding synods and visitations.* 
Thus the following acquired great merit as conscientious 
pastors and as reforming bishops in the fullest sense 
of the word : at Adria, the Carmelite Lorenzo Laureti ; 
at Aquileia, Francesco Barbaro ;' at Venice, Lorenzo 

1 Cf. *Urb. 839, p. 298 seq., and *Avvisi of July 4 and i.^, 1592, 
Urb. 1060, II., Vatican Library, and Paruta, Dispacci, I., 35, 

n., 73- 

2 Cf. *brief to the Archduke Ferdinand, October 25, 1.597, 
Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 232, Papal Secret Archives. 

^ See *report of G. del Carretto, November 31, 1593, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

* See Lammer, Melet., 377 seq. 

* See Zachariae Iter litt., 303. 

* For the following list, which does not claim to be complete, 
of. Ughelli, Italia sacra, and Moroni, Dizionario, above all for 
those bishops in whose case no special works or dissertations are 

' For the synod held at Udine in 1596, and the pleasure it gave 
to Clement VIII., see Iuvencius, V., 430. For the synodal 
activity of Barbaro see Marcuzzi, Sinodi Aquileiesi, Udine, 
1910, and for his activity in visitations see, besides Schmidlin, 
6 seq., Joppi, Relazione d visita apost. in Carniola Stiria a 


Priuli ;^ at Belluno the learned Luigi Lollini \^ at 
Ceneda, Marcantonio Mocenigo ; at Treviso, Francesco 
Cornaro ; at Verona, Cardinal Agostino Valiero,^ well 
known as a Christian humanist ; at Pavia and Mantua, 
the Franciscan Francesco Gonzaga ;* at Cremona, Cesare 
Speciani;^ at Modena, Gaspare Silingardi;^ at Milan, 
the great and learned Frederick Borromeo, who was a 
patron of the arts ;'' at Reggio-Emilia Claudio Rangoni ;^ 
at Como, Feliciano Ninguarda ;^ at Pavia and Novara, the 
Barnabites Alessandro Sauli^" and Carlo Bascape,^^ imitators 

Carinzia, Udine, 1862. There too the report to Clement VIII. 
concerning the highly necessary visitation which he had suggested. 
The manuscript is preserved in the parochial archives at Cremona, 

1 L. Priuli founded the seminary and held a synod in 1592 ; 
c/. P. Paschini, La riforma del seppelire nelle chiese nel sec. 
XVI., Monza, 1922, 20 zeqq. 

2 See A. Rath, Opuscolo ined. del card. Baronio, 15. 

^ See C. LiBARUi, *De vita et rebus gestis episc. Veronens., 
Cod. DCC.-LXXXIII., pp. 253, 286 seq.. Capitular Library, 
Verona. For the magniticent Dialogue by Valieko " Philippus 
sive de Christiana laetitia " see Kneller in Zeitschr. f. kath. 
TheoL, XLIL, 186 seqq. Cf. Mai, Spicil., VIII., viii. seq., 89 seq. 
118 seq. 

* See the monograph by Fr. M. Paolini, Rome, 1906. Cf. 
Maiocchi in Riv. di scieme stor. (Rome), 1907 ; Arch. Veneto, 
N.S. XXI. (191 1), 295 seqq. 

5 See Vita di Mons. C. Speciani, Bergamo, 1786, 320 seqq., 
355 seqq, 366 seqq., 497. 

* See Ricci, II., 92 seq. 255 seq., where the special literature is 

' Cf. Mai, Spicil., VIII., 473, and more fully infra. 

^ Cf. G. Saccani, I vescovi di Reggio, R. 1902, 130 seq.; 
Cottafavi, II Seminario di Reggio-Emilia, R-E, 1907, 3 seq. 

•See Monii, Atti d. visita past. d. F. Ninguarda, 1589-1592, 
Part I., in Race. Comense, II., Como, 1882, 94. Cf. Rcim. 
Quartalschr., 1891, 62 seq., 124 seq. 

^"Cf Vol. XIX., of this work, p. 210. 

" See J. Chiesa, Vita del ven. C. Bascape, 2 vols., Milan, 1858. 
Cf. C. Bascape, Scritti publ. nel governo del suo vescovato 


of Charles Borromeo ; at Asti the Franciscan Francesco 
Panigarola ;^ at Saluzzo, Giovanni Giovenale Ancina ;2 at 
Genoa the Benedictine Matteo Rovarola ;^ at Pisa, Carlo 
Antonio Pocci ;^ at Colle, Usimbardo de' Usimbardi ;^ at 
Volterra, Guido Servidio ; at Fiesole the disciple of Philip 
Neri, Francesco Maria Tarugi;® at Bologna, Cardinal Gabriele 
Paleotto;' at Imola, Alessandro Musotti ; at Fossombrone, 
Ottavio Accoramboni ;^ at Camerino, Gentile Dolfino ; at 

dall'a. 1593 al 1609, Novara, 1609. The correspondence between 
Bascape and Alessandro Sauli, 1591, was published by Premoli 
in Riv. di scienze stor. (Rome), 1907-8. See also Premoli, Una 
gloria di Novara. C. Ba.scape, 1593 1615, in the single number, 
L'Azione, Novara, 1908 ; Ratti, loc. cit., 17 seq. Premoli, 
303 seq., 326 seq., 342 seq., 360 seq. 

1 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 210. 

2 For this disciple of Philip Neri, who -was beatified by Leo XIII. 
in 1890, and his fruitful labours in his diocese, '•/. the monographs 
by Richard (Mayence, 1892) and Duver (Rennes, 1905) and 
also Savio, Marchesato e diocesi di Saluzzo nel sec. XVII., 
Saluzzo, 1915. 

^ In the *brief addressed to the Duke of Mantua, July 26, 1596, 
the Archbishop of Genoa is described as " vir insigni vitae 
integritate et zelo Dei quem multis nominibus valde amamus." 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* For the foundation of the seminary at Pisa (1604) see Mem. 
d. accad. di Torino, Sc. nior. stor. e fil., 2nd series, I., 53. 

* See Constitutiones synodales et decreta condita a rev. D. 
Usimbardo Usimbardio episc. CoUensi primo in dioces. synodo 
habita A. 1594, Florence, 1595. There also the decrees published 
by Usimbardo in 1595 at the diocesan synod of Arezzo. 

«C/. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 169. 

' For the synod of Bologna, 1594, see Lozzi, Bibl. ital., II., 49. 
Cf. Archiepiscopale Bonon. auctore card. Gabr. Paleoto, Rome, 
1594, and Ughelli, II. Cf. also Gabr. Paleotti *Sermones in 
visitat. Alb. et Salin. dioc. 1590 to 1595, Cod. 630 (1166), 
University Library, Bologna. 

* Cf. *Memoria e rito dell'orazione della sera instituita da 
Msgr. vescovo Accoramboni I'anno 1591 in Fossombrone e sua 
diocesi. Urb. 1509 A. Vatican Library. 


Urbino, Antonio Gianotti and Giuseppe Ferreri ;^ at Gubbio, 
Mariano Sabelli ;^ at Assisi, Marcello Crescenzi ; at Amelia, 
Antonio Maria Graziani ;3 at Spoleto, Alfonso Visconti ;* 
at Rossano, Lucio Sanseverino ; at Sarno, Antonio de Aquino ; 
at Siponto, Domenico Ginnasio ;^ at Teramo, Vincenzo de 
Monte Santo ; at Capua from 1602 onwards, Cardinal Bellar- 
mine ;^ at Mat era, Giovanni de Mira ;'' at Reggio Calabria, 
Annibale d' Afflitto f at Messina, Antonio Lombardi ;* at 
Monreale, Lodovico de Torres ; at Cefalu, Francesco Gonzaga, 
who there and later on at Pavia and Mantua rendered good 
service and established the first Tridentine seminary in Sicily. 
Clement VIII. also displayed a salutary activity in filling 
the gaps which death had occasioned in the College of Cardinals. 
These were very considerable, for Clement VIII. witnessed 
the disappearance of altogether forty-five Cardinals, among 
them men so distinguished as Scipione Gonzaga, William 
Allen, Francisco Toledo, Gabriele Paleotto, Errico Caetani, 
Georg Radziwill, Inigo de Avalos de Aragonia, Lodovico 
Madruzzo, Giulio Santori, Alfonso Gesualdo, Silvio Antoniano, 
Lucio Sassi, Arnauld d' Ossat and Antonio Maria Salviati.'^^ 

^ *Acta of the canonical visitation of 1578, 1587, and 1597, in 
the Archiepiscopal Archives, Urbino. 

'' M. S.\RTi, De Episcopis Eugubinis, Pisauri, 1755, 225 seqq. 

* See Synodus Amerina ab A. M. Gratiano episc. habita, 1595, 
edit. sec. cui accessit vita eiusdem, Rome, 1792. For Graziani 
cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, pp. 62, 65, and Mai, Spicil., VIII., 
469 seq. A diocesan report by Graziani in Bull. stor. per I'Umbria, 
XIII. (1907), 138 seq. 

* Made a Cardinal in 1599. 

® See C. Mezamici, Notizie d. operat. del card. Dom. Ginnasio, 
Rome, 1682. 

* See CouDEKC, I., 367 seq. 

'For the synod held at Matera in 1597 see Arch. Napol., IX., 

8 See the biography of D 'Afflitto by Minasi (Naples, 1898) and 
Roma e I'Oriente, VII. (1914), iii seq. 

* See *Constitutiones synodales Messanen, 1591, Cod. 20, of the 
Library, Girgenti. 

^^ See the list of all the Cardinals who died under Clement VIII. 

VOL. XXIV. 13 


The number of new Cardinals appointed at the seven cardinali- 
tial creations of Clement VIII. was as great as fifty-three.^ 
In these the Pope accorded hardly any influence to the 
Cardinals, and far less to the civil governments.- " Cardinals 
who are appointed at the request of the princes," he said, 
" almost always follow private interests, as I have mj^self 
experienced at the conclaves."^ 

The Cardinalitial appointments of Clement VIII. are almost 

in Alberi, II., 4, 354, where, however, Bathory, who was killed 
in 1599, is omitted. For this prince of the Church, who at the 
end, forgetful of the duties of his ecclesiastical state, came to a 
miserable end, see Kolberg, Zur Gesch. des Kard. Andreas 
Bathory, and Aus dem Haushalt des Kard. A. Bathory, both 
Braunsberg, 1910. For the death of Cardinal S. Gonzaga see 
the *brief to Giulio Cesare Gonzaga, February 5, 1593, Arm. 44, 
t. 38, n. 203, Papal Secret Archives. For the death of Allen see 
Bellesheim, 201 !^eq. The sorrow of the court at the death of 
Caetani is *reported by G. C. Foresto, December 18, 1599. 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. For San tori see *Avviso of June 13, 
1602, where it is stated : " the Cardinal did many good works, 
and after thirty-five years of the cardinalate left 14,000 scudi of 
debts " (Urb. 1070, Vatican Library). Cf. alsoDoLFiN, Relazione, 
485. The tomb of Santori, with a fine bust, in his chapel in 
St. John Lateran, see Forcella, VIII., 51. At the consistory 
of February 19, 1603, Clement VIII. pronounced the funeral 
discourse for Gesualdo. See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, 
Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, III., Vatican Library. 

1 Cf. Voh XXIII. of this work, p. 248 ; cf. Phillips, VI., 231. 

* See Carte Strozz., I., 2, 269, and in App. n. 15 the *report 
of G. C. Foresto of February 27, 1599, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 
Cf. the *brief to the Duke of Lorraine, June 20, 1592, Brevia, 
Arm. 44, t. 37, n. 413, Papal Secret Archives, and the autograph 
*Ietter of Charles Emanuel of Savoy, August 4, 1596, State 
Archives, Turin. For the most part the requests of other princes 
as well were not considered, especially those of Philip II. : e.g. at 
the very beginning of the pontificate the request of the King of 
Spain that the Pope should confer the purple on the Archbishop 
of Saragossa, Andrea Bobadilla ; see *letter of Philip II. to 
Clement VIII., April 25, 1592, Doria Archives, Rome. 

* Report of the Este envoy, June 8, 1596 ; see Ricci, II., 245. 


without exception deserving of praise. Setting aside the 
too young Giovanni Battista Deti, the Cardinals appointed 
by Clement VIII. proved themselves men of worth ; such 
were the learned Jesuit Toledo, the venerable Sassi, the 
Oratorian Francesco Maria Tarugi, whose life may be called 
truly apostolic, Camillo Borghese who was afterwards Paul V., 
the Auditors of the Rota, Lorenzo Bianchetti, Francesco 
Mantica and Pompeo Arigoni, the great Bonifacio Bevilacqua, 
the versatile Alfonso Visconti, Domenico Toschi who had 
sprung from the lowest ranks purely by his own merits, 
the disinterested d'Ossat, and lastly like three brilliant stars 
outshining the rest : Baronius, Silvio Antoniano and Bellar- 
mine, who in their humility had refused to accept so great an 
honour, so that Clement VIII. was forced to constrain them 
under obedience, threatening them with excommunication.^ 
These three Cardinals were assigned apartments at the 
Vatican, 2 since Baronius v/as the Pope's confessor, Silvio 
Antoniano his secretary of briefs, and Bellarmine, after the 
death of Toledo his theologian, an office which he exercised 
with great freedom. ^ The lofty sentiments which animated 
Cardinals Baronius and Tarugi is clear from a letter of the 
last-named belonging to the 5'ear 1598, only recently dis- 
covered, in which he unites himself to Baronius in his desire 
to renounce the purple, so as to return once more to the peace 
of the Oratory. 4 

These new Cardinals vied with the older ones, such as 
Valiero, Frederick Borromeo, Tagliavia, Sfondrato, Aquaviva 
and Alessandro de' Medici, who was to succeed Clement VIII. 
If among these many Cardinals there were to be found two of 

^ See CouDERC, I., 260 seq. For Baronius see Alberici, III., 
391 seq. ; Calenzio, 419 scq., 459 seq. Cf. also the *Avvisi of 
Novemter 29, 1595, and June i, 1596, Urb. 1063, 1064, Vatican 
Library, See also the *letter of L. Arrigoni, June 8, 1596, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

" Bentivoglio, Memorie, 151. 

^ Cf. CouDERC, L, 234 seq., 295 seq. 

* See the text of the letter in the opusculum L'Oratorio Filippino 
di Firenze, al ven. Card. Cesare Baronio, Florence, 1908, ji seq 


worldly sentiments, like Sforza^ and Deti, these only served, 
as Bentivoglio remarks, to bring out all the more brilliantly 
the virtues of the rest. Clement VIII. for his part, left 
nothing undone to bring back Deti to a better manner of hfe.^ 
He also made use of every opportunity that offered to remind 
the Cardinals of their duties.^ 

However many eminent men the College of Cardinals 
contained under Clement VIII., its influence as a college 
visibly diminished. This was due in great measure to the 

^ Sforza only became a priest in the autumn of 1614 ; see 
Studi e docum., XV., 282. 

2 See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 85 seq., 126 seq. The description 
of the Sacred College of Clement VIII. by Bentivoglio (59 seq., 
92 seq.) is completed by Dolfin, Relazione, 479 seq., 493 seq., 
who principally discusses the political position of the Cardinals, 
and their hopes at a conclave. The same is the case in the 
*Informazione for the Marchese Vigliena spoken of in Vol. XXIII. 
of this work, p. 254, and in the Discorso which is preserved in the 
Boncompagni Archives, Rome, which was composed in view of 
a conclave, and contains many Roman dicerie, and is identical 
with the report published by Rath (Opuscolo ined. di Baronio, 
38 seqq.). The Bolognese Fabio Albergati pubUshed Libri tre del 
cardinale, Rome, 1598. Giov. Botero wrote DeH'uffitio del 
cardinale libri, II., Rome, 1599, where the duties of the Caidinals 
as against heresy are also discussed. Botero was not fairly judged 
by Meinecke (Die Idee der Staatsraison in der neueren Geschichte, 
Munich, 1924) ; see Giorn. d. lett. ital., LXXXVL, 176. 

^ See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, March 10, 1593, March 
28, 1594, and December 4, 1600, he. cit., Vatican Library ; 
*Avviso of December 29, 1593, Urb. 1061, ibid. Clement VIII. 
also tried to reintroduce the ancient custom by which the Cardinals 
went to the Consistory on horseback ; see *Avviso of March 28, 
1.594, Urb. 1062, ibid., and for the Holy Year (1600) Baumgarten, 
Neue Kunde, 17 seq. According to the *Avviso of August 29, 
1 60 1 (Urb. 1069), special sermons were ordered for the Cardinals. 
Cardinal Este, who gave scandal by his behaviour (see Meyer, 
Nuntiaturberichte, 218, 220, 223), received on June 19, 1604, 
a *Monitorium in which the Pope disapproved of his intention 
" longe lateque peregrinari " ; Arm. 44, t. 56, p. 250, Papal Secret 


independence of Clement VI 11.^, which was much felt by 
the Cardinals, and to the predominant position held by his 
nephew, Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini ; it may also be 
attributed to the increase of the Papal authority, and to the 
establishment of the Congregations, by which the power of 
the Consistory had been considerably lessened. Although 
certain Cardinals, as for example Paleotto, complained of this 
and sought to restore the ancient order, the advantages of 
the new method of transacting business were nevertheless 
evident. The transaction of affairs by way of process, and 
the cumbrousness of a conciliar assembly, in which there were 
always to be found a diversity of opinions, had rendered 
the treatment of important matters by the Consistory almost 
impossible.^ Once the change had been inaugurated, it 
was no longer possible to stop it, all the more so as it was 
based upon the strictly monarchical character of the ecclesi- 
astical constitution. From this time onwards the Consistories 
served more and more to give to more important ecclesiastical 
matters a fitting conclusion.^ 

1 Cf. the Este report for June, 1594, in Riccr, II., 207. 

"C/. Ranke, II. », 204. 

' Cf. Paruta, Relazione, 412 seq. The work by Cardinal 
Paleotto there mentioned bears the title : De sacri consistoiii 
consultationibus, Rome, 1592. Cf. as to this Phillips, VI., 
293, 577- The opinion of Dolfin (Relazione, 460) that the 
Congregations, except for the Inquisition, only functioned in 
appearance, is wrong. The union of the " Congregatio episco- 
porum " with the " Congregatio regularium," did not take place, 
as Phillips (VI., 642) supposes, in the time of Sixtus V., but only 
under Clement VIII. ; see Paruta, Relazione, 374. 


The Roman Inquisition. — Giordano Bruno. — 
The Index. — The Vulgate. 

Of the Congregations, that of the Roman Inquisition pre- 
served the greatest degree of independence, having entrusted 
to it the safeguarding and surveillance of Catholic doctrine. 
At the beginning of the pontificate of Clement VIII. it was 
composed of Cardinals Santori, Deza, Pinelli, Bernerio, 
Boccafuoco and Sfondrato,^ with whom the Pope himself was 
associated as president. Toledo too, and later on Bellarmine, 
were placed on the Congregation after their elevation to the 
cardinalate ;2 it met twice in the week, once at the palace 
of Cardinal Santori, who was the senior in rank, and at the 
same time Grand Penitentiary, ^ and on the other occasion at 
the Vatican. 

1 See Antonius Diana, Coordinatus seu omnes resolutiones 
morales, V., Lyons, 1667. The " Constantius S. Petri in Monte 
Aureo Servanus " mentioned there is Boccafuoco ; see 
Christofori, 193 " Quintilianus Adrianus " was at that time 
notary of the Inquisition ; see Diana, V., 580. Clement VIII. 
appointed " Aug. Galaminus commissarius generalis S. Inqui- 
sitionis de Urbe," see Catalanus, De magistro s. Palatii, 144. 
A manuscript of Clement VIII. of 1592, which assigns the Acta 
of the Inquisition then kept in the Papal " guardarobba " to the 
Congregation, in Gori, Archivio, VI., 4 (Spoleto, 1880), 14 seq. 

2 See the *Notes of Santori, January 6, 1594, Papal Secret 
Archives, I., 28 ; Couderc, I., 269. In a decree of the Inquisition 
of February 5, 1598 (in Stikve, IV., 524 seq.) there are mentioned 
as members : L. Madruzzo, Santori, Deza, Pinelli, Bernerio, 
Sfrondato, Borghese and Arigoni. Cf. also Vol. XIX. of this 
work, p. 626. 

^Cf. the *letter of Giulio del Carretto, February 22, 1592, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Dolfin, Relazione, 462 seq. 



The Inquisition, in addition to its principal duty of taking 
action against heresy, was also occupied with many other 
matters.^ Thus it issued an ordinance against litanies which 
had not been approved by the Congregation of Rites i^ it 
was also concerned with the false Demetrius,^ and was also 
consulted as to whether it was lawful to form an alliance with 
heretics and the heterodox.^ Of very frequent occurrence 
too were questions concerning relations with the heterodox, 
and especially about disputes with Protestants, and mixed 
marriages, that is between Catholics and those of another 
religion. There also came within its competence questions 
concerning Christians of Jewish origin, especially in relation 
to the procedure of the Inquisition in Portugal.^ Besides 

After the death of Santori, June 14, 1602) P. Aldobrandini 
became Grand Penitentiary; see *Avviso of July 21, 1604, 
Urb. 1072, Vatican Library. 

1 Cf. besides the following cases mentioned the reports based 
on the acta in the Anal, iuris pontif., XXVI. (1886), 576 seq. 
676 seq., and Pastor, Dekrete, passim. 

2 See Bull., X., 732 seq. 

3 See PiERLiNG, La Russie, III., 214 seq. 
. * See Pakuta, Dispacci, L, 232. 

*A collection of *" Decreta s. Inquisitionis fere omnia sub 
Clemente VIII." drawn up in accordance with the subjects, in 
Barb. 1369 (copy 1370) Vatican Library. A *Monitorium of 
Clement VIII. to the Inquisitor of Portugal, September 19, 1596, 
to act juridically, in the Papal Secret Archives, App. n. g. 
In Barb. 1369, p. 326 seq. (Vatican Library) are contained 
*Responsiones ad obiecta contra Inquisi tores regni Portugalliae, 
of March 28, 1598, which were presented, when translated by 
Fr. Pena to the Pope. A *brief of Clement VIII. to Philip III., 
December 30, 1601, concerning the absolution of " christianos 
nuevos de Portugal " which the Pope only granted with difficulty, 
in the National Archives, Paris, Simancas. Ibid. K. 1631, a 
♦Memorial concerning the Portuguese neo-Christians, March 24, 
1602. Cf. also the *Tractatus de statu S. Inquisitionis in regno 
Portugalliae, addressed to Clement VIII. (especially concerning 
the neo-Christians and Jews) in Barb. XXXII., 213, Vatican 


grave cases of fornication, falsifiers of Papal briefs were also 
brought before the Inquisition. ^ With regard to those who 
were accused of magic, the Inquisition acted with great 
caution. 2 

The special tribunals of the Inquisition in the various cities 
were dependent upon the Roman Inquisition, by which they 
were directed.^ Clement VIII. devoted the greatest attention 
to the Inquisition ;* he confirmed a number of decrees 
concerning the preservation of secrecy in its discussions, and 
the improvement of its procedure.^ The decree by which 
every month the names of those imprisoned were to be 
presented to the Congregation was directed against the often 
unduly prolonged imprisonment of the accused.® A decree 
of November 29th, 1594, laid it down that the jailors must 
not receive presents from the prisoners, even after their 
release ;' another of March 14th, 1595, ordered a more 
humane treatment of the prisoners.^ The decree of Sixtus V., 
that all briefs, bulls and other documei ts relating to the 
Inquisition must be issued gratuitously, was renewed by 
Clement VIII. ,^ and it was further ordered in 1601 that the 

^ Cf. in App. n. 16, the *List of those imprisoned in the Holy 
Office from 1599, Borghese Archives, Rome. 

2 Opinion of Sandonntni in Giorn. stor. d. hit. ital., IX., ^.^j seq. 

2 See Amabile, II S. Officio d. Inquisitione in Napoli, II., 19. 
Cf. ibid. I., 337 seqq., 343 seqq. For the development of the 
Inquisition at Naples, and its activity in that city, see a *Report 
concerning an " Auto da fe celebrado en Palermo, 1596 " in the 
Archives of the Spanish embassy, Rome, P. III. In 1595 
Clement VIII. asked the Archduke F'erdinand to hand over an 
ex-Dominican to the Roman Incjuisition ; see Stciermdrk. 
Gesch.-BL, I., 81. 

* Cf. Paruta, Relazione, 374 ; Cierario, Lettere di Santi, 
Papi, etc., Turin, 1861, 243 seq. 

^ See Pastor, Dekrete 51 seq. 

* See ibid. 52. 
' See ibid. 55. 

* See tbid. 55 seq. Cf. Battistella, 85. 

'■" See Pastor, Dekrete, 57. Cf. Zeitschy. f. schweiz. Kirchen- 
f,esch., VII. (1914), 70. 


bishops and their officials were not to receive the smallest 
emolument. 1 A decree of the same year laid it down that 
the consultors of the Inquisition were not to act as advocates 
of the accused. 2 

The strict bull of Paul IV., against those who, without being 
priests, dared to say mass and hear confessions, was confirmed, 
together with another constitution of the Carafa Pope against 
those who denied the Most Holy Trinity. ^ Also the bull which 
forbade Italians to live in countries where they were not able 
to fulfil their religious duties,* was aimed at the defence of 
the faith. 

The first execution of heretics under Clement VIII. took 
place in 1595. On May i6th in that year twelve persons 
abjured their errors in the church of the Minerva ; a relapsed 
Fleming, who obstinately persisted in his error, by denying 
the immortality of the soul, as well as an absent Spaniard, 
were condemned to the stake. ^ In the following month a 
terrible crime was committed, which deeply grieved the Pope. 
An Englishman attacked with a dagger the priest who was 

1 See Bull., X., 648. Cf. Carte Stroz::., I., 2, 314. 

"" Die 4 aprilis 1601 lectis litteris vicarii Januensis, 111°^* 
[et rev.°^* domini caidinales generales inquisi tores] decreverunt 
ut consultores s. Officii non possent esse advocati reorum " 
(Decreta s. Officii, 1524-1668, p. 321, State Archives, Rome, with 
the further remark : " Romae tamen practicatur contrarium "). 
Cardinal Bernerio was entrusted in 1593 with the arrangement 
of the Archives of the Inquisition ; see Pastor, Dekrete, 52. 

* These constitutions in Diana, V., 546 se.q., 574, and in Bull., 
X., 750 seq., XL, i seq. 

* See Bull., X., 279 seq. Cf. Stieve, V., 310 ; Battistella, 
II S. Offizio in Bologna, B. 1905, 138. The *opinion of an Augus- 
tinian concerning this bull of Clement VIII., which was renewed 
and amplified by Gregory XV., in Cod. Capponi, III., 19, National 
Library, Florence. 

* Besides the Lettres d'Ossat, L, 153, cj. the *Avvisi of May 17 
and 20, 1595, Urb. 1063, Vatican Library, and *Diarium P. 
Alaleonis, May 16, 1595 : " In Minerva abiuratio 12 in s. Officio 
detentorum, unus relapsus obstinatus et imago Jo*^ Lopez, qui 
curiae saeculari traditi." Barb. 2815, Vatican Library. 


carrying the Blessed Sacrament in a procession leaving the 
church of S. Agata a Monte Magnanapoli, so that the Most 
Holy fell to the ground. He expiated his crime at the stake. 
It was thought that this was a case of a spy of Queen 
Elizabeth.^ There were also other executions, thus five 
more in 1595, seven in 1596 and one in 1597.^ A heretic who 
maintained his erroneous doctrines dressed as a Capuchin, 
was executed in September 1599.^ There were several 
imprisonments of heretics in the following years,'* and six 
condemnations to death. ^ One of the latter was the case 
of a Neapolitan, who was also a treasure-seeker.® Another 
native of southern Italy was the philosopher, Giordano 

The life of this unhappy man seems like that of a restless 
adventurer.' Born at Nola near Naples in 1548 of poor 

1 See Lettres d'Ossat, I., 153 f^eq., the report in N. Antologia, 
XXXIV., (1877), 298, and the *Avvisi of June 17 and 21, 1595, 
Urb. 1063, Vatican Library. 

* See RoDOCANACHi, Reforme, II., 433 seqq. For G. F. Barro, 
arrested by the Inquisition in 1595, cf. Tiraboschi, VIII., 
134 seq. ; Mazzuchelli, II., 3, 1790 scq. 

* See *Avviso of September 14, 1599, Urb. 1067, Vatican 
Library. According to Rouocan.^chi iloc. ciL, 433) there were 
two other heretics executed in November, 1599. 

* Cf. *Avvisi of February 23, 1600 (yesterday a heretic was 
arrested at S. Marcello) ; July 21, 1601 (on Sunday at the 
Inquisition, the abjuration of a German Jesuit, who denies the 
Trinity ; condemned to imprisonment for life ; Bosso da Bassi, 
to five years in the galleys, because he invokes the devil, and 
practises treasure-seeking) ; November 6, 1604 (abjuration of an 
Apulian priest, who had preached errors at S. Eustachio), Urb. 
1069, 1070, 1072, Vatican Library. Cf. in App. n, 16, the 
♦List of the prisoners of the Holy Office on April 5, 1599, Borguese 
Archives, Rome. 

^ Cf. in App. n. 16, extract from the *Diarto, from the Papal 
Secret Archives. 

* See *Avviso of July 9, 1603, Urb. 1071, Vatican Library. 

' Cj. the special works by Chr. Bartholomees (2 vols., Paris, 
1846-47), M. Carriere (Philos. Weltanschauung der Reforma-. 


parents, but a man of extraordinary intellect, he resolved 
as a youth to enter a religious Order. He changed the name 
of Philip, which he had received at baptism, to that 
of Giordano when at the age of seventeen he entered the 
celebrated Dominican convent at Naples.^ This convent, 
in which at one time Thomas Aquinas had lived, was at that 
time in a very decadent state. ^ The young religious, who 
had a lively imagination and a restless spirit, studied indis- 

tionszeit, Leipzig, 1847^ 1887), F. J. Clemens (G. Bruno e Nic. di 
Cusa, Bonn, 1847), D. Berti (Florence, 18(38, Turin, i88y), 
Chr. Sigwart {Tiibingen, 1880), H. Brunn'ho^-er (Leipzig, 1882), 
L. Pkeviti (Prato, 1887), J. Fhith (London, 1887), RiEtn, 
(Leipzig, 1889^ 1900), L. Kuhienbeck (Leipzig, 1890), Tocco 
(in AUi dei Lincei, 1892), V. Spampanato (G. B. e Nola, Castro- 
villari, 1899 ; eoncerning his country and family), Tocco (Nuovi 
docum. Rome, 1902), Lewis MacLn'tyue (London, 1903). ^''^• 
Gentile (Milan, 1907), Boulting (London, 191O). The writings 
of G. Bruno are edited by Paul de Lagarue, 2 vols., 1888-89 ; 
Opera latine conscripta ed. Fiorentino, Imbriani, Tallarigo, 
Tocco et Vitelli, Naples and Florence, 1879, 1891 ; Opera ital. 
p.p. G. Gentile, L and IL, Bari, 1907 1908 ; Opera ined. ed. 
Tocco, Florence. 1891. German translation by Lasson in 
Kirchyyianns Philus. BiblJ, Berlin, 1889, and by L. Kuhlenbeck, 
6 vols., Jena, IQU4 seq. ; of the ditlerent phases in the development 
of the philosophy of Bruno, we have the best account in Tocco : 
Le opere lat. di G. B. esposte e confrontate con le ital., Florence, 
1889. Cf. also R. Charbonnel, La pensee ital. et le courant 
libertin, and L'ethic^ue de G.B. et le deuxieme dialogue du 
Spaccio, both Paris, 191 9. A full biography of Bruno, based on 
the plentiful archival materials was written by V. Spampanato : 
Vita di G.B., con docum. editi ed inediti (Messina, 19-1) which 
also at last throws light upon Bruno's youth. Cf. also Olschi in 
Deutsche Vierkljahrschr. /. Literaturwissensch. u. Geistegesch., IL 
(Halle, 1924), 1-79. For G. Bruno see also Zabughin, Storia 
del Rinascimento cristiano in Italia, Milan, 1924, 350 seq. ; 
S. Caramella, G. Bruno a Geneva e in Liguria, in Giorn. stor. d. 
Liguria, I., i (1925). 

* On June 15, 1565 ; profession on June 16, 1566 ; see 
Spampan.\'io, Vita, 606, 608. 

* See ibid. 136 seqq. 


criminately the philosophers of antiquity, the Middle Ages 
and the Renaissance. In so doing he formed a profound 
aversion for Aristotle and scholasticism, and drifted away 
from God and the Christian religion. He began to feel doubts 
about the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, as well as about the 
divinity of Christ. In spite of this in 1572 he was ordained 
priest and exercised the priestly office in various places. 
But his attitude of mind endured, and as he did not conceal 
his heretical opinions, he was threatened with a trial before 
the Inquisition, which he avoided by taking to flight in 
February 1576.^ 

Giordano Bruno then completely burned his bridges behind 
him, and began a life of wandering, which in three lustrums 
took him half over Europe. After having travelled through 
north Italy, he went to Geneva, where he passed over to 
Calvinism, 2 so as to be able to enter the university. Punished 
by imprisonment in 1579 for having published a defamatory 
libel against a professor of Geneva, Bruno, whose nature was 
as impulsive as it was presumptuous, left the head-quarters 
of Calvinism, against which he thenceforward displayed an 
even greater hatred than that which he had shown for the 
Catholic Church. He went by way of Lyons to Toulouse, 
where he succeeded in obtaining a chair at the university. 
In his lectures on philosophy he especially attacked Aristotle, 
whom he later on called the most stupid of all the philosophers, 
whose soul after his death had passed into the body of an ass ! 
After two years teaching, in 1581 the restless professor turned 
his steps towards Paris, where he devoted himself principally 
to the art of mnemonics. In this way he attracted the 
attention of Henry III., who conferred a special chair upon 
him. Bruno thanked him by the dedication, filled with 
adulation, of his work concerning the " shadows of ideas," 

1 See ibid. 255 seq. 

** Later on before the Inquisition at Venice G. Bruno denied his 
apostasy ; but the documents published by Dufour (G. Bruno a 
Geneve, 1579, Docum. inedits, Genoa, 1884) show that he lied. 
Cf. FiORENTiNo, G, Bruno, in Napoli lett., I, (1884), n. 32. 


in which could already be seen the fundamental signs of his 
pantheistic philosophy. As well as shorter dissertations, 
Bruno also published at that time (1582) a comedy " II 
Candelaio " which proves how the loss of faith had also 
brought about his moral shipwreck. The work is full of 
indecencies ; according to competent judges, it surpasses 
in its obscenities the most infamous productions of the 

As early as 1583 Bruno left France, which was in a state of 
ferment, and went to live in London, where he passed, accord- 
ing to his own statement, the happiest hours of his life in the 
house of the French ambassador, Michel Castelnau de 
Mauvissiere. Mauvissiere brought him into contact with 
many illustrious persons," and he was even presented to Queen 
Elizabeth, of whom he sang as " a goddess upon earth." He 
bestowed similar adulation upon her courtiers and counsellors. 
This however did not prevent him later on from reviling the 
English as uncouth, savage and rustic. He wrote thus : 
" If an Englishman sees a stranger he becomes like a wolf 
or a bear, and stares at him as furiously as a hog who sees 
someone taking away his trough from him." 

During his sojourn in England there appeared Bruno's 
most important works in Italian : "La cena delle ceneri " ; 
" Lo spaccio della bestia trionfante " ; and " Dell'infinito, 
universo e mondi." " La cena delle ceneri " contains in the 
form of a dialogue a popular instruction concerning the new 
system of the universe according to Copernicus, of which 
Bruno was an enthusiastic supporter, and together with this 

^ Cf. A. Bacelli, II candelaio di G. Bruno, Rome, 1901, and 
the preface by Spampanato to the Opere ital., IIL, Bari, 1909. 

- It is very uncertain whether Bruno knew Shakespeare person- 
ally. The influence of Bruno on the great dramatist, which is 
maintained by Tschischwitz (Shakespeare-Forschungen, Halle, 
1868) and by W. Konig (in Shakespeare-Jahrbuch, XL, 79 seq.) 
is convincingly denied by R. Beyersdorff (G. Bruno u. Shakes- 
peare, Oldenburg, 1889). For the harmful influence of Bruno on 
the English at that time, as against positive religion, see the 
article by Stone in The Month, L. 81. 


there are rabid invectives against his adversaries, whom he 
describes as " Mad, demented, beasts and sows," and especially 
against the University of Oxford, which is called a " con- 
stellation of the ignorant, pedantic and obstinate, and a mass 
of donkey and swine." In his work, " Lo spaccio della bestia 
trionfante " astronomy is only quite a secondary matter ; 
polemics and satire hold the first place. Even worse than the 
obscenities in which Bruno takes delight here as well, are the 
scandalous blasphemies which he permits himself to utter. 
This incendiary work, disgraceful in its title, was regarded by 
contemporaries as being directed against the Pope, but 
an3^one who studies it more attentively will see that Bruno's 
attacks are not only directed against the doctrines of the 
Catholic Church, but also against those taught by Luther 
and Calvin. Logically enough, the pantheistic philosopher 
of Nola did not break only with the Catholic Church, but also 
with positive Christianity in general, pouring out against its 
doctrines such a mass of hatred that it would be difficult 
to go further.^ Moreover, Bruno entertained so deep an 

^ Bruno, in the opinion of one of his admirers, Arthur Drews, 
broke at first with the Church and Christianity with full know- 
ledge, and opposed both of them with marked hostility. Especially 
in the " Spaccio della bestia trionfante," he has poured forth 
such venomous scorn upon Christian dogmas, that it would be 
impossible to go further. Bruno did not believe in the divinity 
of Christ. He only looked upon Him as the noblest of men, and 
classes Him with Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato and other wise men. 
But since the essence of Christianity lies in faith in the God-Man, 
he could not call himself a Christian, and was sincere enough to 
say so openly, seeing more clearly in this matter than many do 
to-day. As well as Catholicism, he also condemns Protestantism, 
and looks upon the doctrine of justification by faith as absurd. 
[Beilage zur Alg. Zeitung, 1900, n. 40). Erdmann had already in 
his Gesch. dev Philoiophie given the opinion : That the original 
part of Bruno's action was that he had " broken with the Catholic 
Church and with all Christianity. He professes to do so, and is 
the first to put himself entirely outside Christianity. . . . He 
himself knows that his doctrine is pagan." In accordance with 
this is Bruno's defence of prostitution, and his demand for 


aversion for the Jews that he showed it in almost aU his works 
by biting expressions.^ Thus in his blasphemous satire on 
Christianity and its Divine Founder, who figures under the 
title " Ass of Cyllene," he says that the Jews have always 
been " a despicable, slavish, self-interested and misanthropic 
people, repulsive to all other races, and very properly spurned 
by them. "2 

When Mauvissiere was recalled from his post in London in 
1585, Giordano accompanied him to Paris, where he again 

polygamy ; see Sigwart in Gott. Gel. Anz., 1883, II., 836 seq. 
This same scholar says that the collection of sneers against 
Christian dogmas made by Brunnhofer (226 seq.) is the best 
proof of the truth of the accusations brought against Bruno by 
the Venetia.n Inquisition. 

^ The German translator L. Kuhlenbeck, who on this point is 
of the same opinion as Bruno, brings this out in his comments 
with special dehght (v., 289). Cf. also Brunnhofer, 219 seq. 
Tlie freemasons and free-thinkers, to a great extent Jews, who 
exulted at the erection of the monument to Giordano Bruno in 
Rome in 1889, and hailed Bruno as the representative of liberty, 
equality and fraternity, knew nothing of the dislike and hatred 
which their hero felt for the whole of their race. The leader of 
political radicalism in Italy, the Jew Barzilai, seems to have been 
better informed when, on February 17, 1910, at the inauguration 
of the site of the club for Roman free-thinkers facing the Vatican 
(pulled down in 1925), which bore the name of Giordano Bruno, 
confessed that for anti-clerical democracy the name of Giordano 
Bruno was only a battle-cry, and that his other views had not 
been taken into consideration. In like manner the Protestant 
professor Van der Wyck, in the periodical De Gids, 1890, 342, 
was of the opinion that the monument in Rome to Giordano 
Bruno had not been erected on account of his learning, but 
because the philosopher despised Christianity : " Het monument 
will een kaakslag aan het pausdom zijn." Cf. also Z.\bughin, 
who says {loc. cit.) : " Nessuno al mondo su meno ' libero 
pensatore ' di quest'uomo [G. Brunoj che I'inhnita beozia dei 
politicanti innalzo a simbolo sovrano del cosi detto libero 

2 See Wyck, lou. cit. 


indulged in attacks upon Aristotle.^ The restless man then 
went to Germany, and tried his fortune in no fewer than eight 
German cities, without, however, finding rest in any of them. 
At Marburg he was refused permission to deliver public 
lectures, which annoyed the philosopher so much that he 
openly insulted the rector of the university in his own house. 
At Halberstadt he aroused such scandal by his attitude of 
opposition to all positive religion, that the superintendent- 
general Mebes warned people from the pulpit to avoid all 
contact with " this wolf and assassin of souls. '"^ From 
Wittemberg, where he extolled Luther as the new Hercules, 
and where his attacks upon the Roman " wolf," gave much 
pleasure, he was driven out by the Calvinists in 1588. At 
Frankfort on Maine Bruno supervised in 1591 the printing of 
three didactic Latin poems, which are of importance for his 
philosophical opinions ; in the same 3^ear he accepted the 
invitation to go to Venice extended to him by Giovanni 
Mocenigo, who was on terms of close friendship with his 
publisher. Mocenigo wished to learn from Bruno the 
mnemonic art, and how to read thoughts, which had already 
been put forward by Raimondo Lullj in the thirteenth century, 
and to the perfecting of which Bruno had devoted himself 
all through his life. But now, whether because the Venetian 
gentleman thought himself deceived in this matter by Bruno, 
or because he felt remorse for having given hospitality to a 
heretic, or because the too great interest taken in his beautiful 
wife by the philosopher aroused his jealousy,^ it is certainly 

i See the new information given by Auvray, G. Bruno a Paris, 
Paris, 1 90 1. Cf. Tocco in N. Anlologia, XXXVII. (1902), 

2 See what is said by Fr. Koldewey {Braunschw. Magazin, 
"Wolfenbiittel, 1897) concerning the earlier biographies. 

* Fr. Albanese (L'Inquisizione religiosa nella repubblica di 
Venezia, con docum. orig., Venice, 1875) endeavours to make this 
last view credible ; he connects with it the circumstance that the 
document of accusation against Bruno contained among other 
charges " that he had taken great pleasure in women, as he did 
not consider it a sin to follow the impulses of nature." 


the fact that m May 1592 the disciple made over his master 
into the hands of the Venetian Inquisition. 

The view that Giordano Bruno presented himself before 
the Venetian Inquisition as the bold champion of his doctrines, 
and that the tribunal listened quietly to his philosophical 
explanations, became obviously untenable once the acta of 
his trial became known. ^ From these it is clear beyond all 
possibility of doubt that the philosopher of Nola cut but a 
sorry figure. In open contradiction to his own writings, 
and his previous discourses, he showed himself ready to abjure 
anything that was asked of him. " I reject," so he declared, 
" I detest and deplore all errors and all heresies, as well as 
every doubt of the doctrines of the Catholic Church." He 
begged that he might be " pardoned for his weakness, and 
be received into the bosom of the holy Church, and that he 
might be treated with leniency." When he was brought 
before the tribunal a second time, after a longer interval, he 
made the same declaration, adding that he had already sought 
for reconciliation with the Church from the nuncio in Paris, 
and from a Jesuit ; he begged to be readmitted to her bosom, 
but to be allowed to live a life of study outside his convent ; 
he condemned and deplored all the harm that he had done, 
and all the errors that he had thought and taught, and 
promised henceforward to lead a life " which would repair the 
scandal which he had hitherto given, and serve as an example 
and edification to everyone." 

A report of the process at Venice was sent to the Roman 

^ Published for the first time by Berti in 1868 in his Vita di G. 
Bruno ; later emended copies printed in Berti, Docum. intorno 
a G.B,, Rome, 1880, and in Previti, 305 seqq. ; German trans- 
lation in KuHLENBECK, VI., 145 scqq. The best text is now to be 
found in Spampanato, 687 seqq. Broscu too, in Hist. Zeitsc/w., 
LX., 187 seq. pronounced against the attempt of Tocco to justify 
the attitude of Bruno before the Venetian Inquisition. How 
damning the Acta were for the philosopher is above all clear 
from the fact that Fiorentino thought of falsifying them. 
SiGWARi {/oc. cit.) shows how eironeous are the statements of 
Brunnhofer concerning the trial by the Venetian Inquisition. 

VOL. XXIV. 14 


Inquisition, which, by means of Cardinal Santori, asked on 
September I2th, 1592, that Bruno might be handed over to it. 
At first the government in Venice was unwilUng to grant this 
request, but the nuncio in Venice, Lodovico Taverna, pointed 
out that Bruno was not a subject of the Repubhc, but a 
Neapolitan, that he had already in the past been summoned 
to appear in Rome, that he was an escaped monk and an 
arch-heretic ; in such cases it had often happened that guilty 
persons were handed over to the supreme tribunal in Rome. 
The Great Council then sought the legal advice of its pro- 
curator Contarini. The latter replied that Bruno certainly 
possessed rare intellectual gifts, but that he was also accused 
of the most atrocious heresies ; since he was a foreigner, 
and as processes against him had already been commenced 
in Naples and Rome, it was possible to yield to the Pope's 
request and hand Bruno over. 

Thus in 1593 Bruno was taken to Rome. In the absence 
of the acta of the process, we have but very insufficient 
information as to his conduct there during the six years of his 
imprisonment. 1 On February 27th, 1593, the case of Bruno 

^ A desire has been expressed in many quarters that the Roman 
Inquisition would make up its mind to render the acta of the 
Roman process accessible for historical research. Recentl}'^ even 
Kuhlenbeck, who is otherwise an enthusiastic supporter of 
Bruno, has expressed himself in this sense when he says (VI., 
295 seq.) that : " by so doing the only ones who would suffer 
would be the demonstrators at the monument of Bruno, who 
make this man of Nola their saint, without in any way having 
felt the breath of his spirit." It has escaped the notice of 
Kuhlenbeck that G. Guttler relates in 1893 i^^ Archiv. f. Gesch. 
det Pliilos., VI., 344 seq. that Pope Leo XIII., that enthusiast for 
historical truth, was prepared as early as 1882 to throw open the 
documents relating to Bruno, if they could be found in the 
archives of the Roman Inquisition. " The result, however, of 
the most careful research was that in those archives nothing 
could be found on the subject ; since, owing to upsets and revolu- 
tions, these archives have undergone many vicissitudes, it is not 
even now possible to say whether these acta are still preserved. 


was discussed by the Inquisition.^ But it is only for the end 
of 1599 and the beginning of 1600 that we have a few short 
protocols,^ from which in each case it only appears that Bruno 
asserted again and again that he " had never set forth heretical 
opinions, and that the doctrines which were held by the 
members of the Inquisition to be heretical, had only been 
misinlerpreted." If these attempts of the philosopher to 
escape the terrible penalties which threatened him are 
humanly speaking easy to understand, they do not show the 
smallest shadow of the courage of his opinions. Even his 
bold and haughty words at the last, when all hope of pardon 
had vanished : " You are perhaps pronouncing sentence upon 
me with a greater sense of fear than I have in hearing it," 
do not prove much in the light of his earlier conduct, and all 
the more so as they are only confirmed by a single witness 
who is not over worthy of belief, Caspar Schopp.^ 

or whither they may have gone in the end." Encouraged by this 
information, dated October 7, 1882, Guttler went to Rome, 
where the archivist and commissary of the Inquisition very 
courteously made repeated new search, which however, like the 
researches of Giittler in the Papal Secret Archives and other 
libraries of Rome, were without result. Cardinal Rampolla too, 
at that time Secretary of the Inquisition, has assured me that in 
the Archives of the Roman Inquisition nothing was found which 
had not already been published by Berti in 1868 and by Martinori 
in 1880. 

^ C/. in App. n. 16, the *hst of the prisoners of the Holy 
Office, Borghese Archives, Rome. 

2 These extracts from the Archives of the Roman Inquisition, 
made by an Italian scholar during the revolution of 1849, were 
first printed in Documenti by Berti ; more recently in 
Spampanato, 771 seqq. Ibid. 780 seqq. the " Sentence " of the 
Inquisition on Bruno. For Bellarmine and the process against 
Bruno see the periodical Gregorianum, IV. (1923), 193 seqq. Cf. 
Carusi, Nuovi documenti sul processo di G. Bruno in the Giorn. 
crit. d. filosofia iial., VI. (1925), 121-130, where there is also the 
text of the final judgment of the Inquisition on Bruno of February 
8, 1600. 

* Isabella Oppenheim has given in her English biography of 


After Bruno had been handed over on February 9th, 1600, 
to the secular arm for punishment, as an obstinate heretic 
and apostate, he was still given another eight daj^s to recant 
his heresies,^ which were directed against the fundamental 
dogmas of Christianity. But the theologians who were sent 
to him, as well as the members of the Confraternity of 
S. Giovanni Decollato, who gave the condemned man spiritual 
assistance in his last hours, laboured in vain. On February 
17th, Giordano Bruno, impenitent to the last, suffered death 
at the stake in the Campo di Fiori.^ 

Bruno, under the pseudonym J. Frith, a printed and revised copy 
of the letter of G. Schopp (Scioppius) to Rittershaus, based on 
the manuscript at Breslau. 

^ Bkosch too {Hist. Zeitschr., LX., 189) who is so great an 
admirer of Bruno, judges that the philosopher of Nola was no 
longer a Christian. Cf. also Renier in Giorn. star. d. htl. Ha]., 
L., ^27. 

2 See besides the letter of G. Schopp, cited supva, above all the 
contemporary *Avvisi of February 12, 16 and 19, 1600, contanedi 
in Urb. 1068 (Vatican Library). (Rodocanachi, Reforme, II., 
434 sen. ; Spampanato, 784). In spite of these absolutely 
trustworthy witnesses, the Frenchman Desdouits (La legende 
tragique de J. Bruno, Paris, 1885) tries to prove that the death of 
Bruno at the stake did not take place ; that the sentence was 
not carried out, but that Bruno was kept in prison for the 
remainder of his life. This strange attempt was rightly refuted 
by E. Naruucci (G. Bruno e la legenda tragica del Sig. Desdouits, 
Rome, 1886) and by the Jesuit Previti {loc. cil.). Kl. Baumker 
too has declared against Desdouits in his valuable dissertation on 
Bruno, published in Wis.^enschaftl. Beilage zur Germania, 1900, 
Nr. 7. In this he brings out the importance of Bruno as a 
naturalist (he is not a naturalist who analyses, but one who uses 
his imagination), while as a philosopher he estimates him fairly. 
Baumker however missed the important work, also directed 
against Desdouits, bj^ A. Pognisi : G. Bruno e I'Archivio di 
S. Giovanni Decollato, Turin, 1891. There, p. 62 seq., we find 
all the information concerning the last hours of Bruno, in the 
" confrateria di ponte S. Angelo," which were in those archives, 
but now removed to the State Archives, Rome, and which remove 


Although the Venetian government had handed over 
Giordano Bruno to the Roman Inquisition, it refused to do 
so when in July 1593 the latter asked the same thing in the 
case of the Greek Bishop of Cerigo, Massimo Marguni, saying 
that the many Greeks who lived in Venice and the possessions 
of the Republic in the Levant had never been the subjects 
of that authority. The Venetian government, however, 
offered to order the rector of Padua to demand the writings 

all doubt concerning the carrying out of the sentence (16-17 
February, 1600). If Kuhlenbeck calls the death of Bruno at 
the stake a judicial murder, a critic has remarked in the Lit. 
Beilage ziir Koln. Vo.'k>>zeifnng, 1904 n. 15, that " from the legal 
point of view this act was no more a judicial murder than that of 
having hanged, disembowelled and quartered 142 Catholic priests 
in the course of twenty years, in the freest country in the world, 
and under the auspices of an enlightened sovereign. We make 
this comparison because the author does not fail to offer incense 
to the era of Elizabeth, and to British society which courteously 
welcomed this unbalanced guest, and showed that they understood 
the trend of his ideas. If the philosopher of Nola, who, according 
to what the author himself says, had every reason to be on his 
guard against the Calvinists, had crossed the seas, not as an 
apostate, but as a friar who had remained true to his vows, his 
tonsured head would have been insulted in Ireland, or he would 
have had to lay down his life at Tyburn amid tortures such as are 
unheard of to-day except in China. Probably in Rome, just as a 
generation later Galileo did, he irritated his judges exceedingly 
by his obstinate and contradictory behaviour, men who probably 
were not anxious to increase the difficulties of the time by con- 
demning a heretic to the stake ; they believed — and perhaps 
equally firmly as the English judges under the Virgin Queen — 
that they had to perform a painful duty, without heeding the 
consequences. In this sense we may interpret the words of the 
condemned man : " You are pronouncing sentence with greater 
fear than I feel in hearing it." Kuhlenbeck says (Vol. I., p. 1 76) 
in a like sense : " Moreover the behaviour of the Roman Inquisi- 
tion, which would gladly have seen Bruno saved by a recantation, 
does not approach the diabolical cruelty of Calvin, who delighted 
in assisting in person as a spectator at the death of Servetus at 
the stake." 


of this man, and to inform him that should he cause scandal 
by his life and doctrines, he could no longer be allowed to 
remain in Padua. ^ 

In the same year Clement VIII. called the attention of the 
Venetian ambassador to the fact that the English were 
carrying on Calvinist propaganda in the city of the lagoons. 
Paruta maintained that at that moment there were very few 
Englishmen living in Venice, and that the government was 
zealously watching over the Catholic character of the 
inhabitants. Clement VIII. replied that he v/as quite ready 
to believe this, but that vigilance against the Calvinists could 
never be sufficient.^ Later on it was realized only too clearly 
how fully justified the Pope's exhortation had been. As a 
matter of fact numerous heretics were already establishing 
themselves there on various pretexts. Some were living in 
the palaces of the ambassadors of England and Holland, 
others were employed in commerce, and not a few were 
studying at Padua. ^ The meetings of noble Venetians at 
the house of the Dutch merchant Gerard Nis, who possessed 
many heretical books, filled Clement VIII. with anxiety. 

^ See Pakuta, Dispacci, I., 256 seq., 281 seq., 291 seq. 

* See ibid. 265 ; cf. III., 63 seq., concerning the dispute with 
Venice about the Inquisitor of Bergamo. With regard to the 
Inquisition in Venice and the position of the nuncio see in App. 
n. 7, the *Instruction for A. M. Graziani, March 30, 1596, 
Graziani Archives, Citta di Castello. Here belong the *acta in 
Barb. 5195 and 5205, Vatican Library. Cf. also Anal, iuris 
pontif., XXVI. (1886). 576 seq. 

^ *" In Venetia et altre citta del suo dominio dimorano heretici 
sotto diverse cause e pretesti. Alcuni vi stanno come familiari e 
servitori degli ambasciatori d'lnghilterra e di Olanda ivi resident! . 
Altri vi allogiano come soldati, molti vi tengono domicilio con- 
tinue. Altri vi capitano alia giomata per ragione di traffico e di 
mercantia. Alcuni ve ne sono di passagio e non pochi per 
occasione dello studio di Padova " (Barb. 5195, p. 83, Vatican 
Library). *Decrees of the Roman Inquisition " de ultramontanis 
haereticis praecique Paduae commorantibus " in 1595, in Barb, 
1369, P- 159 seq., loc. cit. Cf. Barb. 5195, p. 56 seq. 


There the Servite friar, Paolo Sarpi, whose father was also a 
merchant, formed an acquaintance for the first time with 
anti-Catholic literature. Clement VIII. was already well 
aware how dangerous this man was, and when Sarpi was 
suggested for a diocese in Dalmatia, he replied that friar was 
deserving of punishment rather than reward. Sarpi swore 
to be revenged.^ In 1604 a Calvinist preacher had the 
effrontery to preach a sermon which caused great scandal in 
the house of the English ambassador.^ 

With the exception of Venice and the Waldenses in Pied- 
mont,^ Clement VIII. had no reason to fear any serious 
danger to the preservation of unity of faith in any part of 
Italy. ^ This happy state of affairs, which was also of value 

1 Nicoletti, who is very well informed, writes in his *Vita 
d'Urbano VIII. : " Questo [Sarpi"' fix gia un tempo accusato a 
Clemente ottavo di esser direttore e capo di un'accademia, che si 
faceva in Venetia in casa di Gherardo Nis mercatante Olandese, 
di setta Calvinista, e che teneva una numerosa libreria di libri 
proibiti. Frequentavano questa congrega molti nobili Veneziani, 
che si credevano poco ben'affetti alia Santa Sede apostolica ; e 
correva voce che non havessero sensi buoni e sinceri intorno 
airimmortalita dell'anima ragionevole. Mentre Clemente andava 
pensando di trovar qualche modo circospetto per disgregar quella 
pratica, fu pregato a voler promuovere Fra Paolo ad un vescovado 
in Dalmatia ; rispose que] saggio Pontefice, ch'egli conosceva 
molto bene il Irate, e che meritava piii tosto gastigo che premio. 
Alterato da questa ripulsa Fra Paolo penso sempre di vendicarsene. 
Barb. LII., 7 p. 626 seq., Vatican Library. 

2 See the *report in Cod. Barb. 5195, pp. 83-86, Vatican Library. 
^ See Jalla, La riforma in Piemonte, 1 595-1 596, in Bull, de la 

Soc. d'hist. Vaifdoise, 1924. In the *Decreta s. Inquisitionis in 
Barb. T369 (Vatican Library) mention is made of other heretics in 
Calabria ; p. 21 seq. : ' De haereticis in terris dioc. Cusent. 
(1592, 1599, 1600). 

* Cf. Tacchi Venturi, I., 85. At Vicenza, where there had 
formerly been many heretics, in 1598 there was only one ; see 
Secegni, Le lettere a Vicenza a tempo della reazione cattolica, 
Vicenza, 1903, 17. Clement VIIL asked for the handing over of 
Giov. Batt. Angelotto, a native of Vicenza, who had escaped to 


for the preservation of national unity, was due not only to 
the spread of the Catholic reform, and the zealous action of 
the Roman Inquisition, which was for the most part 
supported by the various governments,^ but also to the vigil- 
ance of the Congregation of the Index of prohibited books, 
which was closely connected with it.^ Sixtus V. had died 
before the new edition of the Index which he had ordered 
had been completely finished.^ At the meetings of the 
Congregation of the Index which were resumed under 
Clement VIII. it was decided to suspend that work, and make 
a new list of prohibited books. When this was finished in 
1593, it was found that Clement VIII. was not satisfied with 
the work, against which objections had also been raised br- 
others, especially by Baronius. The Venetian ambassador 
Paruta profited by this circumstance, as the Index of 1593 
contained in an appendix a prohibition of many books in 
Italian, from which he feared grave loss to the booksellers' 
trade in his native city. By his remonstrances Paruta 
succeeded in persuading Clement VIII. to withdraw the Index 
of 1593, and to order the Congregation to prepare a new list.^ 

Laibach, and was there stirring up trouble against the Church, in 
*briefs of August 21, 1593, to the Archduke Matthias, and of 
September 19, 1593, to the Archduke Maximilian ; see Arm. 44, 
t. 34, p. 96 ; t. 38, p. 387, Papal Secret Archives. 

1 Cf. the *briefs of praise to Genoa, March 16, 1596, for the 
punishment of two heretics (Arm. 44, t. 40, n. 95, loc. cit.). By 
a *brief of October 20, 1601, Clement VIII. exhorted the Duke of 
Savoy to take action against the heretics in the valleys of the 
marquisate of Saluzzo, the governor there being well disposed 
{ibid. t. 45, n. 365). Cf. ibid. t. 46, n. 24 and 198, the *briefs of 
thanks to the duke of January 12 and June 28, 1602, for having 
heeded this request. See also Vier Dokumente aus rorn. Archiven, 
Leipzig, 1843, 93 seq. For the mission of 1602 to the heretics of 
Saluzzo see Pelissier in Piccolo Arch. slor. del marchesato di 
Saluzzo, II. (1903- 1 90 5). 

2 Cf. Pastor, Dekrete, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 55. 

3 See HiLGERS, 12 seq., 529, where the view of Reusch is refuted. 
* Cf. Paruta, Dispacci, I., 296 seq., 323, 332 seq. ; II., 180, 

245 seq., 488 ; Hilgers, 13, 529 seq., 531 seq. See also 


This Index obtained the approbation of Clement VIII. ; it 
was published on March 27th, 1596, in accordance with the 
instructions, and was enforced for the Curia on May 17th by 
an edict of the Master of the Sacred Palace.^ On the sarrie day 
is dated the brief printed in the preface to the Index, which 
after a short account of the origin of the new Hst, confirms it 
under threat of the penalties laid down in the past by 
Pius IV., and grants to the Congregation of the Index the 
power to pass judgment concerning any doubts and con- 
troversies that might arise. ^ 

The Index of Clement VIII. differs from that of vSixtus V., 
especially by the absence of the appendix of Italian books. 
The list of prohibited books agrees in its contents almost 

Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 211 ^eq. Neither Reusch nor 
Ottino-Fumagalli knew of the Index of the year 1593, although 
copies are to be found in the Vatican and Angelica Libraries. 
Hilgers was the first to draw attention to these. The description 
in Brosch is misleading (I., 305) ; he wrongly transfers to 1595 
the Index that was definitively approved. 

^ See HiiiiERS, 536 seq. The statement of Reusch (L, 533) 
that the Index was only finished in the latter part of the summer 
of 1596 is irreconcilable with the *Avviso of May 4, 1596, which 
speaks of the Index as already published (Urb. 1064, I., Vatican 
Library) and with the *report of L. Arrigoni of June 29, 1596 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) in App. n. 8. Cf. also Veress, 
Mon. Vatic. Hung., 228, and Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 222 xeq. 
For its carrying into efiect in Rome see Pastor in Hisi. Jahrb., 
XXXIII. , 537. The strange prohibition oJ the book by the 
Capuchin Girolamo a Politio, mentioned by Hilgers (535 seq.) 
and by Baumgarten (223) is also noted in the *acta consist, card 
S. Severinae, December 27, 1595 (Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, III., 
Vatican Library). Clement '\TII. issued a brief against the 
writings of Charles Dumoulin on August 21, 1602 ; see Du 
Plessis d'Argentke, Collectio iudiciorum, Paris, 172 ^ seq., 
I., App. xl.. III., 2, 171. 

''See Bull., X., 53 seq. Ibid. 230 icq. a bull of C)ctober 17, 
1596, which again confirms the Index and once more confers on 
the Congregation of the Index the power of passing judgment 
upon doubts arising therefrom. 


exactly with that prepared by Sixtus V. ; only Bellarmine 
and Francesco a Victoria are omitted ; otherwise it 
contains almost all the writings of Catholic authors, which 
Sixtus V. had already declared worthy of censure. With 
regard to its form and division, Clement VIII. adhered to the 
so-called Tridentine Index issued under Pius IV. with its 
three classes, though Clement VIII. added to each class, and 
even to each letter, a considerable number b}^ way of appendix. 
The Index of the Aldobrandini Pope also includes unchanged 
the ten Tridentine rules, to which there is added by way of 
appendix, an instruction to bishops, inquisitors, printers and 
booksellers.^ As this instruction, compared with that drawn 
up under Sixtus V., was made more severe in certain points, 
Venice again raised opposition. Clement took into account 
the energetic remonstrances of the Signoria by mitigating 
the instructions for Venetian territory. ^ The Index of 
Clement VIII. was accepted without any objection by the 
other Catholic states, and later on its observance was made 
more strict by means of synods, not only in Italy, but also in 
France, Belgium and Germany.^ 

In the Index of Clement VIII. there are also added to the 
ten Tridentine rules, certain modif3ang decrees concerning 
translations of the Bible, astrological writings, the Talmud 

^ See Reusch, I., 533 seq., 560 seq. 

* See Parisi, II., 183 seq. ; Cecchetti, II., 257 seq. ; Reusch, 
I., 546 seq. 

* See Reusch, I., 543-546. L. Arrigoni wrote on October 5, 
1596, that the new Index had been accepted by all the Italian 
states, even Venice, and begged the Duke of Mantua to do the 
same (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). For the prohibition of books 
after 1596 see Reusch, I., 552, Carte Strozz., I., 2, 318. Cf. 
Cavazzuti, Castelvetro, 35 seq., Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 
230 5^^. For the prohibition of all the books of the Galilean, 
Charles Dumoulin see Bull., X., 858 ; Reusch, I., 442, 605 ; 
Hilgers, 252. Four letters from Cardinal San tori to the 
Inquisitor at Florence, which show that these proliibitions of the 
Roman Inquisition were notified to the booksellers, who had to 
acknowledge their receipt, in BibUofrlo, XI. (1890), 49 se(^. 


and other Jewish books. ^ There is also printed in it an extract 
from the bull of February 28th, 1593, which prohibited not 
only the Talmudic, cabalistic and irreligious books already 
condemned in its predecessors, but also all books in Hebrew 
or any other language, already written or printed, or to be 
written or printed in future, which contain heresies or errors 
against the Holy Scriptures, insults to Catholic doctrine, to 
ecclesiastical usages, to priests or neophytes, or indecent tales. 
All such books, it was enacted, must not be kept or propagated 
by the Jews, not even under the pretext that they were 
expurgated (nor even provisionally until they were expur- 
gated) ; moreover the pretext must not be put forward that 
these works under a different title, had been reprinted with 
the permission of some member of the Council of Trent, or 
on the strength of a decree of the Index of Pius IV., or of a 
Papal indult, or by the permission of Cardinals, legates, 
nuncios, bishops, inquisitors. At the same time the Pope 
revoked all concessions made by his predecessors and others, 
authorizing the retention of such books for a fixed or an 
indeterminate period ; he forbade the making of such con- 
cessions, and ordered the books to be handed over in Rome 
within ten daj-^s, and elsewhere within two months, and that 
they should be burned immediately, under the threat of 
confiscation of goods, and under even more severe temporal 
penalties, including, in the case of Christians, " excommuni- 
catio latae sententiae."^ The Roman Inquisition also made 
other decrees in the same sense on August 6th, 1592, and 
May loth, 1593, and ordered their carrying out by the 
inquisitors and nuncios.^ 

The action taken by Clement VIII. against the books of 

1 See Reusch, I., 50. 333, 339, 534. 

^ See Bull., X., 25 seq., and Dian.\, V., 572 seq. (with wrong 
date 1599 ; cf. *Avviso of April 7, 1593, Urb. 1061, Vatican 
Library). Reusch (I., 49 seq.) gives the bull the wrong date of 
1592, as does A. Berliner, Zensur u. Konfiskation hebr. Biicher 
im Kirchenstaate, Frankfort on Maine, 1891, 7 seq. 

' See Pastor, Dekrete, 50, 52, Cf. Albitius, 296, 298, ^nd 
Reusch, I., 51. 


the Jev/s, which they strongly resented,^ was not an isolated 
administrative act. The lenient treatment of the Jews by 
Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V.^ had led to grave abuses ; above 
all the usury which they practised had become unbearable.^ 
Clement VIII. therefore resolved to revert to the severe 
measures of Paul IV. and Pius V. On February 25th, 1592, 
he renewed the ordinances of those Popes which had limited 
Jewish commerce at Avignon.* In the summer of 1592 the 
sermons for the conversion of the Jews were reintroduced,^ 
and the inscriptions which might offend the Christians were 
removed from the Jewish cemetery near Porta Portese.^ 
Moreover a census of the Jews in the city was ordered, and 
their commerce with Christians restricted by an edict.' As 
the census showed that there were 3,500 Jews in Rome, it was 
supposed that strict steps would be taken against them.® 
Indeed, on February 25th, 1593, the strict ordinances of 
Paul IV. and Pius V. were renewed, and they were forbidden 
to live in Papal territory, except in Rome, Ancona and 
Avignon." On May 25th, 1593, their usurious dealings were 

^ See *Avvisi of April 7, 10 and 14, 1593, Urb. 1061, Vatican 
Library. Cf. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 342. 

2 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 311 ; Vol. XXL, pp. 116, 197. 

* Santori wrote a special dissertation concerning this ; see 
Barb. lat. 4592, p. 64b, Vatican Library. 

* See Bull., IX., 523 seq. 

^ The sermons took place in S. Lorenzo in Damaso ; see *Avviso 
of July 29, 1592, Urb. 1060, IL, Vatican Library. Cf. Hist.-polit. 
BL, LVIL, 515 seq. 

* See the two *Avvisi of August i, 1592, Urb. 1060, IL, Vatican 
Library. Cf. *Avviso of May 4, 1596, LTrb. 1064, I., ibid. 

'See *Avvisi of August i and 19, 1592, Urb. 1060, IL, ibid. 
Cf. the *report of L. Arrigoni of June 29, 1596, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. A prohibition of entering the synagogue, March 13, 
1603, in Editli, ^^, 10, p. 53, Papal Secret Archives. Descendants 
of Jews were excluded from the priesthood in Spain and Portugal ; 
see Bull., X., 414 ; Lammer, Analecta, 56. 

^ See *Avviso of August i, 1592, loc. cit. 

' Bull., X., 22 seq. Certain facilities, however, were granted 
to the Levantine Jews domiciled at Ancona ; cf. Paruta, Dispacci, 


repressed.^ This great strictness, however, did not prevent 
the Pope from repeatedly checking by means of decrees any 
unjust persecution of the Jews." 

Throughout his pontificate Clement VIII. showed himself 
the ardent champion of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The strict 
ideas on this matter which he held as a jurist,^ frequently 
brought him into conflict with the cesaropapalism of the Kings 
of Spain, ^ while conflicts with Florence and Venice became 
inevitable,^ on account of the views of the governments in 
those places. Clement VIII. loved Venice, and valued her 
as a counterweight to Spain, ^ but the way in which the 
Republic of St. Mark put before everything else a cold calcu- 
lation of her own advantage, and her national selfishness, were 
bound again and again to renew his annoyance. His com- 
plaints of the usurpations of episcopal jurisdiction by the 

1., 204 ; (Brosch, I., 306, gives this report the wroRg date of 
May 25 instead of 15), II., 362. See also Rodocanachi, I.e 
St. Siege et les Juifs, 189 ; Berliner, II., 24 sea. ; Blustein, 
Storia degli Ebrei di Roma, Rome, 1921, 142 seqq. Cf. *Bandi, 
v., 10, p. 50 seqq., Papal Secret Archives. For the Jews at 
Ferrara see Frizzi, V., 90, and Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 148, n. 2. 
Cf. Regesti di bandi (see title infra, Cap. X, 367, n. i), I., loy 

1 Bull. X., 269. 

2 The first *" Bando che non si debbano molestare ne dare 
fastidio alii Hebraei " bears the date January 28, 1595. Similar 
*bandi were again issued in 1596, 1599, 1603 and 1605 ; see 
Bandi V., 10, p. 128 seqq., Papal Secret Archives. Cf. Rev. 
juive, II., 289 ; Rodocanachi, loc. cil., 189 seq. 

3 *" £2 Papa Clemente fue de los mas zelosos de la jurisdicion 
ecclesiastica de quantos se an conocido muchos annos," say the 
♦Instructions for the Spanish ambassador " duque de Aytona " 
in 1605, Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, III., 9. 

* Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 195 seqq. 

^ For the disputes with Florence in 1599 concerning the usurpa- 
tions of ecclesiastical rights by the government there, cf. 
MuTiNELLi, II., 66 seq. 

* Cf. Paruta, Relazione, 435. See also Dolfin, Relazione, 


Senate sometimes became very bitter ;^ it was these that 
made the situation of the nuncios in the city of the lagoons 
so difficult.^ To these were also added many disputes of a 
secular character, but however strained relations may have 
become, a breach was always avoided ;^ this was not to be 
attributed only to such prudent diplomatists as Paruta and 
Dolfin, but also to the Pope, who was as prudent as he was 
peace-loving in character.'* 

A year and a half had elapsed since the death of Sixtus V. 
and the strange and complicated position into which the 
Sixtine Bible had fallen had not yet been cleared up. The 
Louvain and Paris editions of the book of books could be 
freely republished, and in the time of Gregory XIV. care 
had been taken not to interfere with their further diffusion 
by any express prohibition, even after the definitive Roman 
version had been issued. The latter edition of the Vulgate, 
on the other hand, to which more care had been devoted than 
to any other, and in which the Pope had personally taken 
part, was left lying in the vaults of the Vatican Press like a 
dangerous book, in the expectation of its being destroyed 

1 Cf. e.g. Paruta, Dispacci, II., ii8 seq., 127 seq. 

i»See Arch. Veneto, XXXVII., 2 (1889), 273. Cf. *instructions 
of the nuncio Graziani in 1598 to the new nuncio. Cod. 1621, 
Corsini Library, Rome. Some passages in Lammer, Zur Kirchen- 
gesch, 123. See also in App. n. 7, the *instructions to A. M. 
Graziani in 1596, Graziani Archives, Citta di Castello. 

* In July 1595 he threatened the withdrawal of the nuncio on 
account of a violation of the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Ceneda ; 
see Arch. star, ita/., XII., xxix. Many *letters concerning this in 
Nunziat. di Venezia, XVII., Papal Secret Archives. In one 
♦letter preserved there (p. 182) from Pietro Levade to Cardinal 
Cinzio Aldobrandini, dated Ceneda, October 27, 1 601, it is stated : 
" Delle cose di questa giurisditione credo V.S. sia avisata da 
Msgr. Nuntio di Venezia andando ella ogni giorno di mal in 
peggio." The other side of these disputes, naturally from the 
Venetian point of view, was given by Paruta and Dolfin in their 
reports cited supra, p. 221, n. 6. Cf. also Romanin, VII., 
14 seqq. 

* Cf. Dolfin, Relazione, 500. 


and forbidden by the Pope's orders from being presented to 
the public. 

For the new Pope it became one of his most pressing tasks 
to interest himself in this delicate question. Clement VIII. 
placed the matter in the hands of Cardinals Frederick 
Borromeo and Valiero, to whom was added Toledo as a 
collaborator. These re-examined the proposals for emenda- 
tion made by the Gregorian commission, and decided upon 
the definitive text, which they enriched with learned notes. ^ 
On August 28th, 1592, they were able to present their 
completed work. 

Cardinal Carafa had died on January 14th, 1591 ; the text 
which had been drawn up under his direction, and which had 
been emended in many points by Sixtus V., was no longer 
accepted either by the Gregorian commission nor by that of 
Toledo. Whereas Carafa and his collaborators had been 
guided in their edition of the text only by scientific motives 
and by consideration of the best manuscripts, other points 
of view now became of decisive importance, and above all, 
following the example of Sixtus V., both under Gregory XIV. 
and Clement VIII. care was taken not to depart too widely 
from the wording hitherto in use. Certain things, which 
from the purely scientific point of view called for change, were 
for this reason left exactly as they were, in order to avoid 
scandal or surprise.^ 

Not all of those who were allowed to take part in the 
discussions could be said to be satisfied by this method of 
procedure. The learned Valverde addressed an impassioned 
appeal to the Pope to have the text of Toledo examined once 
more before it was handed over to the printers. At first 
Clement VIII. seemed inclined to agree to this course, but 

1 HoPFL, 169. " These notes, a fine example of the learning of 
Toledo, are still of value to-day " (ibid.) According to Ghislieri, 
Toledo relied especially upon Agellio (ibid. n. 2). 

2 HoPFL, 166 seq. Cf. the preface to the Vulgate : "In hac 
tamen pervulgata lectione sicut nonnulla consulto mutata, ita 
etiam alia, quae mutanda videbantur, consulto immutata relicta 
sunt, etc." 


was then led to an opposite decision when it was pointed out 
to him that the Church had already been waiting for the 
Roman Vulgate for some fifty years, and that it was time 
finally to put an end to erudite labours, and to begin with 
the printing.^ 

Before, however, the completed work was handed over to 
the printers, another ordinance against the Sixtine Vulgate 
was issed. In order to avoid as far as possible the scandal 
which was feared from this, Clement VIII., following the 
suggestion of Bellarmine, gave orders for the acquisition of 
all the copies alread}^ issued, in Venice to the Inquisitor and 
the nuncio, and in Germany and the countries across the 
Alps to the Jesuits ; the Pope promised to bear all the 
expense. On December 22nd, 1592, the ambassador of Spain 
was also asked to address to Philip II. a request that he would 
hand over to the nuncio the copies that were still in his 
possession. The search went on until 1595 ; all the copies 
that were found were sent to Rome and burned, in accordance 
with the wishes of the Pope.^ In spite of this more than forty 
Sixtine Bibles have been preserved until our own day.^ But 
with this all the difficulties had not been overcome. Already, 
in the time of Clement VIII. the doubt had been raised as to 
how the errors of the Sixtine Bible could be reconciled with 
the doctrine of Papal infallibility in questions of faith and 
morals.* The question assumed an even greater importance 
in the time of Paul V. ;^ as early as 1600 the Protestants 

1 HoPFL, 173. 

2 Le Bachelet, 54 seqq. ; Santori, Diario, ibid. 150 seq. ; 
Prat, Recherches, V., 10 seq. ; Baumgarien, Neue Kunde, 
274 ^eqq., Amann, 79-101. 

* Enumerated in Baumgarten, Vulgata, 65-91 ; Neue Kunde, 
150 seq. If it was hoped that it would be possible to withdraw 
the printed copies already sold, then their number cannot have 
been very great. 

* Le Bachelet, 56 seq. 

^ The difficulty was discussed at the University of Ingolstadt 
as early as 1608 {ibid. 58 seqq.). Cf. the letter of Gretser to 
Bellarmine, June 23, 1608, ibid. 155-158. 


brought forward against that doctrine the differences between 
the Clementine and Sixtine Vulgates/ although none of the 
divergent texts contained any difference as to faith or morals. 
The printing was begun at the beginning of September 
1592, and was completed in about four months, so that the 
ambassador of Spain was able to send the new Bible on 
December 22nd. ^ As early as November 8th, 1592, a privilege 
was granted to the Vatican Press, which only allowed other 
presses to reprint it after an interval of ten years, and on 
condition of exact conformity with the Vatican copy.^ 
Externally the Clementine Bible is altogether similar to the 
Sixtine ; its format, and even the engravings on the frontis- 
piece are the same,* the number of pages corresponds almost 
exactly.^ Clement VIII. was not named on the title-page, 
but all the honour was left to Sixtus V. alone. ^ Indeed, to 
him was due the credit for the fact that the Latin Church had 
now at length been given its ancient Bible with an officially 
authorized text, and in spite of many differences' on various 
points, it was his text that had been followed. It is obvious 
that it did not occur to anyone, in spite of the dissatisfaction 
aroused by the errors in his edition, to compromise in any way 
the great dead Pope by the new Vulgate ; the ill-luck of the 

1 Thomas James, Bellum papale, London, 1600. 

2 HoPFL, 179 seq. On January 16, 1593, G. del Carretto 
*reports that the Pope had given him a Bible for the duke, and 
that the duke must send back the Bible of Sixtus V. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 Bull., IX., 636 seq. 

* The title page of the Sistina in Amann, 135, that of the 
Clementina in Hetzenauer's edition of the Vulgate, Innsbruck, 
1906 ; both title-pages in Kaulen-Hoberg, Einleitung in die 
Heilige Schrift, 1.^, Freiburg, 1911, 21S. 

5 Vercellone, Variae lectiones, I., Ixxiii. 

* Clement VIII. was mentioned for the first time in the edition 
of Bonaventura Nugo, published by the heirs of Gughelmus 
Rovillius, Lyons, 1604 ; also in that published at Mayence and 
Cologne in 1609 ; cf. F.\lk in Katholik, 1899, I., 4 48 seqq. 

' List principally in Hetze.njauer, loc. cit., io8*-i48*. 
Hetzenauer estimates the number of variants at about 4900. 

VOL. XXIV. 15 


Sixtine Bible is mentioned and excused in the preface of 
Clement VIII., almost exactly in the indulgent way suggested 
by Bellarmine.^ 

The haste with which the Vulgate of 1592 had been printed 
resulted in a number of typograpical errors. In 1593 there 
appeared a new edition in quarto, and in 1598 another in 
octavo, which differ from each other and from the first in 
many points, but for the most part only of minor importance.^ 
Many therefore cherished the hope that the work of perfecting 
it would be continued in Rome,^ but it was onl}^ after the lapse 
of three centuries that this expectation was realized in the 
time of Pius X. The Clementine text is thus sufficient " for 
the theological use of the Vulgate, while from the critical point 
of view, even though it is not perfect and free from errors, is 
nevertheless on the whole good ; in a word a text of which 
the Church has no need to feel ashamed."* 

^ In the autobiography of Bellarmine it is said of the Sistina : 
" Irrepsisse aliqua errata vel typograpliorum vel alioyum," in his 
opinion drawn up for Gregory XIV. : " Multa emendatione digna 
variis de causis in iis bibliis irrepsisse." In the preface to the 
Vulgate it is only stated that Si.xtus V. had understood that 
" non pauca in sacra Bibbia preli vitio irrepsisse." Cf. Le 
Bachelet, 90. It does not appear therefore that either in this 
or in other respects was the advice of Bellarmine entirely followed. 
For the rest the preface sets forth the matter, as it had been 
conceived by Sixtus V. ; it was not possible to put into the 
Pope's mouth what had only been the opinion of Bellarmine. 
" Preli vitio " does not mean a printer's error as it does to-day 
{Zeitschr. f. kath. TheoL, 1924, 150 seqq.). 

^ A critical comparison of the three texts in Hetzenauer, 
loc. cit., 72*-io2*, according to his estimate the second edition 
differs from the first in 230 points, the third from the second 
and the first in 930 points ; in an index at the end of the edition 
of 1598, 94 are pointed out (ibid. 104*). For the editions of the 
Clementine Vulgate cf. Gramatica in La Scida catt., X912, I., 
l86 seqq., 465 seqq. ; Kneller in Zeitschr. f. kath. TheoL, XLIII. 
(1919). 391 seq. 

^ HoPFL, 225 seqq. 

* Reusch in Ho PEL, 186. 


Clement VIII. won enduring merit by his correction of the 
liturgical books. Pius V. had carried out the revision of the 
Breviary and the Missal demanded by the Council of Trent, 
and had published in 1568 the new Breviary, and two years 
later the new Missal. Sixtus V. ordered the Congregation 
of Rites which he established to revise the Pontificale, the 
Rituale and the Caerimoniale episcoporum.^ These labours 
were energetically pushed forward under Clement VIII., and 
to some extent completed. The first to appear, in 1596, 
was a new edition of the Pontificale, that is to say, the episcopal 
functions, exclusive of the formularies and rubrics of the Mass. 
The introductory bull, dated February loth, 1596,^ points 
out what vast labours had been involved in this first edition 
of the Pontificale. Four years later the Pope published the 
Caerimoniale episcoporum, which also eliminated certain 
abuses which had been introduced into the churches with 
the use of the organ, and laid down detailed rules concerning 
them. Whereas the Pope, in publishing the Roman Pontifi- 
cale, forbade the use of all pontificals hitherto in use, in favour 
of the new one issued by him, in the case of the Caerimoniale 
episcoporum he declared that he did not intend to abolish 
ancient ceremonial in so far as it corresponded with the 
reformed edition.^ This was probably the result of the 
outspoken remonstrances of Giovan Battista Bandini against 
the ecclesiastical monopoly, epsecially of liturgical books, and 

1 Cf. Vol. XVII. of the work, p. 22^ ; Vol. XXI., p. 254. 

2 See Bull., X., 246 seq. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 342. 
With regard to the ideas of a reform of the chant under Clement 
VIII. see the exhaustive work of Molitok, Die nachtrident. 
Choralreform, II. and also Th. Schmid in Stimmen aiis Maria- 
Laach, LXV., 33 seq. Clement VIII. made all steps in this 
matter dependent on the opinion of the Congregation of Rites. 
Four Roman musicians in 1595, by command of this Congregation, 
undertook a revision of the melodies of the chant. For the 
Pontificale see Moliior, II., 47 seq. 

* Bull., X., 597 seq. Cf. Freiburg. Kirchenlex., III^., 16 seq , 
VIII., 53 seq., IX., 1049. 


which were very graciousty listened to by the Pope, who was as 
humble as he was prudent.^ 

In the year 1602 there appeared by the order of 
Clement VIII. a new, and emended and enlarged edition of the 
Breviary, together with a bull dated May loth, which ordered, 
under pain of excommunication, that henceforward the 
Roman Breviary should only be printed with the permission 
of the bishop, and in exact conformity with the Vatican 
edition, without any additions or omissions.^ 

The reform of the Breviary had already been begun by 
Sixtus v., and energetically carried on by Gregory XIV., 
in spite of his short pontificate ;^ Clement VIII. brought it 
to completion.^ The commission appointed by him for this 
purpose could not have been better composed. It consisted 
of Cardinals Baronius, Bellarmine and Silvio Antoniano, the 
Archbishop of Monreale, Lodovico de Torres, the Barnabite 
Bartolomeo Gavanti, the Theatine monk Michele Ghislieri, 
and Giovan Battista Bandini, canon of St. Peter's, who acted 
as secretary. The commission had partly to draw up new 
critical reports, which was done by Cardinals Baronius and 
Bellarmine in the case of the historical lections drawn from 

^ See G. Mekcati in Rass. Greg., V. (1906), 12 seq. 

"See Bull., X., 788 seq. By a *brief of October 26, 1596, 
Clement VIII. had granted the use of the Proprium Salisbityg. 
which had been reformed by the Archbishop of Salzburg, Wolf 
Dietrich von Raitenau (Orig. in Consistoriai Archives, Salzburg). 

3 Cf. Vol. XXII. of this work, p. 390. 

* C/. for what follows Bkrofx in Zeitschr. /. kath. TheoL, 
VIII., 293 seqq., and Baumer, 492 seq. See also Battitol, 
256 seq. ; P. A. Kirsch, Die hist. Brevierlektionen, W'iirzburg, 
1902 ; A. GuiTTARU in La Croix, 1908, July i ; G. Baudot, 
II Breviario Rom. Origini e storia, Rome, 1909. The *Avviso 
of November 17, 1593, Urb. 1061, Vatican Library, mentions the 
labours of the reform commission. A *" Dissertatio de ditierentiis 
inter Breviarium Pii V. iussu editum et Clementis VIII. 
auctoritate recognitum 1604 " composed by the Servite Petrus 
Martyr Felinus is dedicated to the Duke of Urbino, in Urb. 
606, ihid. 


the legends and lives of the saints/ and partly to examine 
the opinions previouslj^ obtained from various sources, the 
universities, the bishops and scholars. The report as to these 
was entrusted to Baronius and his assistant, Marcello 
Francolini. These discharged their task with the greatest 
exactitude. If they did not in som.e matters succeed in 
arriving at the truth, and left certain things to be corrected 
later on, this was due to the state of historical research at 
that time. 

Some of the corrections suggested by Baronius and, 
Bellarmine did not meet with the approval of the Congregation 
and therefore not of the Pope. The latter had laid it down 
as a rule for the work of reform that only those things were 
to be corrected which contained a manifest error.- The 
Congregation was of the same opinion.^ In the hymns very 
little was changed, but two were added, of which that for the 
feast of St. Mary Magdalen was composed by Bellarmine.* 
The principal changes were in the lections, by the removal 
of points that were historically untenable, and of expressions 
which seemed unfitting. Certain things in the general 
rubrics were altered and improved, the rank of certain feasts 
was raised, and with the introduction of greater doubles, a 
new grade of feasts was established,^ while new feasts were 
extended to the whole of the western Church. 

In the case of the revision of the Missal introduced by 
Pius v., in which the printers were not allowed to make any 

1 Cj. Bellarmine, Dubia quaedam de historiis in Breviario 
Romano positis (Le Baciielet, Auct. Bellarm., 461 seq.) ; " quae 
non sunt mutata, quamvis notiuilis viderentur esse mutanda " 
{ibid. 467 seqq.). 

2 *" g Pontifex declaravit, ut ea tantum mutentur, quae 
manifestum errorem continent." Vat. 6242, p. 54, Vatican 

' See Baumer, 494. 

* Pater superni luminis. Cf. the autobiography of Bellarmine 
in Le Bachelet, 443. 
5 See Baumer, 495 seq. 


changes arbitrarily, the principal work fell upon Baronius, 
Bellarmine and Gavanti. The new edition of the Missal was 
published together with the bull of July 7th, 1604.^ 

The labours begun under Gregory XIII., and continued 
under Sixtus V., to form an authoritative collection of the 
pontifical constitutions, ^ which had increased by another 
thousand since the appearance of the Clementina, seemed 
likely to be brought to a happy ending under Clement VIII., 
all the more so as the Pope himself had been a member of the 
commission engaged upon this work. This work was already 
well advanced. The collection of the material that was to 
be included, its division into five books, and its arrangement 
according to titles was so far advanced that the first book 
could be printed in 1592, and in 1593 the second to the fifth, 
according to the Roman usage, in forty special copies for 
the use of the Congregation.^ But the whole thing had still 
to be submitted once more to a general discussion. This 
revision was completed on December 17th, 1593, and when 
all had agreed as to the matter to be included, Cardinal 
Pinelli undertook its final preparation for the press. ^ This 
still required some time, and it was only on July 25th, 1598, 
that the complete work was ready under the title S.D.N.D. 
dementis Papae VIII. Decretales.^ 

1 Bull., XL, 88 seqq. 

^ Cf. Vol. XIX., of this work, p. 279, and Baumgarten, 
Neae Kunde, 242, 248 (list of the collaborators and the sessions, 
from the 4th to the 25th, between August 3, 1589, and April 6, 


3 See Sentis, Clementis VIII. Decretales, vi. seq. ; Singer in 
Zeitschr. f. Rechtsgesch., Kan. Abt. VI., 113 seq. ; Baumgarten, 
loc. cit. 249 seq. 

* See Sentis, loc. cit., xxvii. ; Lammer, Kodifikation, 9 seq. ; 
Singer, loc. cit. 

5 S.D.N.D. dementis Papae VIII. Decretales, Romae ex 
typographia Cam. Apost. 1598, only three copies of which are 
preserved (Casanatense Library, Vatican Library, and Theiner's 
copy in the Library of the University, Leip;iig ; see Singer, 
loc. cit. 116; Baumgarten, 249 seq., 255 seq., 257 seq. 


This plan for the codification of the decretals and con- 
stitutions of the Councils which were not included in the 
Corpus luris Canonici, was presented to the Pope for his 
approval on August ist. But it was not carried into effect, 
even though Clement VIII., on account of his personal 
participation in the work, was interested in the work in a 
special way. Fagnani, who was secretary of the Congregation 
of the Council from 1614 onwards, gives as the only reason 
the prohibition of Pius IV. to write commentaries on the 
decrees of Trent, a prohibition which was violated by including 
them in the collection. But this reason was not actually 
the principal nor the only one which determined Clement VIII. 
as well as his successor, Paul V., not to publish the work.^ 
As a matter of fact other doubts had arisen ; the work did 
not altogether answer all requirements, dogmatic material 
was predominant, while many Papal decrees and rescripts 
had been passed over. To this there had to be added another 
circumstances in view of the attitude of many governments 
towards questions of state, which had been manifested with 
great violence, especially in Spain, France and Venice, care 
had to be taken to avoid serious disagreements. The Pope 
in his prudence did not wish to push things so far, and in the 
end decided to abstain from the publication of the book,, 
which had cost so much time, money and labour. ^ 

In the collection undertaken by Cardinal Pinelli there had 
been included a decree of Innocent IV. concerning the Papal 
election, which, however, had never been promulgated as law, 
and which had certainly never become of constitutional force. 
In this decree it was laid down that the vote of the person 
elected could never be decisive in giving the two-thirds 
majority.^ This principle, however, is recalled in the draft 

1 Cf. Sentis, XV. ; Schulte, Quellen, III., I., 73 : Scheker, 
Kirchenrecht, I., 275 ; Lammer, Kodifikation, 21. 

'' The whole was submitted to yet another revision by a Con- 
gregation which continued its labours even under Paul V. (See 
proofs of 1607-1608 in Sentis, xiv.) ; in the end the whole thing 
was abandoned. 

^ Cf. Singer, loc cit. 11 seq., 114 seq. 


of a new bull concerning the election of the Pope, drawn up 
under Clement VIII.^ It has not yet been found possible 
to ascertain who drew up this draft, nor do we know the 
circumstances which prevented its publication ; it is beyond 
question that the projected reform was substantially aimed 
at abolishing election by adoration, a form of election which 
had become very common in the conclaves since the time 
of Julius III., and at introducing the secret ballot as of 
obligation. 2 

Innocent IX. had already set up a Congregation for the 
reform of Papal elections,^ and Clement VIII., who had been 
present at the confusion of the three conclaves which had 
succeeded one another in a short space of time, at once ordered 
the work to be resumed. It was already fully in hand in 
March, 1592,^ and it was confidently stated that the plan of 
reform would be ready in August,^ but in October an opinion 
of a Jesuit on the abuses in the Papal elections was submitted.^ 
At length in February, 1595, the bull on the reform of the 
conclave had reached the point of being able to be sent to 
all the Cardinals for their opinion. '^ In the end, however, 
the opponents of a reform of the conclave obtained the victory: 
the party leaders in the Sacred College were unwilling to 

1 C/. Wahrmund in Archiv fiir kath. Kivcheurecht, XXLIL, 
225 seq. 

^ See ihid. 204, 207. 

3 See ibid. 203 n. 3, the opinion of Maretti. 

' See *Avvisi of March 14 and 18, and May 13, 1592, Urb. 1060, 
Vatican Library. Cf. *report of G. Niccoiini, March 9, 1592, 
State Archives, Florence. 

5 See *Avviso of August 22, 1592, Urb. 1060, II., Vatican 
Library. G. del Carretto in his *report dated Rome, 1593, 
February 13, a prohibition oi all " le pratiche del pontiiicato " 
(Gonzaga Archives.. Mantua). 

* I have found the *Parere con una lettera dell'autore, Diego 
Ximenes S.I., dated Delia casa, 1592, October 19, in the Doria 
Archives, Rome. 

^ See Paruta (February 18, 1595), Di.spacci, III., 60. The 
draft itself in Wahrmund, Iqc cit, 223 seq. 


renounce their predominant and decisive position in the 
election of the Pope.^ 

Very remarkable was the reluctance of Clement VIII. 
to proceed to canonizations. Together with Philip Neri the 
Roman people venerated, and had done for some time, 
Ignatius Loyola, Charles Borromeo, and other representatives 
of Catholic reform, as though they were already canonized. 
Clement VIII. did not approve of this, and he expressly 
forbade pictures which represented the miracles which were 
attributed to these great men. Ver}/ often too ex votos 
were offered at the tombs of Philip Neri and Ignatius Loyola. 
At first Clement had made an exception in the case of Philip 
Neri, the founder of the Oratorians, whom he venerated in a 
special way, but in the end he extended the prohibition which 
had been made in the case of the founder of the Jesuits to 
Philip as well.- The Pope took as his rule of action the order 
issued in 1170 by Pope Alexander III., that without the 
permission of the Church no one, even when many miracles 
had been worked by his intercession, might be publicly 
venerated as a saint. ^ The special Congregation which was 
consulted by Clement VIII. concerning the veneration of 
recent saints decided in conformity with this."* 

The cause for the beatification of Philip Neri had been 
introduced a few months after his death, but as it was con- 
ducted with great minuteness, it was not brought to a 

^ See Singer, loc. cit. 120. An attempt by Clement VIII. to 
put an end to the influence of Spain in the Papal elections, had 
already been frustrated a year before by the Spanish ambassador, 

2 Cf. *Avvisi of September 9, 1595, June 16, 1601, and Novem- 
ber 27, 1602, Urb. 1063, 1069, 1070, Vatican Library. 

* See Frsib. Kirchenlex., IP., 145. 

* See *Avvisi of December 14 and 28, 1602, Urb. 1070, Vatican 
Library. According to the latter the Pope said that it was not 
a case of those who by a cultus " ab immemorabili " or in virtue 
of a Papal brief had been numbered among the saints, but of the 
moderns " Philippo, Ignacio, Philippe de Conventuali che andava 
gridando lodato sempre sia il nome di Jesu e Maria, cappuccino 
Felice, P. Marcellino, P. Angelo de Paz (scalzo) e card, Borromeo." 


conclusion in the time of Clement VIII. The first steps for 
the canonization of the founder of the Jesuits were taken by 
Cardinal Farnese.^ For the beatification of Charles Borromeo 
the senate of Milan, ^ as well as Cardinal Frederick Borromeo, 
Philip III. and the Swiss Catholics, had interested themselves. 
The Pope praised this,^ but he caused the necessary inquiries 
to be made with all exactitude and without haste* by the 
Congregation of Rites, as well as in the case of Philip Neri. 
He acted in the same way with regard to the canonization of 
Francesca Romana, the foundress of the Oblates of Tor di 
vSpecchi,^ which was promoted by the Romans. 

In view of the extreme care of the inquiries,^ we cannot be 
surprised that Clement VIII., in spite of his long pontificate, 
only celebrated two canonizations. On April 17th, 1594, 
he raised to the altars the Dominican Hyacinth, 'the celebrated 

^ See *Avviso of July 10, 1599, Urb. 1067, Vatican Library. 

* See *Acta consist. February 4, 1604 : " Lectae litterae 
senatus Mediolan. pro canonizatione Caroli card. Borromaei." 
Barb. XXXVI., 5, III., Vatican Library. 

* See the *briefs to those mentioned, February 15, 1604, Arm. 
44, t. 56, Papal Secret Archives. In that to Philip III. it is 
stated : *" Carolum card. Borr. fecimus semper plurimi dum 
viveret, mortuum praecipue habuimus in honore, quod in sita 
nobis et quasi in animo insculpta esset magna de eius viventi 
integritate opinio, de mortui sanctitate maxima " (ibid. p. 143b). 

* Letters concerning the veneration of Philip Neri, 1596-1597 
are in Carte Strozz., I., 489. 

* See the *report of G. B. Thesis, August 26, 1604, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

* For Raymond of Penafort cf. *Avviso of May 15, 1599. 
Urb. 1067, Vatican Library. 

' See LuBOMLius, De vita, miraculis et actis canonizationis 
S. Hyacinthi Poloni, Rome, 1594, and Bull., X., 123 seq. Cf. 
Paruta, Dispacci, II., 188 seq., 263 seq., the consistorial *acta 
of March 14, 24 and 31, 1594, Papal Secret Archives, the *Avvisi 
of March 5, April 20 and 27, 1594, Urb. 1062, Vatican Library, 
and " *Vita et gesta Clementis VIII." in Inform, polit., XXIX., 
380b seq.. State Library, Berlin. For Hyacinth see B. 
Altanfr, Die Domini kanermissionen des 13 Jahr.,. Habelschwerdt, 
1924, 196 seqq. 


apostle of the North, and on April 29th, 1604, he did so in 
the case of Raymond of Pennafort,^ well known everywhere 
as a jurist, who also belonged to the Dominican Order. In 
the case of Hyacinth the Queen and King of Poland had 
especially interested themselves, ^ and for Raymund 
above all Phihp III. of Spain. ^ But the Pope rightly 
resisted the efforts that were made for the canonization of 

Clement VIII. was very slow to grant indulgences. ^ In 
accordance with the spirit of the prescriptions of the Council 
of Trent and of the constitution of Pius V. of 1567, in 1593 
he set up a special Congregation of Indulgences, whose duty 

1 See *Avviso of May 3, 1601, Urb. 1069, Vatican Library. 
The " Carmen " by Mutius Ricarius " De beato Raymundo a 
Clemente VIII. P.M. in divorum numerum relate " in Barb. lat. 
XXIX., 142, and Urb. 1205, p. 31 seq. 

* Sigismund III. bore the expense of the canonization ; see 
♦Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, Vatican Library. Queen 
Anna had already asked Clement VIII. for the canonization of 
Hyacinth in a *letter of March 20, 1594, Doria Archives, Rome. 
Ibid, a *letter from Sigismund III. to the Pope, dated Wilna, 
September 6, 1601, asking him to promote the cultus of St. 
Casimir, to insert his feast in the Missal and the Roman Breviary 
and to make his feast a " duplex." 

* See *acta consist, December 16, 1600 : " Advocatus petit 
nomine Philippi III." the canonization of Raymund ; on Decem- 
ber 22 : " S.S. habuit orationem de Raymundo " (Cod. Barb, 
XXXVI. , 5, III. Vatican Library). Cf. the *brief to the 
" deputati principatus Cataloniae " of September 26, 1602. 
Arm. 44, t. 46, n. 297, Papal Secret Archives. 

* He therefore did not even wish the Vita di Savonarola by 
S. Razzi to be printed ; see Arch. stor. ital., 5th ser. XXVIII. , 
291. The " Epistola Clementis VIII. de stigmatibus S. Catherinae 
de Senis," dated 1599, November 27, was published in Rome in 
1599. St. Thomas Aquinas was declared patron of Naples by 
Clement VIII. ; see *briefs to the viceroy of Naples and to that 
city, dated 1603, Nuvember 22, Arm. 44, t. 56, n. 35 and 30, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 368. Cf. Carte Slroz2., I., 2, 215. 


it was to do away with long-standing abuses in this matter, 
as well as to prevent them in the future. ^ 

With regard to the internal government of the Church 
as carried out by Clement VIII., mention must also be made 
of his ordinances against duelling, ^ and his condemnation 
of the opinion which allowed people to confess by letter or 
messenger, or to receive absolution from a confessor who 
was absent, as being erroneous, temerarious and scandalous.^ 

1 See Paruta, Dispacci, I., 256, which removes the doubts of 
Bangen (248). 

2 Bull., IX., 604 seq. 

' See Bull., X., 855. The decree as to this, which was issued 
by the Inquisition on June 20, 1602, under the presidency of the 
Pope, was published on July 19, 1602. Original printed copy in 
Decreta s. Inquisitionis in Barb. 1370, Vatican Library. For the 
controversy connected with this decree see Wildt in Freib, 
Kircheii/ex., II., 231 seq. ; Scorraille, Suarez II., 55-116. 


Foreign Missions. — The Beginnings of Propaganda. 

An important part in the ecclesiastical activities of 
Clement VIII. was taken by his propagation of the missions 
in the countries outside Europe. During his pontificate 
important progress was made in this respect, even in Japan, 
where a persecution of the Christians had begun in 1587.^ 
In March, 1591, the intrepid Jesuit Alessandro Valignani 
penetrated into the presence of Taikosama, as envoy of the 
viceroy of the Indies, and obtained permission for the Christian 
missionaries to remain there ; only public religious functions 
were prohibited. The number of conversions to Christianity 
continued to increase. Many Christians were to be found 
in the army with which Taikosama attacked Corea ; two 
religious of the Society of Jesus acted as military chaplains, 
who spread the first seeds of Christianity in Corea. ^ 

In 1585 Gregory XIII. had forbidden all missionaries, 
except the Jesuits, to set foot in China and Japan, ^ but as 
Sixtus v., himself a Franciscan, had granted to that Order 
the mission " to all parts of the Indies," some Franciscans 
also went to Japan.'' Others soon followed them. Into the 
disputes which then broke out between the two Orders, there 
also entered the question of nationality, as the Franciscans 
were vSpaniards, and the Jesuits Portuguese.^ 

iC/. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 180. 

2 See Jttvencius, V., 180 seq. ; Bartoli, Del Giappone, Turin, 
1829, I., 2. 

'See Synopsis, 139 seq. Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, p. 511. 

* See H. BoHLEN, Die Franziskaner in Japan, Treves, 1912, 14. 

^ Cf. Delplack, II., 23 seq. ; Schmidlin, Missions geschichte 


Taikosama allowed both the Franciscans and the Jesuits 
to do as they liked. In 1596 he very courteously received 
the Jesuit Pedro Martinez, who had been appointed bishop, 
and who presented letters from the governor of the Indies. 
But in that same year a change took place which put the 
Christians of Japan, who had now reached the number of 
300,000, in a very difficult position. The cause of this change 
is said to have been the conduct of the pilot of a stranded 
Spanish ship, who, in order to save his cargo from confiscation, 
allowed himself to be led into making the most rash state- 
ments about the power of his king. Among other things 
he said that Phihp II. was sending his priests among the 
foreign nations, so as first to convert the people and thus 
facilitate their conquest ! These words were reported to 
Taikosama.^ They were enough for that monarch, who in 
the spread of a strange religion was every day seeing more 
and more danger to the national unity which he aimed at,^ 
to lead him to take bloody measures. Six Franciscans, the 
Jesuit Paul Miki, a pupil of the seminary at Ankusiama, 
two Japanese catechists, and fifteen other Japanese Christians, 
among them three children, were arrested and condemned 
to be crucified. On February 5th, 1597, this sentence was 
carried out at Nagasaki.^ 

In the persecution which then broke out, the Jesuits acted 
with great prudence ; being exiled they only apparently 
went away. When Taikosama died in September 1598, 

1 Cf. JuvENCius, v., 595 ; Delplace, II., 29 seq. 

* The Japanese Mitsukuri saw in this the true cause cf the 
persecution ; see Hist. Zeitschr., LXXXVII., 196. 

* See the detailed report sent by P. Frees to the General 
Aquaviva, printed in Acta Sand., February i, 742 seq. The acta 
of the beatification (161 6-1 62 7) are used by Bouix, Hist, des 
vingt six martyrs de Japon, Paris, 1862. The canonization took 
place at Pentecost, 1862, and gave rise to a number of works on 
the martyrs of Japan, of which I here mention those of Pages 
(Paris, 1862) arid Boero (Rome, 1862). A contemporary picture 
of the martyrs is to be found in the church of St. Michael at 


and his successor Daifusama, whose succession was opposed, 
showed himself favourable to the missions, better days began 
for the Christians. The Franciscans as well as the Jesuits 
were able to resume their work, and the number of Christians 
increased considerably, even though the persecution still 
continued in certain provinces. In 1599 40,000 received 
baptism, and 50,000 in the following year. At the beginning 
of the seventeenth century it was estimated that there were 
750,000 Christians.^ At Nagasaki in 1605 it was possible to 
hold the procession of Corpus Domini publicly. ^ The Jesuits, 
whose college was effectively subsidized by Clement VI 11.,^ 
developed great literary activity : they printed religious 
books, a Japanese-Portuguese dictionary, and a Japanese 
grammar with Portuguese explanations.^ But they neglected 
to avail themselves of the co-operation of the native secular 
clergy, and it proved fatal to try and follow European 
methods in teaching.^ The number of the Jesuit mission- 
aries was by no means sufficient for their requirements, 
and therefore Clement VIII., suspending the privilege 
granted by Gregory XIII, to the Society of Jesus, 
on December 12th, 1600, granted faculties® to all the 

^ See Delplace, II., 129 seqq. ; Pages, Hist, de la religion 
chret. au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu'a 1681, I., Paris, 1869, no. 

2 Cf. JuvENCius, v., 606 seq. ; Spillmann in Freib. Kirchenlex., 
VI., 1246 seq. ; Pages, loc. cit., I. 

^ Cf. the *instructions to D. Ginnasio, August 31, 1601 : 
" Assegnamento fatto da Gregorin XIII. di -looo scudi annui sopra 
cotesta ccllectoria di Spagna da pagarli alii seminarii et chiese 
del Giappone et da Sisto V. accresciuti a Gooo et per le guerre 
d'Ungheria tralasciati di pagare S.S. ordina si seguiti di pagare e 
anchi li decorsi." Barb. 5852, Vatican Library. 

* Cf. E. Satow, The Jesuit Mission Press in Japan, 1591-1610, 
London, 1888, and Strassmeier in Siimmen aiis Maria-Laach, 
XXXVII., 219 seq. 

' See HuoNDER, Der einheimische Klerus in den Heidenlandern, 
10 1 seq. 

« See Bull., X., 631 seq. Cf. Jann, 182 seq., who well shows 
how in this as well the Pope had to take into account the political 
claims of the Portuguese. 


Mendicant Orders to work as missionaries, both in Japan 
and China. 

The entry of the Christian missions into the Chinese Empire 
is closely connected with the labours of the talented Jesuit 
Matteo Ricci, who together with his faithful companion 
Michele Ruggieri, had reached Tschaoking, in the province 
of Kwangtung, in the autumn of 1583, and was there held in 
high esteem, without, however, being able to make more than 
a few conversions.^ At the suggestion of the far-seeing 
Valignani, in 1593 Ricci began to study the Chinese language. 
At first this was not easy for a man who was already forty, 
but, as he says in a touching letter, he willingly once more 
became a schoolboy for the love of Him who became man for 
the love of us.^ In an incredibly short time, Ricci, by his 
determined assiduity, obtained such a mastery of Chinese 
that in 1595 he was able to publish in that exceedinly difficult 
and subtle language his book " The true doctrine of God," 
which later on was included in the collection of classics 
undertaken by Khian-lung.^ After this Ricci continued to 
labour indefatigably in the field of literature. His works were 
not confined to religious subjects alone, but extended to all 
manner of subjects* : arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, 

^ Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, p. 469. To the literature there 
mentioned may be added the article by J. Aleni in the Rev. de 
ihist. des missions, I., 52 seqq. 

2 Letter to Aquaviva, December 10, 1593, in Tacchi Venturi, 
II., 118. 

* See Dahlmann, Sprachkunde, 27 ; Baumgartner, Welt- 
literatur, II., 511. 

* Ricci worked out among other things a translation of the 
Gregorian Calendar into Chinese. Cf. Sommervogel, XVI., 
1792 se(j., and Cokdier, Bibl. Sinica, III. (1905), 1090 seq., the 
information in which has been considerably added to by the 
edition of the Conimentarii (Macerata, 1911) of Ricci made by 
Tacchi Venturi. For the importance of Ricci to geographical 
studies see G. Caraci in Bollet. d. Geogr. Ital., V. (191 8), 8^5 
seqq., Riu. Geogr. ital., XXVIII. and XXIX. (1921-1922) and H. 
BosMANS in the Rev. des quest, scientif., 192 1 ; for his map 
of China see Etudes, CXXXI., 217 seq., 220 seqq. 


geography, music and philosophy. Even though it was only 
an exaggeration when a Chinese viceroy said that Ricci knew 
all Chinese books, it is beyond question that he was the first 
profound sinologist. The Chinese called him the " great man 
of Europe."^ But he remained as humble as a child. Witness 
to this is borne by his own commentaries, in which he has 
described so attractively the nascent Christianization of China. 
An additional testimony is to be found in his letters, in which 
he continually repeats that the easiest way to convert his 
beloved Chinese was by books.- 

Ricci was not only an academic scientist, but an eminently 
practical man. His keen insight did not fail to grasp that 
the work of the missions would always be in jeopardy owing 
to the caprice of the officials, unless the Imperial court at 
Pekin could be won over. The first attempt to penetrate 
there, made in 1595, came to nothing, as also did the second, 
in 1598. In spite o'f thi^ certain important consequences 
ensued. Ricci succeeded, at Nantschang and Nanking, in 
entering into important relations with Chinese scientists, and 
other persons ol authority, which rendered possible the 
establishment of mission stations in those two cities. If 
greater results than before were now obtained, this was above 
all the result of the fact that Ricci, in accordance with the 
prudent advice of his companion Lazzaro Cattaneo, adopted 
the costume of the Chinese scholars, thus putting an end to 
his being continually confused with the despised bonzes. 
The silken attire which the missionaries now adopted in place 
of their poor habit had also to be accompanied by a more 
distinguished appearance. Valignani, who was very far- 
seeing, gave his consent to all this, and also obtained that of 
the General of the Jesuits and of the Pope.^ 

It was characteristic of this new method of procedure that 

1 See CoRDiER, Bibliographie des ouvrages publ. en Chine par 
las Europeans an xviia at xviiie siecles, Paris, 1883, 33. 

* Sae Tacchi Venturi in Civ. Catt., 1910, III., 47. 

* Sae Tacchi Venturi, Commentarii, I., 3, cap. 9, cap. 53. 
Cf. Civ. Catt., 1910, II., 558 seq. 

VOL. XXIV. 16 


Ricci, in the house which he built at Nantschang avoided in 
every way the appearance of a building devoted to divine 
worship. " The house in which we preach " was the simple 
inscription which he chose for it. He expressly insisted upon 
his character of scholar, and it was in accordance with this 
that he resumed his earlier catechism. Though he was 
indefatigabl}' devoted to the work of explaining to the Chinese 
scholars and grandees, hitherto unthought of ideas of mathe- 
matics and astronomy, Ricci was very cautious in dealing 
with religious questions. While keeping silence therefore as 
to the mysteries of Christianity he sought first to convince his 
hearers of the fundamental truths of the creation of heaven 
and earth by God, of the immortality of the soul, of the punish- 
ment of the wicked and the reward of the good. He openly 
combated the doctrines of the Buddhists, but the more 
cultured philosophy of Confucius were treated by him with 
all due respect.^ 

In the midst of these labours, which produced surprising 
results, Ricci did not lose sight of his project of reaching the 
presence of the Emperor at Pekin. In May 1599 he undertook 
for the third time his journey to that distant capital, accom- 
panied by the Spanish Jesuit, Diego Pantoja, and two brothers 
of Chinese origin. In spite of the manifold dangers and 
obstacles of every kind, which would have discouraged 
anyone else, he at last, in 1601, thanks to his indomitable 
energy, reached his goal. Ricci excited the interest of the 
Emperor Wanglie, who was enthusiastic over the gifts which 
he had brought, striking clocks, a universal geographical map. 
engravings on copper, and two paintings representing the 
Redeemer and the Madonna. Although the learning of this 
stranger, which was superior to that of the mandarins, won 
the admiration of the Emperor, there nevertheless arose 
difficulties : the tribunal set up for the surveillance of 

^ So too G. Natali (Di M. Ricci, Macerata, 1905) though 
anything but well-disposed towards the Jesuits, praises Ricci 
highly. Other opinions have been given by us in Vol. XX. 
of this work, p. 469 seq. 


foreigners demanded that he should be sent away. The 
Emperor would not consent to this, but for the time being 
left unanswered the written request which Ricci had made 
to be allowed to remain permanently. It was only after some 
time had passed that he caused the learned Jesuit, who had 
become indispensable to him, to be informed that His Majesty 
would be very unwilling for him to leave the capital, where 
he had thought of taking up his abode. Thus Ricci saw 
himself rewarded in a marvellous way for his perseverance 
and his unshaken confidence in God. 

At last the great plan for the conversion of China, which, 
as Francis Xavier had already realized, would be of decisive 
importance for the future of eastern Asia, in view of the 
supreme influence which that land of ancient culture exercised 
over Japan and the other neighbouring countries, could be 
begun with the hope of permanent success. Nobody seemed 
to be so well suited for this work as Ricci, since the funda- 
mental traits of his character were, as his biographer tells us, 
courageous and unwearied zeal that was at the same time 
wise and patient ; caution and slowness, followed by action 
that was equally energetic ; fear of being too daring.^ 

Valignani did all he could to support Ricci. In 1604 he 
sent him three more fellow- workers, and in 1605 as many 
more. He also made him entirely independent of the rector 
of the college at Macao. His successes gradually increased 
sensibly ; eminent scholars and officials were converted to 
Christianity with full conviction. At Nanking Father Rocca 
won over the great statesman and scholar Paul Siu, who 
became the principal support of the infant Church. In 1605 
the first Chinese presented themselves for admission to the 
Society of Jesus. Their chapel at Pekin was found to be too 
small, and after a short time there was erected in the Chinese 
capital a public church, in which the sacred mysteries were 

^ See Tacchi Vexturi in Cio. Catt., 1910, II., 39 seq., who 
there summarizes in a beautiful article the results of his profound 
studies collected in the new edition of the Commentarii. CJ. also 
Brucker, in Etudes, CXXIV., 751 seq. 


celebrated as in Rome and other parts of the Christian world. 
To this worship of the " Lord of Heaven " there came an ever- 
increasing number of converts and catechumens, and also of 
pagans, whose hearts had been touched by divine grace. 

The work of the missions in the Philippine Islands 
developed^ in a very consoling way owing to the labours of 
the Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits, all of whom were 
able to adapt their unwearied labours to the neds of the native 
population with wisdom and prudence. Clement VIII. 
especially supported the Jesuits and the Dominicans.^ On 
August 14th, 1595, there took place the division of the diocese 
of Manila, established by Gregory XIII. ,3 and which had so 
far included the whole mission, into four bishoprics, while it 
was at the same time made into an archbishopric. It retained 
the central part of the island of Luzon while the northern part 
was assigned to the new diocese of Neuva Segovia, the southern 
part to the diocese of Nueva Caceres, and the remaining islands 
of the archipelago to the diocese of Cebu. This new arrange- 
ment proved very advantageous ; it consolidated Christianity 
in the districts already converted, and gave a vigorous unity 
to missionary activity in those that were still pagan. The 
missions prospered so well under the Dominican Michele 
Benavides, who was appointed Bishop of Nueva Segovia in 
1595, that of the three pagan provinces in his diocese in the 
course of a few years two were almost entirely converted and 
the third to a great extent. When Domenico de Salazar 
died in 1602, Benavides succeeded him in the archiepiscopal 
see of Manila. In this important position the good metro- 
politan'* continued to promote the work of the missions with 

1 See Cath. Encyclopedia, XII., 17, and ScJimidlin, 2.61 seqq., 
where the copious literature is given. 

^ See Bull., IX., 526 seq., 529 seq. Cf. *brief to Phijip II., 
March 11, 1592, Arm. 44, t. 36, n. 277, Papal Secret Archives. 

» See Vol. XX. of this work, p. 479. 

" See *iicta consist. Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, III., Vatican Library ; 
Gams, 113-115 and the literature there indicated; Neher in 
Freib. Kirchenlex., VI*., 692 ; American Cath. Hisl Soc, XI. 
1900), 455. 


indefatigable zeal. At his death, which occurred on June 25th, 
1607, he was lamented as a father by Spaniards and converts 
alike, and venerated as a saint. 

Under Clement VIII, there revived the hope of the con- 
version of Akbar, the Great Mogul of the Indies.^ In May 
1595 there appeared at Lahore, Fathers Girolamo Xavier, a 
relative of the Apostle of Japan, and Emanuel Pinhero, where 
they were courteously received by the Great Mogul. Akbar 
gave them permission to establish missions at Lahore, 
Cambaia and Agra, which flourished exceedingly, in spite 
of the hostility of the Mahometans. At Lahore at Christmas 
1599 many catechumens, with palms in their hands, went 
through the flower-decked streets of the city to the church 
of the Jesuits to receive baptism. ^ There were among the 
converts men of exalted station. In 1600 Akbar confirmed 
in writing his permission for the free preaching of the Gospel, 
which he had at first only granted orally, and then subsidized 
the building of the Jesuit church which was erected at Agra 
in 1602 ; he also caused a copy to be made of the picture of 
the Madonna in S. Maria del Popolo which was there, and 
placed it in his palace. He read with the greatest interest 
the life of Jesus Christ, which had been translated into Persian 
by Father Xavier, but could not bring himself to the point 
of conversion ; like a real sceptic he remained until his death 
in 1605 in a state of hesitation.^ 

The efforts to unite the Nestorian Church (Christians of 

1 Cf. besides the account of Du Jarric (see vo]. IX., 737, n. 3), 
G. B. Peruschi, Informatione del regno et stato del Gran Re di 
Mogor, della sua persona, etc., et congietture della sua conversione 
alia nostra s. fede, Rome, 1597 (lat. Mayence, 1598). 

2 This occurred for the first time in 1589, but the envoys had 
returned despairing of any success. This was not approved of 
in Rome ; see Juvencius, 451 ; Mullbauer, 145 seq. On 
December 17, 1592, Clement VIII. addressed a letter to Akbar 
to recommend the Jesuits to him ; see Bull., IX., 646 seq 

' Cf. Juvencius, 451 seq. ; l.itt. ann., 1597, 576 seq. ; 
Mullbauer, 146 seq. ; Gruber, Aquaviva, 181 seq. ; Vath in 
Kalh, Missionen, XLIX,, 201 seq. 


St. Thomas) to the CathoHc Church, which were promoted 
by the Archbishop of Goa, Alessio de Menezes, with the 
assistance of the Jesuits, met with a happy result. This 
prince of the Church, who was compared to Charles Borromeo, 
won und5/ing fame by his services to the Church in the Indies.^ 
He at once held a visitation of the whole of the territory 
subject to him, so that Clement VIII. sent him well-merited 
praise.^ In 1599 Alessio held a synod at Diamper, in the 
kingdom of Cochim, at which the reunion of the Nestorians 
was effected. At the same time as he confirmed the synodal 
decrees, Clement VIII. sent by the Jesuit Alberto Laerzio 
a Syriac printing press, by means of which the Roman Ritual, 
and some missals and breviaries were printed.^ The Pope 
appointed the Jesuit Francisco Roz Bishop of Angamala, 
which became a suffragan diocese of Goa ; the bishop by his 
knowledge of the Syriac and Malabar languages had laboured 
for many years for the reunion of the Nestorians. Roz at 
once made a visitation of his diocese, and held a diocesan 
synod, at which the errors of Nestorius were once again 
condemned. In spite of this the danger of a relapse into 
schism was not altogether destroyed, and therefore Paul V. 
transferred the see to Cranganor and made it into an arch- 
diocese. Roz remained metropolitan, and was assisted by 
several Jesuits.^ 

Clement VIII. further showed his zeal and care for souls by 
making use, in the interests of the missions, of the rapproche- 

^ Opinion of Dollinger (Handbuch der Kirchengesch., II., 2, 


2 See *brief of praise to the Archbishop of Goa, April i, 1599, 
Arm. 44, t. ^3, n. 206, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 See Raulinus, Hist, ecclesiae malabaricae, Rome, 17^5; 
MuLLBAUER, i66 ; ZeUschr.f. kath. TheoL, XX., 728 seq. ; Jann, 
167 seq. By the *brief to "' clerus e populus christianus S. 
Thomae prov. Serrae " of May 19, 1601, he sends congratulations 
on the synod, and gives deserved praise to the Jesuits. Arm. 44, 
t. 45, n. 147, Papal Secret Archives. 

* See MuLLBAUER, 167 seq. ; Jann, 169 seq. 


ment with the European powers which had been brought about, 
in the interests of the war against the Turks, by the Shah of 
Persia, Abbas I. the Great. The Portuguese Jesuit, Francisco 
da Costa, informed the Pope in the autumn of 1600 that the 
Shah was very well disposed towards the Christians, that he 
wished for the presence of Catholic priests, and had sent 
envoys to Rome. After mature reflection Clement VIII. 
resolved to profit by this favourable opportunity himself to 
send an embassy to Persia. For this purpose he entered 
into communication with the King of Spain, Philip III.^ 
When the latter had given his account, in February 1601, 
two Portuguese, the above-mentioned Francisco da Costa 
and Diego de Miranda, who had previously been to Persia, 
were sent, bearing pontifical letters to the Shah.'^ The 
instructions they were given naturally referred to the common 
war against the Turks, but above all dealt with religious 
questions. Costa was instructed to explain to the Shah the 
truths of Catholic doctrine and to urge him to enter the Church, 
in which matter it was thought that it would be possible to 
count upon the assistance of the queen. If the Shah should 
be unwilling to be converted to the Christian faith, then the 
envoys must at least obtain from him permission to preach 
freely, and for the free exercise of the Christian religion, which 
even the Sultan of Turkey permitted in his kingdom.^ 

While Costa and Miranda were on their way, there arrived 
in Rome, on April 5th, 1601, the two envo^^s of the Shah.* 
They brought good news both with regard to the participation 
of their sovereign in the war against the Turks, and the 
permission for the Christian mission in Persia. Clement VIII. 

^ Brief of September 4, 1600 (Papal Secret Archives) in App. 
n. 17. A letter from Persia to the General of the Augustinians, 
May 24, 1599 (in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 94) also refers to the 
favourable dispositions of the Shah. 

2 See the *letter to the Shah, February 24, 1601 (Papal Secret 
Archives) in App. n. 20. 

^ Lammer, Melet., 452 seq. 

* See Orbaan, Documenti, 8. 


thanked the Shah on May 2nd, 1601, alluding to his own 
action and that of the Shah against the Turks, and announcing 
the sending of missionaries to Persia.^ 

When in 1602 Philip III. sent three Augustinian friars to 
Persia to promote the war against the Turks, ^ Clement VIII. 
devoted much attention to the missions there. ^ The 
Augustinians sent by the King of Spain, in addition to 
arousing interest in the war against the Turks, also laboured 
for the propagation of Christianity. In the summer of 1604 
the Pope sent six members of the Italian Congregation of 
reformed Carmelites, which had been founded a few years 
before, to assist them. Among these there were three of the 
most distinguished members of the Order : Paolo di Gesu 
Maria, Giovanni di S. Eliseo, and Vincenzo di S. Francesco.^ 
The letters to the Shah with which they were furnished 
indicated as the primary purpose of their missions congratu- 
lations on the victories won against the Turks ; the request 
for permission to preach the Gospel was reserved for oral 
negotiation.^ Instead of the long and dangerous sea voyage, 
the Carmelites chose the land route across Russia. 
Clement VIII. followed their journey with the greatest 

1 See more fully in Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 299. (*Brief 
to the Shah, May 2, 1601, Papal Secret Archives, in App. n. 21). 

* See Philippson, Heinrich, IV., Vol. I., 276 seq., and Meyer, 
Nuntiaturberichte, 186. 

3 See the *original letter of Caid. C. Aldobrandini to the 
Archbishop of Siponto, nuncio in Spain, August 28, 1603, and 
November 7 and 14, 1603, Aldobrandini Archives, Rome, t. 287. 

* See Diet, de theol., II., 1783. Cf. *Avviso of July 24, 1604, 
Urb. 1072, Vatican Library, and the *report of G. B. Thesis, 
August 26, 1604, Gonzaga' Archives, Mantua. See also Joh. a 
Jesu Maria, Hist. Missionum (Opera omnia, IV., Cologne, 1650), 
I., 328 seq. ; Petrus a S. Andrea, Hist, generalis fratr. Carmelit. 
discalc. congreg. S. Eliae, I., Rome, 1668 ; Berihold-Ignace 
DE St. Anne, Hist, de I'etablissement de la Mission de Perse par 
les Peres Carmes dechausses (1604-1612), Brussels, 1885. 

° See the briefs of June 30, 1604, in Meyer, Nuntiaturberichte, 
177 seq. {cf. 201). See also Chardin, Voyages (1829), XV., 36. 


interest,^ but their great successes in the Persian kingdom 
came after his death. 

Much more difficult than the journey to Persia, in the then 
existing conditions, was that to Abyssinia (Ethiopia), as the 
Turks were masters of the Red Sea, and were fighting the 
Portuguese wherever they could. In order to provide for the 
Portuguese Christians and the natives scattered throughout 
Abyssinia, who were entrusted to the sole care of Francisco 
Lopez, the last companion of the Patriarch Oviedo, who died 
in 1577, in February 1589 two Spanish Jesuits were sent, the 
great linguist Antonio de Monserrato and Pedro Paez, who 
was burning with youthful enthusiasm. They disguised 
themselves as Armenian merchants, but were discovered, and 
taken first to Terim and then to Sana'a in Arabia, where they 
were kept for five and a half years, two of which they passed 
in prison, because it was supposed that they were spies. At 
the end of 1595 they were taken to Mocha, where they were 
made to serve in the galleys, until a subject of the Indies, 
representing the rector of the Jesuits at Goa, rescued them. 
Thus, seven years after their departure, in December 1595, 
they returned once more to Goa, the place from which they 
had set out. Both the fathers were ill ; Monserrato, the 
elder, died as a result of the sufferings he had undergone, but 
Paez recovered. His wonderful spirit of self-sacrifice had 
not grown less, and he impatiently awaited another oppor- 
tunity of bringing religious help to his beloved Ethiopians. ^ 

^ See Meyer, 201, 211, 217 seq., 220, 259. In a *brief to 
" Cancellarius Lithuaniae," on January 8, Clement VIII. thanked 
him for the help given to the Carmehtes who were passing that 
way (Arm. 44, t. 56, p. 390, Papal Secret Archives). Cf. the 
*brief to the viceroy of Naples, January 22, 1605 {2bid. p. 405b). 
Ibid. p. 430b, a *brief to the Augustinian Hermits in Persia, 
February 4, 1605, in which Clement VIII. expresses his joy at the 
good results of their labours ; he thought of them at the Holy 
Sacrifice, " lattissimum habetis campum " ; he intended to send 
them companions in the Carmelites, and they must work in 
harmony with them. 

^ Cf. the reports of P. Paez in Beccari, II., x. seq., and X., 


During the imprisonment of the two fathers, in the summer 
of 1594, an Abyssinian priest, Tekla Maryam, who had joined 
the Cathohc Church, had brought more detailed information 
concerning Abyssinia to Rome.^ In the following year the 
Maronite, Abram de Guerguis, who had joined the Society 
of Jesus in Rome, was charged to go to the assistance of Lopez ; 
he was disguised as a Mahometan, but his companion, a 
merchant from the Indies, betrayed him, and as he refused 
to adjure his faith, he was put to death. ^ More fortunate 
was the Jesuit Melchior da Sylva, an ex-Brahmin priest, who 
in 1598 reached Ma'assaua, and thence Fremona, the house 
of the Jesuits on the north Tigre, near Adua.^ Lopez had 
died in the previous year after an apostolate of forty years, 
and Sylva now took his place.'* 

After a Jesuit college had been established at Diu at the 
beginning of the XVIIth century, at length in 1603 the hour 
so longed for by Paez had come. Through great perils and 
privations he penetrated by way of Ma'assaua to the interior 
of the country ; at Fremona he encouraged the Catholics in 
their faith, and finally reached the court of the Emperor 
Za-Denghel, whose confidence he was all the more easily able 
to win, as the Portuguese had recently rendered valuable 
services to that monarch against his enemies. At a private 
audience Paez learned from the Emprtor's own lips of his 
intention of accepting the Roman faith, and of entering into 
a treaty of alliance with the King of Spain. Therefore on 
June 26th, 1604, Za-Denghel wrote letters to Clement VIII. 

2-30, Hist. Aethiopiae by Almeida. See also Beccari, XL, 
I seq. For Paez see also Civ. Catt., 1905, III., 562 seqq. 

1 See *Avvisi of June 2, 1594 {cf. *that of June 5, according to 
which a special commission was discussing the question of 
Abyssinia, Urb. 1062, Vatican Library, a.s well as Thomas a Jesu 
in Thesaurus theoL, VIL, 12 61 seq. 

* See Almetda, loc. cit., 35 seq. 

' The ruins of the Jesuit church there are still preserved ; 
see the Veroffentlichungen der deutschen Aksitm-Expedition, III., 
64 seq. 

* See Almeida, loc. cit., 45 seq. Cf. Litt. ann., 1597, 553. 


and Philip III., asking for some Jesuits to be sent. In these 
letters, which were written in the Abyssinian language, 
nothing however was said for the moment of his willingness 
to accept the Catholic faith ; Paez had to add this in 
Portuguese. In spite of this, in Abyssinia, where four other 
Jesuits had arrived in the meantime, knowledge of the 
Emperor's intention had got abroad. Accordingly a rebellion 
broke out and Za-Denghel was killed.^ But Paez had also 
acquired such great influence over the new Emperor Jacob 
that hopes could be entertained of his conversion. ^ 

Of great importance for the missions in west Africa was the 
establishment by Clement VIII. in 1596 of a diocese for that 
kingdom (San Salvador) at the request of the King of the 
Congo, this diocese being detached from that of Sao Thome. 
The Franciscan Rangel was given charge of the new district.^ 
This distinguished man, who was consumed with zeal for 
souls, succumbed prematurely in 1602 to the fatigues to which 
he had been exposed. 

In the case of Angola, which joined the Congo on 
the south, fair prospects were aroused when in 1599 
the king joined himself to the tribal chiefs who had 
already been converted. The same thing was true of 
Guinea where the Jesuits effected many conversions, even 
among the notabilities.'* 

In Mexico, in addition to the Franciscans and Augustinians, 
the Dominicans and Jesuits were especially active. Both 
these Orders directed their efforts above all to the Indians. 
Towards the end of the century the Dominicans had more 

^ See the report of P. Paez of July 24, 1603, in Beccari, XL, 
47 seq., and VI., 49-94 ; Almeida, Hist. Aethiopiae, where on 
p. 80 seq. is printed the letter to Clement VIII. 

* See Almeida, /oc. cit., 107 seq. 

' See the *brief to Alvares II., King of the Congo, May 20, 
1596, Papa] Secret Archives. Cf. *Acta consist., May 20, 1596, 
Barb. XXXVI., 5, III., Vatican Library ; Gams, 473 ; Jann, 79 ; 
Alys de Caramay-Chimay Borghese, Beiges et Africains, Rome, 
1 91 6, 15 seqq. 

* See ScHMiDLlN. Missionsgeschichte, 228. 


than sixty houses there.-^ In 1594 the Jesuits penetrated into 
the north of Mexico, and in 1596 established a mission at 
Tepuhuanca, and later on another at Topia.^ Of great 
assistance to the work of the missions was the support which 
Clement VIII. gave to the university established in the 
capital.^ At Puebla de los Angeles he granted to the 
Dominican school the rights of a university.* Towards the 
end of the century some intrepid Franciscans began the 
missions in Lower California, New Mexico and Florida, but 
did not meet v/ith any success, except in New Mexico.^ 

In the great kingdom of Peru, besides the Dominicans, 
Franciscans and Jesuits, the Augustinians were labouring 
with fervent zeal.® In concert with such excellent bishops as 
Turibio of Lima, and Francisco de Vittoria of Cordoba 
(Tucuman), they sensibly raised the tone of ecclesiastical life, 
supported as far as possible by Clement VIIL, who had 
expressed himself in favour of the liberty of the Indians of 
Peru.'' The Peruvian province of the Jesuits, the members 
of which increased under Clement VIII. from 240 to 340, was 
repeatedly favoured by the Pope. " On account of its immense 

1 See ibid. 341. 

2 See AsTR.UN, IV., 437 seqq., 442 seqq. Cf. M. Cuevas, 
Hist de la Iglesia en Mexico, If., Tlalpam, 1922, 371 seq. 

3 See Bull., X., 225 seq. Cf. Cuevas, loc. cit. 284 seqq. 

* See Bull., X., 415 seq. 

* See ScHMiDLiN, /oc. cit., 347 seq. 

* See ibid. 367 seq. 

' Cf. Margraf, 147. Besides the literature concerning Turibio, 
cited in Vol. XX. of this work, p. 503, see also Carlos Garcia 
Irigoyen, Santo Toribio, 4 vols., Lima, 1906 ; Levii.lier, 
Organizacion de la Iglesia y ordenes relig. en el virreinato del 
Peru en el siglo xvi., 2 parts, Madrid, 1919 ; Hist. Jahtb., XLVI., 
42 seq. 

* See, besides the Synopsis, 198, 200, 213, the *brief of July 31, 
1592, addressed to the Archbishop of Lima, Turibio {cf. Juvencius 
v., 723), on the occasion of a disagreement between him and the 
Jesuits, in which it is stated : " Nos certe in eo ordine diligendo 
nullius unquam caritati concessimus." Arm. 44, t. 37, n. 454, 
Papal Secret Archives, 


extent it was then divided into three parts : the central part 
under the equator remained the true province, to which were 
added two sub-provinces, one in the north and one in the south. 
The fact that the Jesuits educated the bhnd and the deaf 
and dumb in the city of Cuzco, shows how thorough they were 
in their mission work. At Quito, where a rebelHon against 
Spain had broken out, the fathers restored peace. Besides 
this they were indefatigable in preserving the Spanish 
colonists from complete demoralization. ^ 

In 1593 the Jesuits, under the leadership of Father Luis di 
Valdivia, also reached Chili, where they founded an establish- 
ment which soon became very flourishing. They displayed 
a most beneficial activity among the savage people of the 
Araucani, who were devoted to hunting and pastoral life, 
among whom the Franciscans had already laboured from 1541 
onwards. 2 The Jesuit Gabriel de Vega, in the midst of his 
many occupations, found time to compose a grammar and 
dictionary in the Araucani tongue ; in 1602 Luis di Valdivia 
published a catechism in the dialect of the Alentinos.^ He 
and his companion of the same Order, Diego de Torres, who 
was justly highly praised by Clement VI I L,^ won undying 
merit by their efforts for the preservation and more humane 
treatment of the red races ; they saved the Araucani from 
complete extermination.^ 

^ See Liu. ann,, 1594-1595, 674 scq. ; 1596, 871 seq. ; 1603, 
199 seq. ; 1604, 240 seq. ; 1605, 315 seq. Cf. Juvencius, V., 727 ; 
AsirAin, IV., 532 seqq., 360 seqq. ; Schmidlin, 312. 

* Cf. M. DE Olivares, Hist, de la. Comp. de Jesus en Chile, 
escrita 1736, publ. p. D. B. Arania, Santiago, 1S74 ; F. Enrich, 
Hist, de la Comp. de Jesiis en Chile, I., Barcelona, 1891 ;, 
IV., 668 seqq. 

^ See Dahlmann, Sprachkunde, 79. 

* See the *brief to the Bishop of Cuzco, Ant. de la Roya, 
March 7, 1603, Arm. 44, t. 47, n. 27, Papal Secret Archives. 

* CJ. the monograph by Enrich, rited supra n. 2. J. T. 
Medina, on the basis of the Acta tells us of two valuable mono- 
graphs concerning the Inquisition in South America : Historia 
del tribunal del S. Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (from 1569 


The Dominicans and Franciscans vied with the Jesuits in 
the kingdom of the Incas. Among the Franciscans there 
stood out Francisco Solano, whose figure was soon made the 
centre of many legends. A man of prayer and mortification, 
burning with the love of God and his neighbour, this son of 
St. Francis exercised an extraordinary influence over those 
round him. Very soon after his death, which took place at 
Lima on July 14th, 1610, the people venerated him as a saint, 
and many cities chose him as their patron.^ 

Francisco Solano laboured as an apostle, not only in Peru 
among the degenerate Spanish colonists, but also among the 
Indians in the province of Tucuman. During many years 
(1589-1602) he unweariedly travelled about that plateau, as 

onwards), 2 vols. Santiago di Chile, 1887, and Historia del 
tribunal del S. Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile (from 1570 onwards) 
2 vols., ibid. 1890. In a review in the Hist. Zeitschr. (LXVII., 
371) it is stated : "A careful study of both these works makes us 
realize that the tribunal of the Inquisition, for all its terrors, and 
its power to supply for the insufficient civil legislation, did great 
service in the matter of customs and morals. Thus there were 
cited before the court of the Holy Office bigamists and priests 
who were leading immoral lives, and who abused the confessional 
for this purpose. The punishments in these cases were certainly 
not cruel, especially if we remember the " law " of the XVlth 
and XVI Ith centuries which was in force everywhere, and the 
customary punishments for all manner of faults and crimes. For 
the same reason we can explain why blasphemies and outrages 
against the Catholic Church were more severely punished than 
they are to-day. Thus we only have the trials for heresy and 
those of baptized Jews and Mahometans who had relapsed into 
their former errors, and the study of which may well excite 
terror. It was in these cases that torture was most frequently 
applied, and death sentences passed." 

^ Cf. Acta Sand., Iiilii V., 859 seq. ; Marcelling da Civezza, 
Storia d. Miss. F'rancesc, VII., 2, Prato, 1891, 99 seq. ; Freib. 
Kirchenlex., IV^., 1836 ; Hiral, Vie de St. FVan^ois Solano, 
Lille, 1906 ; Hellinghaus, Der hi. Franziskus Solanus, Treves, 
1912, and with these the critique by Schmidlin in the Zeitschr. f. 
Missionswiss., III., 230. 


well as the immense plain of the Gran Chaco. His companion 
Luis Bolafios was the author of the earliest catechism in the 
dialect of the Guarani, and the founder of the mission in 
Paraguay, properly so called.^ The Jesuits went to Tucuman 
at the invitation of the Dominican bishop, Francisco de 
Vittoria. Another Dominican bishop, Alfonso Guerra di 
Assuncion, had summoned them to Paraguay proper. From 
their house, established in 1588 in the above-mentioned city, 
they undertook " mobile missions " among the savage tribes 
of the immense surrounding territory. As these mobile 
missions did not prove effective, in 1602 the General of the 
Order Aquaviva and the visitor Paez ordered the establish- 
ment of fixed missions, avoiding as far as possible men of 
alien blood, a step which was approved by the Spanish 

The Jesuits too in the province of Brazil, where the cele- 
brated Father Anchieta laboured until 1597,^ took part in 
the missions in Paraguay. A law made by the King of Spain, 
in the year in which Anchieta died, prohibited slavery in 
Brazil. Thus a great hindrance to the progress of 
Christianity was removed, and the messengers of the 
faith now penetrated into the depths of the virgin forests 
with renewed zeal.^ 

Clement VIII. followed with the closest attention the 
progress of the missions in America, and furthered them by 
many proofs of his favour. If he heard of the discovery of 

^ For the Catechism of Bolano see Southey, Between the 
Amazon and Andes, by Mulhall, London, 1881, 248 seq. 

2 See JuvENCius, V., 732 seq. ; Huonder in Freib. Kirchenlex., 
IX^., 1464 ; AsTRAiN, IV., 614 seqq. ; 625 seqq. ; Pfotenhauer, 
I., 87 ssq. ; ScHMiDLiN, Missionsgeschichte, 317 seq. 

* For Anchieta cf. Vol. XX. of this work, p. 510. 

* For the Jesuits in Brazil see Litt. ann. 1594-1595, 789 seq., 
1597. 492 seq. ; JuvENXius, V., 731 seq. ; F. Guerreiro, 
Rela(;'am annal das cousas ijue fezeram os padres da Companhia 
de Jesus nas partes da India oriental e no Brasil, Angola, 
Caboverde, Guine nos annos de 1602 e 1603, Lisbon, 1605, 
III., 125. 


new peoples, he hastened to exhort the bishop concerned to 
spread Christian doctrine among them ; if he learned of abuses, 
he at once intervened. ^ His care also extended to civil 
matters ; thus he urged Philip III. not to oppress the natives 
by taxes. ^ 

From a description of Spanish America, published in Madrid 
in 1601, we learn that at the beginning of the XVIIth century 
the success of the missions presented externally an impressive 
appearance ; there were five archdioceses, twenty-seven 
dioceses, two universities, more than four hundred convents 
of Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, Mercedari and 
Jesuits, innumerable confraternities and hospitals, parishes 
and mission stations for the million pagans who had been 
converted to Christianity. ^ In Mexico and other places the 
building of magnificent cathedrals had been begun. ^ Naturally 
there were also abuses and dark places which reacted upon 
these external signs of progress, a thing which continues down 
to our own times. ^ 

While in the colonies of Spain and Portugal the Church 
could rejoice in the fullest support and protection of the civil 
authorities, in all the countries subject to the Turks it had 
to suffer severely from the Mohamedans and schismatics. 
In spite of all the efforts of the Latin missionaries of the various 
Orders there was a perceptible diminution of the Christian 
population. Clement VIII. did all in his power to remedy 
this. One of his first cares was to resume the question of 
the reunion of the Copts which had been begun by Sixtus V..® 
but which had been interrupted during the brief pontificates 
of Urban VII., Gregory XIV. and Innocent IX. In March 
1592 Clement VIII. sent an envoy to the Patriarch Gabriel of 

1 Cf. Bull., X., 767 ; XI., 60 seq. 

* See the *instructions to D. Ginnasio, September 18, 1600, 
Barb. 5832, Vatican Library. 

^ See A. DE Herrera, Descripcion de las Indias ocidentales, 
Madrid, 1601, 80. 

* Cf. Briggs, Barock-Architektur, 186 seq. 

* See ScHMiDLiN, JNIissionsgeschichte, 314 seq. 
^ Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 185. 


Alexandria^ in the person of Girolamo Vechietti. As a result 
of this the Patriarch sent representatives to Rome, with a 
letter of November 22nd, 1593, addressed to the Pope, in 
which he recognized the primacy. The same was done by 
the archpriest John of Alexandria, who in a letter dated 
December i8th, 1593, said that the pitiful state of the 
Egyptian Church and its harassing by the Turks, was in his 
opinion a punishment for its schism. ^ 

The Coptic envoys reached Rome in June 1594. After 
the difficulties connected with the differences of rite had been 
adjusted with the help of the Jesuits,^ on January 15th, 1595, 
in the presence of Clement VIII. and twenty-four Cardinals 
they made the Catholic act of faith, and paid homage to the 
Pope,* in the name of those who had sent them. The 
completion of the reunion was, however, delayed by unfor- 
tunate circumstances, and it was only on October 7th, 1602, 
that Clement VIII. could express to the Patriarch of 
Alexandria his joy at his return to Catholic unity. 
At the same time he informed him that he had 
established a Coptic college in Rome, and asked that 
suitable students should be sent thither ; for his part 
he offered to further the printing of ecclesiastical 
books in the Coptic language.^ The archdeacon of 
the Alexandrian Church, Barsum, was to take this 
letter with him. In the meantime, unfortunately, the 
Patriarch Gabriel died, and his successor Mark, to whom 

1 See *bnef of March 27, 1592, Arm. 44, t. 36, Papal Secret 

2 See Baronius, Annales, VIII. , Lucca, 1741, ad an. 452, n. 23, 
and Append, p. 636 seq. 

8 See *Avviso of June 9, 1594, Urb. 1062, Vatican Library. 

* See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, p. 390, Vatican 
Library ; *Avviso of January 18, 1595, Urb. 1063, ibid. ; 
Baronius, loo. cit. 

^ See *letter of October 7, 1602, Arm. 44, t. 46, Papal Secret 
Archives. This and the following documents were unknown to 
Renaudot (Hist. Patriarch. Alexandr. Jacobit., 612), and to 
PiCHLER (II., 516). 

VOL. XXIV. 17 


Clement VIII. addressed himself in 1604,^ held different views 
from those of his predecessor. 

Clement VIII. showed great affection for the Maronites, 
whose college in Rome he did his best to help.^ In June 1596 
he sent the Jesuit Girolamo Dandini to Lebanon,^ where he 
found certain evils and abuses. In September he held a 
national council at the monastery of Kanobin, at which the 
Maronites protested at dogmatic errors being attributed to 
them. At this assembly certain canons were laid down 
concerning external worship and the administration of the 
sacraments ; in future they were all to make use of the 
reformed missal^ published in Rome by pontifical authority. 
In 1599 Clement VIII. granted to the new Patriarch of the 
Maronites the confirmation he asked for, and sent him the 

1 See *brief of May 26, 1604, Arm 44, t. 56, Papal Secret 

* See Anaissi, Bull. Maronit., 104 seq. The Pope supplied the 
college with Spanish wine ; see *instructions to D. Ginnasio in 
Barb. 5852, Vatican Library. 

^ See Anaissi, loc, cit., 106 seq. The instructions of the General 
Aijuaviva for Dandini and his companion Fabio Bruno in 
Rabbath, Documents, I., 170 seq. 

* Cf. Dandini, Voyage du niont Liban par R.S.P. (Richard 
Simon), Paris, 1685, 109 seq., 158 seq., Pichlek, II., 458 seq.. 
Coll. Lacens., II., 413 seq. A " Missale chaldaic. iuxta ritum 
Maronit," dedicated to Clement VIII. and printed in 1594 at the 
" Tipografia Medicea," in Vat. lat. 5477, Vatican Library. 

* See Anaissi, Bull. Maronit., 107 seq. Cod. M. 8, p. 77 seq. 
of the Vallicella Library, Rome, contains an " *Epistola Simeonis 
patriarchae totius Iberiae et Orientis ad S.P. Clemen tern VIII. 
a. 1596, de statu religionis christianae in illis partibus," especially 
concerning Georgia, where some Capuchins were working at the 
beginning of the XVIIth century. Cf. Beilage zur Allg. Zeitung, 
1896, n. loi. May i. See also *briefs of April i, 1598, to the 
King and Patriarch of Iberia (Georgia) in Arm. 44, t. 42, n. 73 seq., 
106, Papal Secret Archives. In a *brief to Philip III. of Septem- 
ber 13, 1602, the Pope recommends " archiep. Dersinensis in 
Armenia " who had been sent to him by the Armenian Patriarch 


In the Balkan peninsula Clement VIII. sought to brmg 
about the reunion of the Serbs with Rome, by means of the 
Franciscans who were labouring there in a self-sacrificing 
spirit, but national jealousies prevented the success of his 
efforts.^ In the principality of Moldavia, which had been 
reduced to a state of vassalage by the Turks, the efforts of 
the voivode Peter the Lame, which had been begun under 
Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V. to reunite his subjects to the 
Catholic Church proved vain, since that prince, fearing that 
the Sultan would forcibly make his son John Stefan embrace 
Mohamedanism, had taken to flight."^ Clement VIII. 

Melchisedech for recognition by the Holy See ; in the brief it is 
stated that the archbishop had told him of the oppression and 
persecution of the Armenians by the Turks. He complains that 
the Armenian Catholic uniats are treated as pagans by your 
representatives in the east ; at Orniuz, the port in the Persian 
Gulf, where a tenth is paid as customs duty, they have to pay 
double like the pagans, whereas at Ancona they are treated by 
us, as by other prmces, as Christians ; they are excluded from 
trading in the East Indies. The archbishop asks you to make 
restitution. We recommend to you the Armenian Catholics, and 
the Armenian merchants, who greatly help the bishops (Arm. 44, 
t. 46, n. 281, Papal Secret Archives). A *brief to Philip III., 
October 21, 160^, recommends the Armenians, so that they may 
be able to return by an indirect route, as the Turks bar their way 
{ibid. t. 56, p. 326). According to the *Avviso of November 20, 
1604, Stefano Sirleto, nephew of the Cardinal, of the new Order 
" della continua oratione," or of S. Agnese who, being very 
learned and pious, had preached to the Jews, was sent by the 
Pope to Armenia as archbishop. Urb. 1072, Vatican Library. 

^ Cf. Fabianich, Storia dei Frati minori in Dalmazia et Bossina, 
I., Zara, 1863, 315 seq. Balan, La chiesa e gli Slavi, 207 seq. ; 
HuDAL, Die serbisch-orthodoxe Nationalkirche, Graz, 1922, 13. 
For Clement VIII. and the Bulgarians cf. Archiv. f. ostevr. Gesch., 
LIX., 344 seq. 

2 Cf. NiLLES, Svmbolae ad ill. hist. eccl. orient., II., Lisbon, 
1885, 978 seq., and Hirn in Hist. Jahrb., VII., 434 seq. Docu- 
ments relating to the Catholics in Moldavia, 1600 seqq., in the 
Roumanian periodical Colunna lui Traian, 1876, 299 seqq. See 


repeatedly implored the help of foreign princes for the 
Christians of Moldavia, Wallachia^ and the Epirus,^ who 
were gravely threatened by the Turks. At the very beginning 
of his pontificate he had assigned an annual subsidy to the 
bishop of the Latin Catholics in Moldavia, which was to be 
paid by the Apostolic Camera.^ 

"With a like generosity the Pope made provision for the Latin 
bishops in the islands of Chios, Andros and Naxos, who found 
in their poverty an obstacle to their fulfilling their duty of 
residence.* To give spiritual assistance to the Christian 
inhabitants of the archipelago was all the more near to the 
heart of Clement VIIL, in that the Greeks living there had 
not as yet formally detached themselves from the Roman 
Church.^ For this purpose he made use by preference of the 
Jesuits. Bishops such as the bishop of Crete, which island 
still belonged at that time to the Venetians, put difficulties 
in the way of the fathers, on which account they received 

also Abraham in Kwartalnik Hist., XVI. (1902), 206. Jorga in 
Gesch. der europ. Staaten, XXXIV., 36 ; Korolevskij in 
Rev. catolica, 191 5. 

1 See the *brief to the King of Poland, September 6, 1602, 
Arm. 44, t. 46, n. 272, Papal Secret Archives, and ibid, the *brief 
of the same date to the " episc. Argensis." The report drawn up 
a short time after the death of Clement VIIL, cited by Gottlob 
in Hist. Jahrh., VI., 54 seq., shows how Protestantism, by pene- 
trating into Transylvania, had hastened the decline of the Catholic 
Church in Moldavia. 

2 See the *brief to Philip III., February 14, 1603, Arm. 44, 
t. 47, n. 10, Papal Secret Archives. The brief to the Christians 
of the " Cimarra " in Epirus in 1594, in Bessarione, XVII. (1913), 


^ Bull., IX., 549 seq. For Bishop Vincenzo Quirini, who in 
1599 sent to Clement VIIL a report that was often quite incorrect 
(printed in Hurmuzaki, III., i, 545 seq.) cf. Nilles, loc. cit., 1008, 
1026 seq. 

^ See Bull., IX., 549 seq. 

^ The definite breach only took place at the beginning of the 
XVIIIth century ; see Piolet, L, 133. 


severe admonitions.^ In 1592 Clement VIII. sent to Chios 
the Jesuits Benedetto Muleto and Vincenzo Castanola. When 
three years later the latter sent to Rome a report of the sad 
conditions in Chios, it was decided to establish a house for 
the Jesuits there, for which the Pope gave the necessary funds. 
Their work in Chios was so beneficial that the inhabitants 
of the island sent a letter of thanks to Rome.^ The inhabitants 
of Naxos also asked that a Jesuit might be sent to them, and 
Clement VIII. entrusted that mission to the learned Vincenzo 
Cicada, who was a relative of the owner of the island, the 
Count of Cicada.^ 

In a yet more comprehensive way Clement VIII. occupied 
himself with the condition of the Greeks, a hundred thousand 
in all, who lived in different parts of Italy, especially in 
Calabria and the island of Sicily. These consisted in part of 
old inhabitants, and in part of exiles, who had left their own 
country on account of the Turkish rule. To these were added 
a number of Albanians, who had sought a refuge in Italy after 
the death of their national hero Skanderbeg, but who had 
nothing in common with the Greeks but their liturgical rite.* 

In common with all the Italian bishops, those of southern 

' See the * brief to the Archbishop of Crete " Laurentius 
Victurius," February 4, 1595, Arm. 44, t. 40, p. 41, Papal Secret 
Archives. Cf. as to this Synopsis, 196 seq. 

* See Juvencius V., 436 seq. ; Synopsis, 183 seq., 194, 219. 

^ See the *briefs to V. Cicada and the Count C. Cicada, of 
May 5 and 8, 1600, Arm. 44, t. 44, nn. 127-129, Papal Secret 
Archives. Ibid. t. 43, n. 336, a *brief to C. Cicada, in which 
Clement VIII. recommends to him the faithful in the island. 
The direction of the Greek College in Rome, which Clement VIII. 
had entrusted to the Jesuits {Synopsis, 158) was taken from them 
in 1604. It is false to say that this was done on account of bad 
administration, as was said (see *Avviso of September 25, 1604, 
Urb. 1072, Vatican Library) ; cf. Korolevskij in Stoudion, 1929, 
in course of publication. Cf. Bull., IX., 518 seq. 

* Cf. J. Gay, fitude sur la decadence du rite grec dans I'ltalie 
meridionale a la fin du XVI. siecle, in Compte-rendu du IV". 
Congres Scientif. internal, des CatJioliqites, Sect. I., 163 seqq. 


Italy, encouraged by the Holy See, had again commenced 
to hold regular visitations of their dioceses during the period 
of Catholic reformx. In doing this they had come to know 
more fully the religious conditions of the Greeks, which 
frequently called for improvement. Like the magistrates 
and some of the barons, not a fev/ of the bishops were guilty 
of grave mistakes in dealing with the Greeks and Albanians ; 
often almost force was used to compel them to adopt the 
Roman rite.^ Faced with this fact, the Holy See held firmly 
to its ancient principle of energetically protecting the dis- 
cipline and liturgy of the Greek Catholics, so long as these 
were not opposed to dogma. Just as Leo X. and Clement VII. 
had strongly admonished^ those Latins who attacked the 
Greeks on account of their different discipline, so had Paul IH. 
forbidden under grave penalties the Bishops of Cassano, 
Bisignano, Rossano and Anglona-Tursi to disturb the 
Albanians in the exercise of their liturgy. But as many 
abuses which affected doctrine had become introduced, 
especially among the Greeks of Sicily, on February i6th, 
1564, Pius IV. had expressly recalled the duty of vigilance 
over their doctrines and worship which was incumbent on the 
Latin bishops.^ But both he and Pius V. had insisted on the 
inviolability of the Byzantine rite. In the Greek college 
as in all the oriental colleges which he established, he had 
the students strictly educated in their own rite.^ 

1 Cf. ibid. 

2 See Hergenrother in Arch. f. kath. Kirchenrecht, VIL, 179. 
8 See RoDOTA, DeH'origine e state presente del rito grace in 

Italia, IIL, Rome, 1758, 138. 

* See Hergenrother, loc. cit. 179, 355. Professor H. Gelzer, 
who died in 1906, was occupied in 1903 with the manuscript 
material for a history of the Greeks and Albanians in southern 
Italy. For this purpose he obtained documents from the archives 
of the Congregation of the Council and Propaganda, and even 
some from that of the Holy Office in Rome, which is so jealously 
guarded. 1 have already f'.eijuently stated, and once again in 
7912 in Hist. Jahrb., XXXHL, 481 seq., that not only in the 
interest of historical studies, but also in that of the Catholic 


Clement VIII. too was guided by the principle that the 
Byzantine liturgy had its full rights, within the limits assigned 
by dogma. On August 31st, 1595, he issued a special in- 
struction which dealt exhaustively with the controversy which 
had arisen concerning the rites and usages of the Greeks.^ 
The publication of this document had been preceded by a 
detailed inquiry by a Congregation expressly intended for the 
reform of the Greeks. ^ Of decisive importance in this matter 
were the views of Cardinal Santori, who was very expert in 
these questions, and had collected detailed information.^ 
The instruction aimed above all things at the removal of 
undoubted abuses, especially in the administration of the 
sacraments. With regard to sacerdotal ordination, it laid 
down that the Greeks could only receive this from a bishop 
of their own rite. It was expressly ordered that one of their 
bishops should reside in Rome. Clement VIII. at the same 
time renewed the edicts of Innocent IV. in 1254, ^-^^ of 
Pius IV. in 1564, as well as the prohibition issued by Pius V. 

Church, it is ardently to be desired that these may at last be 
made accessible. The researches of Professor Gelzer, which 
have not as yet been published, have confirmed this. Gelzer 
wrote to me from Naples on March 10, 1903, that his work would 
be " an honourable page for the Roman Curia and for the Holy 
Office itself. They did all they could on behalf of these exiles, 
and for the safeguarding of their liturgy and privileges. The 
pressure to make them accept the Latin rite always came from 
the local authorities, the bishops, barons and magistrates." 
Cf. KoROLEVsKTj, in Stoudion, IV., 82-91. 

1 Bull., X., 2, II seq. 

* Part of the protocols to be found in Barb. 2607, Vatican 
Library, was published from this in the periodical Bcssarione, 
XVII. (1913). 345 seq. 

' Cf. the *Miscellanea de riti specialmente greci, from the 
Santori bec|uest, in Cod. I-B 6 of the Brancacciana Library, 
Naples (now at Propaganda) from which Gay, loc. cit., 164 seq. 
gives information. Cf. also " Ant. Lombardi archiepisc. *Consul- 
tatio super abusibus Graecorum degentium Messanae ad loh. 
Ant. Santori ctird. s. Severinae," in Vat. 5544, Vatican Library. 
Cf. also Bessarinne, XVII. (1913), 466 seq. 


in 1566, of any fusion of the Roman and Byzantine rites. ^ 
The indefatigable Cardinal Santori remained the advocate 
of the Greeks in Rome.^ 

Several memorials presented to the Pope show how great 
was the interest taken at that time in the world-wide mission 
of the Church. One of these documents treats with great 
learning and knowledge of the political and religious con- 
ditions of the East, and of the principles which must be firmly 
adhered to in the negotiations of the Holy See with the oriental 
princes in the interests of a reunion of the Patriarchs of 
Alexandria and Constantinople.^ A second memorial makes 
proposals for missions to be undertaken in Denmark and 
Norway.* A third, whose author through modesty does 
not make himself known, urges, probably in connexion with a 
petition^ from the Bishop of Tournai, Jean Vendeville, 
presented to Sixtus V. in 1589, the establishment of a special 
Congregation, which may be called the forerunner of " Pro- 
paganda fide," since its suggests to the Pope the erection of 
a similar institution as the best means of propagating the 
Catholic faith.® The author is of opinion that it would be 

^ See Hergenkother, loc. cit. 355. The edict of Innocent IV. 
in Raynalous, 1254, n. 7. 

2 The reply of Santori to the Archbishop of Reggio, Annibale 
d'Afflito, concerniRg the Byzantine rite in his diocese : Roma e 
Oriente, VII. (1914), 106 seq., 339 seq. 

^ *Discorso in Urb. 854, p. i seq., Vatican Library, used for the 
first time by Lammer, Analecta, 52. 

* This * memorial addressed to the Pope and to the Cardinals 
of the Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Barb. 1992, Vatican 

^ See Rensens, La premiere idee du college de la Propagande 
ou memoire presente en 1589 par J. Vendville, etc., in Mem. de la 
Soc. hist, et Hit. de Tournai, X. (1870). Cf. also Goyau, Les 
initiatives Beiges dans la Fondation de la Propagande, in Revue 
Generate of Brussels, July 15, 1924, p. i seq. 

* *" Modus propagandi fidem Catholicam," an unsigned 
manuscript from the collection of INIagliabecchi ; I made use of 
this in 1879 in Florence in the Marucelliana Library ; the manu- 


necessary to emplo}' four or five secretaries, distinguished 
for their knowledge of languages, their learning and their 
piety, who should lay proposals before the Congregation and 
supervise their carrying out. The first of these secretaries, 
who were also to draw up a list of all persons of importance 
for the work of the missions, was to be concerned with the 
spiritual needs of England, Scotland, Ireland, France, 
Germany, Denmark and Sweden ; the second with the 
Poles, Lithuanians, Russians, Ruthenians, Hungarians and 
Transylvanians ; the third was to be assigned Dalmatia, 
Bosnia, and in a special way the whole of the Balkan peninsula ; 
the fourth Cyprus, Asia Minor, Syria, Jerusalem, Alexandria 
and Algeria ; the fifth all the missions in the Spanish-Portu- 
guese colonies in America and Asia. 

The memorial also treats in detail of the training to be given 
to the missionaries in Rome. This work was to be divided 
between the Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits. The 
author attaches great importance to the spread of Catholic 
books translated into the languages of the various peoples. 
He suggests that there should be interested in this work, 
besides the Generals of the above-mentioned Orders, the 
Latin Bishops of Cattaro, Ragusa, Crete and Corfu, the nobles 
who had remained lo3^al to the Church in Andros and Chios 
the many merchants who traded with the east, and their 
consuls at Pera, Alexandria and Aleppo. At the end the 
author remarks that if the city of Geneva alone had been able 

script was at that time to be included in the National Library, 
then closed. The author of the manuscript was probably the 
distinguished Provincial of the Carmelites, Tommaso a Jesu, a 
friend of Santori, who in his work, " De procuranda salute omnium 
gentium, " Antwerp, 1613 {cf. Schmidlin, in Zeiischr. f. Missions- 
wiss., III., 112) repeats almost word for word a part of the things 
set forth in the memorial (i. 3, c. i, p. 103 seq.). Tommaso a 
]esu, who relates in his mtroduction that he had made use of the 
library of Santori, probably saw the memorial there. For 
Tommaso a Jesu (1568-1626) cf. also Salaville, LTn theoricien de 
I'apostolat catholiqtie au XVII. siecle, in Eckqs d'Orient, XX., 


in a short space of time, by means of books and writings, 
to win over so great a number of souls to Calvinism, how 
much more reason there was to hope for the winning, by the 
help of God, of so many immortal souls, for which Christ 
had shed His blood ; it was only essential for attention to 
be drawn to this argument, while the necessary power was 
not wanting in Rome. 

This memorial contains the germ of the great idea of 
Propaganda, and it is the undeniable merit of Clement VIII. 
that he sought to realize it. The Pope had already in 1594 
established a similar Congregation for the missions in 
Abyssinia,^ and in 1595 for the Italo-Greeks.^ In continuance 
of the efforts of Pius V.,^ in 1599 he established a Congregation 
composed of nine Cardinals, which was to concern itself 
principally with the propagation of the faith. The president 
was Cardinal Santori, together with Baronius and Bellarmine, 
who also formed part of the new Congregation, but he was 
undoubtedly the most important and zealous Cardinal of his 
time. Besides this indefatigable supporter and proved expert 
in the work of the missions, there were also added"* Medici, 
Borromeo, Visconti, Antoniano, and Pietro and Cinzio Aldo- 
brandini. The constitution of the Congregation took place 
on August nth, 1599, in the presence of the Pope ; on August 
i6th the members held their first meeting at the palace of the 
president, Santori. Unfortunately only the notes of the 
first ten meetings have been preserved ; the last took place 

1 According to the *Avviso of June 9, 1594, there belonged 
to this Congregation Cardinals Galli, Paleotto, Santori, Toledo and 
the Camerario. Urb. 1062, Vatican Library. 

* Cf. siipra, p. 263. 

^Cf. Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 350. 

* Cf. his *Audientiae in Arm. 52, t. 17 seqq., Papal Secret 
Archives. See also Castellucci in the publication (p. 162 seq., 
178 seq., 248 seq.) mentioned in the following note. The 
" Catechismo generale " drawn up by Santori concerning the 
treatment of catechumens and neophytes is published in the 
appendix of the work on the missions by Tommaso a Jesu ; see 
ZeitscJir. /. Missionsiuiss., III., T12. 


on August 14th, 1600.^ The acta were written by a secretary, 
and in the margin Cardinal Santori wrote with his own hand 
the Pope's repHes to the decisions of the Congregation. The 
procedure was the same as that followed by the German 
Congregation of Gregory XIII., and later on by Propaganda. 

At its first three sessions the Congregation was called 
" Congregatio super negotiis sanctae fidei et religionis 
catholicae " and later on " De propagatione fidei " or " De 
propaganda fide." In this latter title its scope was con- 
cisely expressed. In accordance with a decision arrived at 
at the first congregation, the meetings were to be held twice 
a month. The questions proposed were discussed and decided. 
After each meeting Cardinal Santori went to the Pope to tell 
him of the decisions come to. The Pope's replies were com- 
municated to the Congregation at the next meeting, and 
carried out in accordance with his wishes. 

The matters discussed by the Congregation were very 
varied and related to every country ; the faculties of the 
Archbishop of Goa, the Phihppines, New Mexico, Scandinavia, 
Africa, the Greeks in south Italy, the Nestorian Christians 
in the Indies, Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia, and 
Persia. Above all a fresh impulse had to be given to the 
missions in the East, in which Sixtus V. had placed little 

^ For the " Acta Congreg. super negotiis s. fidei et relig. cath." 
contained in Cod. Misc. com. 17 of the archives of Propaganda, 
see SctiMiDLiN in Zeiischr. f. Missionswiss., XI. (1921), 232 seq., 
where, however, the statement that I found further Acta in the 
Papal Secret Archives is based upon a misunderstanding. 
Lemmens found some Acta in a Cod. Ottob. in the Vatican 
Library ; see Lemmens, Acta S. Congr. de propag. fide pro terra 
sancta, I., i, concerning the first session in the presence of the 
Pope. A. Castellucci has recently published all the Acta pre- 
served, in Le Confereme al Late'ano, marzo-aprile, 1923, p. 223 seq. 
The Congiegation is mentioned in the *Avvisi, hitherto unknown, 
of August 14 and 18, 1599, and June 10, 1600, Urb. 1067, Vatican 
Library. Clement VIII. distinctly said in the *brief of September 
4th, 1600 (Papal Secret Archives'! that the Congregation WrS 
consulted because of the mission to Persia ; see App. n. 17. 


hopes. The colleges founded by Gregory XIII. were also 
placed under the Congregation, which was in all ways similar 
to Propaganda. There was no possibility of the Congregation 
being dissolved, in view of the zeal of Clement VIII. for the 
missions ; the death of Santori, which occurred in 1602, 
brought about an interruption,^ but this was of short duration, 
as Clement VIII. ordered the Congregation to resume its 
labours in 1604.2 Thus the Aldobrandini Pope must be given 
the credit for having for the first time created in Rome a 
central control for the missions, the ends and objects of which 
corresponded with those of Propaganda, founded by his 
second successor. 

1 As the presidency, and therefore the Acta now passed into the 
hands of another Cardinal, this explains their disappearance. 
But perhaps it will still be possible to find them. 

2 See m App. n. 23, the *report of Fr. M. Vialardo of December 
II, 1604, Papal Secret Archives. 


The Great Jubilee of 1600. 

A Pope so pious as Clement VIII. was certain to have much 
at heart the worthy celebration of the universal Jubilee, 
which fell in the year 1600. The first preparations were made 
as early as the beginning of 1599.^ On March 3rd the Pope 
appointed two Congregations, each composed of twelve 
Cardinals ; the first, of which Santori was president, was to 
devote itself to the spiritual preparations ; the second, 
presided over by Galli, to the material ones.'^ Orders were 
issued to all the authorities in the Papal States to provide 
for the maintenance and security of the roads ; the hospices 
fn Rome received ample subsidies, so that they might get 
ready to receive the pilgrims.^ Clement VIII. addressed 
himself to Philip III."* for a supply of grain from Sicily. The 
governor of Milan was exhorted to repair the roads and assist 
the pilgrims.^ All the Cardinals were to take part in the 
solemnity.^ The bulls of May 19th and 21st, 1599, announced 
the celebration of the Holy Year, its duration and the suspen- 

1 C/. *Avvisi of January 30 and February 3, 1599, Urb. 1067, 
Vatican Library. 

^ See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, 
Vatican Library. 

* See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 188 seqq. 

* See *brief to " Vicerex Siciliae," asking liim to carry out the 
promise of Philip IIL, September i, 1599, Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 352, 
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. the *instructions to the nuncio in 
Spain, D. Ginnasio in Barb. 5852, I., Vatican Library. 

° *Brief of April 28, 1599, Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 288, Papal Secret 

* See *Avviso of March 13, 1599, Urb. 1067, Vatican Library, 



sion of all other indulgences.^ On May 22nd letters of 
invitation were sent to the Emperor, and the kings and 
Catholic princes, 2 and on October 30th was published the 
invitation to the whole of Christendom.^ The princes were 
urgently exhorted to show themselves kind and generous to 
the pilgrims from their own countries, and to those who should 
pass through them, and to provide for their safety. In 
November the Pope prepared a special house in the Borgo 
to receive the bishops and poor priests from bej^ond the Alps ; 
he also provided refuges for needy layfolk, especially from 
the countries where Protestantism was predominant.^ The 
prelates of the reform Congregation were ordered to visit the 
national hospices in Rome, and to assist in every way the 
strangers who came for the jubilee. The prelate Mona was 
charged with the pilgrims who came from Spain, Sorbolongo 
with those from France, Seneca with those from Germany, 
Benaglia with those from Venice, Tarugi with those of the 
Papal States and Urbino, and Gessi with those from Poland.^ 
The Pope and the Cardinals assisted in a special way the 
celebrated Confraternity of the SS. Trinita de' Pellegrini.® 
Other congregations, such as that of the Stigmata of 
St. Francis, founded in 1594, received money for the entertain- 
ment of needy pilgrims.' The Pope also gave orders that 
the pilgrims should not be exploited by the inn-keepers in 

^ Bull., X., 504 seq., 509 seq. 

2 See *Arm. 44, t. 43, nn. 241-255, Papal Secret Archives. 
The letter to Rudolph II. in Archiv f. osterr. Gesch., XV., 228. 
Originals of the briefs to Mantua and Venice in the respective 

8 Bull., X., 548 seq. Cf. Bull, indict, s. lubilaei cum C. Schoppi 
annotat. Monachii, 1601. 

* See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 188. 

* " Inventione molto buona et santa " says of this ordinance 
the *Avviso of December 8, 1599, Urb. 1067, Vatican Library. 
Cf. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 22. 

* See *Avvisi of November 20 and 25, December 4 and 15, 
1599. Urb. 1067, Vatican Library. 

'See *Avviso of December 18, 1599, ibid. 


their greed for gain,^ and that throughout the Holy 
Year Rome should display the manifestation of the 
greatest religious seriousness. The Carnival amusements 
were prohibited, and distinguished preachers and good 
confessors were sent to all the churches.- The Cardinals 

^ See Orbaan, Documenti, 91 n. For the inns of that time see 
ibid. 426 seq. For the punishment of certain inn-keepers in 
May, 1600, for being greedy of gain see Baumgarten, loo. cit. 23. 

" See Manni, Anni santi, 159. Besides this fundamental work, 
which also treats in detail of the coins of the jubilee, cf. the Liber 
de anno iiibilaei 1600 dedicated to Clement VIII. by Cardinal A. 
Valiero (often in manuscript, e.g. Vat. 3792 and 5479, Vatican 
Library ; Cod. Sess. 236, Vittorio Emanuele Library, Rome), 
printed at Verona, 1601 (a copy of this rare edition in the Vatican). 
Besides other works cited by Manni (173 seq.) it is to be noticed 
that RuTiL. Benzonii de anno s. iubilaei hbri VI. was printed at 
Venice in 1599. In Manni there are la ckmg : i. Girol.Gratiano 
(Carmelite), Trattato del Giubileo dell'Anno Santo, trad. d. Spag. 
in Ital. da Jac. Bosio, Rome, 1599 ; 2. Fr. Forner, Von Ablass 
und Jubeljahr, Ingolstadt, 1599 ; 3. " Tractatus de quibusdam 
observationibus circa annum iubilaei a lo. Paulo Mucantio " 
(dedicated to Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, 1599, Cal. Maii), 
Barb. XX., 6, Vatican Library ; 4. *Diarium anni iubilaei 1600 
Jacobo Grimaldo Bonon. basil. Vatic, sacrista auctore. Barb, 
lat. 2210, Vatican Library, and Cod. B, iii, Capitular Archives 
of St. Peter's. For the treatise by Bellarmine " De indulgentiis 
etiubilaeo " see Couderc, I., 243 seqq. For C. Scioppius, who had 
become a Catholic by studying the Annals of Baronius, and who 
published on the occasion of the jubilee a " Commentarius de 
indulgentiis " (edition of 1601 in British Museum, London) see 
Forschimgen z. deutschen Gesch., XL, 408 seq. ; Rass, Konvertiten, 
III., 396 seq. As a souvenir for the pilgrims was intended the 
" Deliciae Urbis Romae divinae et humanae anni sacri iubilaei 1600 
Dom. Custode Aug. Vindel. 1600," 29 plates with an illustrated 
frontispiece and a picture of Clement VIII. by Sadeler (Venice, 
1600). Another portrait of Clement VIII. engraved at that time, and 
adorned with medallions, representing the absolution of Henry IV., 
the reconciliation between Spain and France, the canonization of 
St. Hyacinth, the entry into Ferrara, the marriage of Philip III., 
the reunion of the Ruthenians, etc. See P. Perali, Prontuario 


were ordered not to wear their purple during this time 
of penance.^ 

According to tradition the Holy Year should have begun 
on the vigil of Christmas, with the opening of the Holy Door 
at St. Peter's, but as Clement VHI. was ill with gout, this 
ceremony had perforce to be postponed until the last day of 
December. Even then the Pope had to do violence to himself 
to leave his bed of suffering, and perform the function, at 
which eighty thousand persons were present. On the following 
day, after the High Mass celebrated by Cardinal Sfondrato 
in St. Peter's, he gave the solemn benediction urbi et orhi.'^ 

Although after this the Pope was still very often unwell,^ 
Clement VHI. displayed the greatest zeal in gaining the 
jubilee indulgence. Thirty visits to the churches had been 

bibliografico per la storia degli Anni Santi, published in the 
appendix to the Cronistoria dell' Anno Santo MCMXXV., Rome, 


1 See Alaleone in Thurston, 269. 

^ See the *report of G. C. Foresto, January i, 1600, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and the *letters of G. Mocenigo of January i 
and 8, 1600, State Archives, Venice. Cf. *Diariuni P. Alaleonis, 
Barb. 2816, Vatican Library ; *Avviso of January i, 1600, 
Urb. 1068, ibid. ; *Re]azione intomo alle ceremonie, in Vat. 
9314, p. 889 seq., ibid. K. Low, Griindl. Bericht, was bei 
Klemens VIIL mit Eroftnung und Zuthun der gold en en Porten 
sich verlaufen hat, Cologne, 1601 ; Lettres d'Ossat, IL, 282, 298 ; 
report of the architect Heinrich Schickhardt, who accompanied 
the Protestant Duke Frederick of Wiirtemberg ; during the 
ceremony Frederick was given a place near the Pope (see the new 
edition of the description of the journey of H. Schickhardt pub- 
lished from the first in 1602, by W. Heyd, Handschriften u. 
Handzeichn. des Baumeisters H. Sch., Stutgardt, 1902 ; 
Prinzivalli, Gli anni santi 1300-1925, Rome, 1925, 92 seq.). 
The medal reproduced in Manni, 151, represents two shepherds 
sounding a trumpet or horn before the throne of the Pope, 
evidently in reference to the " Jubilee " of the ancient Jews. 

' See the *reports of G. C. Foresto, March 4 and 11, May 20 
and December 29, 1600, and January 6, 1601, Gonzaga Archives, 


laid down for the Romans, and fifteen for strangers, but the 
Pope made sixty. He began on January 2nd, and declared 
that he intended every Sunday to visit the four great basilicas 
of St. Peter's, St. Paul's, St. John Lateran and St. Mary 
Major's. He also frequently made the visit to the Seven 
Churches. His deep piety edified everyone. It was exceed- 
ingly touching to see him ascend the Scala Santa, although his 
gout caused him great pain in his hands and feet.^ He 
assisted in person ^ at the celebration of the Forty Hours in 
the church of the Gesu, during which Baronius preached. In 
spite of his sufferings he could not be restrained from repeatedly 
washing the feet of poor pilgrims, and waiting upon them at 
table, together with some of the Cardinals.^ In Lent he was 
especially careful to provide good preachers,* and himself 
set a good example in this by having, in addition to the 
customary sermon by the Capuchin Anselmo da Monopoli, 
special discourses delivered in his private chapel. It gave 
him special pleasure to hear the word of God there from the 
lips of Cardinals Silvio Antoniano, Bellarmine and Baronius.^ 

^ See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 191, whose information is 
confirmed by the *Avvisi (Urb. 1068, Vatican Library) and the 
*Diarium P. Alaleoms (Barb. 2816, ibid.). For the beginning of 
the pilgrimages see Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See De Santi, Quarant'ore, 286 seq. Cf. Mon. hist. Soc. 
lesu., Mon. Ignat., IL (1918), 473. 

3 See *Avvisi of February 12 and 26, and May 3, 1600, Urb. 
1068, Vatican Library. Cf. BaumciRTEN, Neue Kunde, 19. 

* The *Avviso of February 16, 1600, mentions as the most 
celebrated preachers : the Spaniards P. Scalzo at St. Peter's, 
Acquapendente at S. Luigi, the Franciscan P. Rocca of Genoa 
at the VaUicella, P. Paolo da Cesena (Capuchin) at S. Lorenzo in 
Damaso, Mazarino at the Gesii, Tolosa at S. Andrea. In 1601 
(*Avviso of March 7) the best preachers were supposed to be 
P. Scalzo, the Franciscan Castelfidardo and the Theatine Cieco. 
Urb. 1068, 1069, Vatican Library. 

^ See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 194. The above mentioned 
Cardinals, as well as Piatti, also preached at the Gesu during the 
Forty Hours. See *Avviso of February 19, 1600, Urb. 1068, 
Vatican Library. 

VOL. XXIV. 18 


In Holy Week, to the general surprise, the Pope took his place 
in the seat of the Grand Penitentiary in St. Peter's and 
confessed for hours together all who came.^ He was un- 
wearied in helping poor pilgrims with abundant alms.^ He 
also ordered that the feasts of the Church, especially Easter, 
Pentecost and that of the Princes of the Apostles, should be 
celebrated with the greatest solemnity.^ 

As had happened before, "* on this occasion as well the 
Italian pilgrims came organized in confraternities, and made 
their entry in solemn procession. Almost every week fresh 
bodies arrived on pilgrimage to the holy places, the greatest 
crowds coming during the months of May and June.^ Up 
to July 408 confraternities were counted.^ The entry of 

1 See *AvvJeo of April 8, 1600, Urb. 1068, ihid. This happened 
on May 3, 1600 ; see *Diarium of J. Grimaldi, Barb. lat. 2210, 
Vatican Library. 

^ See Manni, 166. Cf. *Avvisi of January i (the Pope enter- 
tains many pilgrims in the Belvedere) and April 8, 1600 (the 
Pope daily sends extraordinary alms to the Trinita), Urb. 1068, 
Vatican Library. 

^ Cf. *Avvisi of May 25 (Easter Day ; the Pope suffering, but 
forces himself to give the blessing), June 28 (feast of St. Peter 
and St. Paul), and October 11, 1600 (great procession to the 
Minerva), Urb. 1068, Vatican Library. 

* Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 209. 

* See the *Diarium of J. Grimaldi, according to which the 
number of the pilgrims belonging to the confraternities during 
these months was 12324 and 11695. Ba.b. 2210, Vatican Library. 

* Cf. Bentivoglio, MemorJe, 194 ; Moroni, IL, 124 ; Orbaan, 
Rome, 85 seqq. See also the *Avviso of May 10, 1600, for the 
arrival of the Confraternity " dell'Aquila " and " della 
Misericordia " from Foligno, and that of November 29 for the 
Company of the Stigmata of St. Francis of Assisi, who all appeared 
in the Franciscan habit with black crosses in their hands (Urb. 
1068, Vatican Library). The *Preces d. compagnia della morte 
e della misericordia di Foligno fatte in Roma nel giubileo 1600, 
in Cod. B. IL of the seminary Library, Foligno. Interesting 
notes concerning the payment of travelling expenses of foreign 
communes in the commentary of Giac. Cohelli on the Bull. " Del 


these companies, with their crosses and banners, and 
figurative representations of saints, made an imposing spec- 
tacle. An extraordinary impression was made on May 9th 
by the entry of the Confraternity della Misericordia from 
Foligno, which was met b}^ the Confraternity of the Trinita. 
Evening had akeady fallen, and by the light of many torches 
there were to be seen, first, boys dressed as angels, with the 
instruments of the Passion, followed by a number of cars 
upon which were shown the whole of the Passion of the 

For the most part the Pope received the pilgrims in the 
cortile of the Belvedere.^ The confraternities from his native 
city, Florence, were received with special honour, Clement 
himself giving communion to the members in St. Peter's, after 
which they were given a sumptuous repast in the Galleria 
Gregoriana.^ Suitable honour was shown to the many 
important personages who had come for the jubilee. Among 
these the first place must be given to Cardinal Andrew of 
Austria,* to whom in his mortal illness the Pope himself 
administered the sacraments, making for him in the early 
hours of a cold November morning the pilgrimage to the 

buon governo " (see infra, p. 367, n. 2) ; cf. P. Perali, I peile- 
grinaggi giubilari neH'antico diritto pubblico, in Corriere cV Italia, 
October i, 1924, reproduced in Prontuario Bibliografico, 1199. 

1 See Clementi, 307. 

2 See *Avvisi of May 10 and November 29, 1600, Urb. 1068, 
Vatican Library. Cf. Manni, 165. 

^ See the two *Avvisi of April 29, 1600, Urb. 1068, Vatican 
Library. Cf Manni, 161 seq. ; B.\umgarten, Neue Kunde, 17. 

* See *Avviso of November 15, 1600, Urb. 1068, Vatican 
Library. Cf. Lettres d'Ossat, II., 244 ; Freiburger Diozesan- 
Archiv, XVIII., 441 seq. ; Orbaan, Documenti, 91 n. ; 
ScHMiDLiN, Anima, 443 seq., where there is a reproduction of the 
tomb ; Bulletin de I'liistitiit Beige a Rouie, I. (1919), 299. Oiily 
the Cardinal's heart was buried in the Campo Santo de' Tedeschi, 
and not, as is often said, his body. Cardinal Andrew had never 
received major orders, and had not observed celibac}'' ; see 
HiRN, Maximilian, 262. 


Seven Churches.^ Cardinal Count Dietrichstein and the 
Duke of Bavaria presented themselves as simple pilgrims.^ 
There also came the Duke of Lorraine,^ many German prelates 
and nobles,* the viceroy of Naples, Lemos,^ Archbishop 
Sourdis of Bordeaux, accompanied by the historian 
Spondanus,^ two Hungarian bishops, and one from Mexico. 
The noble Venetian lady, Caterina Zeno, made the pilgrimage 
to Rome on foot.' Among scholars mention must be made 
of Claude de Peiresc, who on that occasion formed a friendship 
with Bosio.^ 

It was a great consolation to the Pope to see the coming 
of many priests, not only from Germany,^ but even more from 
France.^'' The greater part of the pilgrims had been attracted 
by true devotion and sincere piety, but some only by curiosity. 
Great was the amazement of the Protestants who came to 
Rome, whose preachers had again described the solemnity 
as a mere financial speculation,^^ when they saw with their 
own eyes the Pope assiduously visiting the churches, and 
imitating, as the true servant of God, the humble actions of 
the Saviour, and washing and kissing the feet of the pilgrims ; 

1 See De Waal, Das hi. Jahr in Rom, Miinster, 1900, 51. 

2 See *Avviso of January 15, 1600, Urb. 1068, Vatican Library. 

* See *Avvisi of June 3 and July 13, 1600, ibid. 

* See De Waal, loc. cit., 50 scq. 

* See *Avviso of March 22, 1600, Urb. 1068, Vatican Library 
Cf. Orbaan, Rome, 13 ; Baumgakten, Neue Kunde, 17. 

* See Rass, Kcnvertiten, IIL, 292. 
' See Manni, 159. 

* See Valeri, Bosio, 34. 

* Cf. Browerus, Annales Trevir., IL, 136; Eyzinger, Relat. 
hist., 1600, XL, 49 ; Stieve, V., 587. 

^' We have some information concerning the number of foreign 
priests in the *Diarium of J. Grimaldi, who gives exactly the 
number received in the pontifical Hospice ; there were 2545 
from trance and Brittany, 109 from Poland, 32 from Belgium, 
83 from Germany, 2 from Spain, 2 from Portugal, i from England, 
126 Greeks and Dalmatians, 3 Serbians, 2 from Muscovy, in all 
2905. Barb. lat. 2210, Vatican Library. 

iicy. Stieve, V., 587. 


how he furnished the needy with money, waited upon the 
sick, consoled everyone, and heard the confessions of penitents 
like a simple priest. Such a man could not be the Antichrist, 
as the preachers had described the supreme head of the 
Catholic Church. It is not surprising then that a number 
of Protestants, and even some Mahometans were converted 
to the Catholic faith. ^ Clement VIII. showed a special interest 
in the conversion of the son of a German preacher, at the end 
of 1600, who bore the same name as the founder of Calvinism. 
Justus Calvin came by his invitation to Rome, and received 
the sacrament of confirmation on September ist, 1602, from 
the hands of the Pope, while Cardinal Baronius himself was 
his sponsor in confirmation ; the latter allowed Justus to 
take his name instead of that other of ill omen.^ 

As the Holy Year had begun on December 31st, 1599, its 
completeness demanded that its closure should take place 
on the same date in 1600. But a fresh attack of gout on the 
part of the Pope caused a further delay, and it was only on 

1 According to the *Avviso of June 17, 1600, two heretics made 
their abjuration on Sunday, who had first been confessed by the 
Pope. (Urb. 1068, Vatican Library). According to the *Avviso 
of August 5 (ibid.) the company of the SS. Trinita de' Pellegrini 
on that day brought 40 Protestants who had returned to the 
Church to the Pope, who entertained them. The number of 400 
converts (Manni, 169) must be an exaggeration, as according to 
the *Diarium of J. Grimaldi " 122 haeretici hospitati " at the 
expense of the Pope, which conversions were for the most part 
the work of the Jesuits ; " 73 erano Germani, 23 Galli, et Gene- 
venses, 12 Angli, 9 Scoti, i Hibemus, i Transilvanus, i Hungarus, 
I Suevus, I Saxo " (Barb. 2210, Vatican Library). The Calvinist 
preacher, Arnulph Martin, gave the reasons for his conversion in 
a special work ; see RAss, IIL, 473 seq. 

2 Cf. BuscHBELL, Zur Biographic des Justus Calvinus (Baronius) 
Veterocastrensis in Hist. Jahrb., XXII. , 298 seqq., which informa- 
tion I have been able to complete by the *brief of December 12, 
1 60 1 (Papal Secret Archives) printed in App. n. 22. A *brief 
to Philip III. of May 2, 1602, recommends to him the Genevese 
convert " Petrus Boverus." Arm. 44, t. 46, n, 131, Papal Secret 


January 13th, 1601, that he was able to carry out the solemn 
function. 1 

According to the testimony of all contemporaries, the 
number of pilgrims who went to Rome during the Holy Year 
was very large, especially at Easter.^ The charitable insti- 
tutions with which Rome was filled, for it possessed more than 
the whole of England, stood the test.^ As before, the hospice 
of the Trinita de' Pellegrini, founded by Philip Neri,^ was 

^ Cf. *Avvdsi of January 3 and 18, 1601, Urb. 1069, Vatican 
Library. For the extension of the jubilee to foreign countries see 
Manni, 172 seq., and Noxhen, Jubeljahre, 126. 

2 See Bentivoglio, Memorie, 128. Cf. *Avvisi of 1600: 
March 22 (so many pilgrims that the Trinita de' Pellegrini is not 
sufficient), April i (the Trinita provided for more than 6000 
pilgrims), April 19, 22, 29 (" e miraculoso il concorso de' forastieri 
in Roma tutto il giorno "), May 13 (the number of pilgrims 
present here to-day is estimated at about 50,000), May 25 (15,000 
pilgrims have gone, but there are still many here). May 31 (yester- 
day at the Trinita about 2,500 women ; arrival of 13 companies ; 
very many foreigners), June 7 (the crowds contmue ; every 
evening at the Trinita more than 13,000 persons ; so far the 
confraternity has expended 30,000 scudi), September 16 (the 
arrival of companies of pilgrims is beginning anew), September 27 
(2,500 persons at the Trinita), November 11 (very many pilgrims), 
December 12 (satisfaction of the Pope at the great number and 
the piety of the pilgrims), December 27 (the number of foreigners 
is extraordinary). Urb. 1068, Vatican Library. See also the 
*brief of May 12, 1600, to the " Vicerex Siciliae " (request for 
more grain on account of the number of the pilgrims) and the 
*brief of August2 to Philip IIL (" ingens peregrinorummultitudo"; 
request for corn) Arm. 44, t. 44, n. 137, 221, Papal Secret Archives. 
At St. Peter's alone 41,239 masses were celebrated during the 
Hoi}'- Year, and 318,900 communions given (*Diarium of J. 
Grimaldi, see supra, p. 271, n, 2. For the German pilgrims see 
Lang, Bruderschaftsbuch der Anima (1900), 144 ; Schmidlin, 
445 seq. ; De Waal, loc. dt. 

^ See Thurston, 290. 

* Cf. the *Avvisi of April i. May 31, and September 27, 1600, 
Urb, 1068, Vatican Library, 


pre-eminent ; the Pope, the Cardinals, the aristocracy, and 
above all Flaminia Aldobrandini, gave such abundant alms^ 
that this institution, which hired many houses, had been 
able to give hospitality to 8,000 pilgrims by the end of 
January 1600. According to careful estimates the hospice 
gave lodging and food to half a million pilgrims. As 
many more found a welcome in the other hospices, 
while there were others who were received in the 
many convents and private houses. ^ Thus the estimate 
of 1,200,000 pilgrims in all is not excessive.^ In this 
way the Church and her head could hail the dawn 
of the XVIIth century with high hopes. The past 
century which, by reason of the great apostacies in the 

1 In the Diario of Presutti cited in the following note, the alms 
are given exactly. 

* See the work by Ac. Valiero, De iubilaei {supra, p. 271, n. 2) ; 
Mann I, 157 ; Presutti, Diario e memona delle cose avvenute et 
governo dell'archiconfraternita del Pellegrnii della Sant™'''' 
Trinita a Ponte Sisto Tanno del Giubileo 1600, published from 
Cod. ottob. 737 in the periodical Cosmos cath., Rome, 1900. 
The charitable work of the confraternities was all the more 
necessary, in that in Rome the inns were insufficient ; in 1587 
there were only 687 and only 350 " camere locande," see Arch. 
Rom., VII., 523 n. 2. 

^ See Theod. a Spiritu Sancto (Ord. Carm.), Tractatus de 
iubilaeo, Rome, 1701, 61, and Strocui, Anni Santi, Faenza, 1824. 
The statement in Kraus, Kirchengesch., Treves, 1896, 576, that 
there were three million pilgrims, is an exaggeration. But it is 
quite wrong when in Herzogs Realenzyklop. it is stated that the 
crowds at the jubilee were only moderate. Also the statement 
of Brosch (I., 322) that the number of pilgrims was only moderate, 
is more niggardly than the former, and quite false. In the 
Diario of Presutti (previous note) such exact figures are given 
that there is no possibility of doubting them. It is there estab- 
lished by figures how much larger the number of pilgrims was in 
1600 than it had been in 1575. The *Diarium of J. Grimaldi 
{supra, p. 271, n. 2) shows that whereas in 1575 the number of 
confraternities from without was about 400, this had increased 
in 1600 to more than 600, 


north and centre of Europe had perhaps been one of the most 
disastrous in the long history of the Church, had also been 
one of the most consoling, because during its second half there 
had come the great change brought about by Catholic reform 
and restoration. 


The Controversy on Grace. 

The dispute concerning the doctrine of grace, which had 
arisen between the Dominican Order and the Society of Jesus, 
and had become steadily embittered, led in the time of 
Clement VIII. to very serious strife. After the celebrated 
book concerning freedom and grace by the Jesuit Luis Molina 
(died 1600) had stated the point at issue in the most exact 
possible form, it seemed to have become necessary to transfer 
the discussion to Rome, under the eye of the Pope himself, 
in order to arrive at an agreement. Nevertheless, the dis- 
cussions lasting through many years, and conducted by the 
most learned doctors in the presence of the Pope himself, 
were unable to attain the desired end or any immediate 
result ; the keen expectation with which Catholics and 
Protestants throughout Europe, and later on the princes and 
diplomatists awaited the issue, had to remain satisfied with 
seeing both opinions tolerated by the Church for the time 
being. 1 

^ The manuscript material for the history of the controversy 
is superabundant, but consists for the most par^ of letters and 
reports which relate mere hearsay, or bear the evident impress of 
passion and uncertainty. The library which is richest in valuable 
documents on the controversy is the Angelica Library, Rome 
(H. Narducci, Catalogus codd. mss. praeter graecos et orientales 
in bibl. Angelica, Rome, 1893 ; cf. Sommf.rvogel, Bibliothcque, 
v., 1 1 70 seq.). The so-called Acta of the Congregations de 
auxiliis, which bear the name of Pefia or of Thomas de Lemos, 
were declared unworthy of credence by a decree of the Inquisition 
of April 23, 1654 (published in Astrain, IV., x-xii) when the 
Jansenists sought to make use of them [cf. Analecta iuris pontif., 
I., 1226). A description of the controversy from the Jansenist 



Delight in a learned scholastic dispute was not the only 
reason why the Jesuits turned all their skill and energy to so 
thorny and obscure a problem. Grace and free will, pre- 
destination and eternal punishment, had become burning 
questions during the period of the Protestant schism. 
According to Calvin, God has predestined everyone a priori, 
even before foreseeing his good or evil works, either to eternal 
happiness or eternal flames. The views of Luther as to this 
matter were almost the same, since, as man in his opinion was 
not possessed of free will, it followed that not even his eternal 
destiny could depend upon his own will. Accordingly this, 
whether it were happy or unhappy, was allotted to him purely 
by divine predestination, without his being able to change it 
in the slightest degree. 

To-day it will perhaps seem strange that any such doctrine 
can have met with so much support in the XVIth century. 
By way of explanation it may be remarked that the numerous 
priests and monks who became preachers and teachers of 
the people among the innovators, found some comfort in 
being able to attribute their own fault to an inevitable destiny. 
Moreover the immutable divine predestination was made use 
of, as a proof of the fundamental principles of the innovators 
concerning the denial of free will, and the uselessness of good 
works. But whatever may have been the reason, the fact 

point of view was first given by the Dominican Gi.^coMO Giacinto 
Serky, under the pseudonym Augustin Le Blanc, Historiae 
Congregationum de auxiliis divinae gratiae sub summis Pontifi- 
cibus Clemente VIIL et Paulo V., libri quattuor, Mayence, 1699, 
and later from the reply of Livinus de Meyere under his real 
name (Antwerp, 1709). The documents from the Angelica 
Library printed there are of value. De Meyere also first wrote 
under a pseudonym : Historiae controversiae de divinae gratiae 
auxiliis sub summis Pontificibus Sixto V, Clemente VIIL et 
Paulo v., libri sex, auctore Theodoro Eleutherio. A second 
edition, Venice, 1742, is a fresh defence against Serry (Historiae 
controversiae . . . ab obiectionibus R. P. Hyacinth! Serry 
vindicatae, libri tres, Brussels, 171 5) under his real name. Cf. 
AsTRAiN, IV., x-xvi ; Schneemann, 339 seqq. 


remains that under the influence of the Protestant preachers 
this terrible doctrine penetrated among every class of the 
people. " Who can resist the will of God ? " was to be heard 
from the lips of quite ordinary folk. " If He wishes to save 
us for all eternity, then we shall be saved, but if He does not 
so wish, then we shall be lost. God knows our destiny from 
all eternity ; from all eternity it has been irrevocably decreed. 
Why then should we take trouble and wear ourselves out, 
why should we do good works ? "^ Naturally the moral 
consequences of such opinions could not fail to be deplorable. 
In the Book of the Exercises, Ignatius of Loyola points out 
that certain people were arriving at the above conclusion 
from the doctrine of predestination, and were for that reason 
neglecting good works. Nevertheless he urges caution in 
speaking of such matters ; he says that ordinarily, pre- 
destination should not be dealt with, but that if, as an 
exception, this should be done, care must be taken to ensure 
that the common folk do not arrive at erroneous conclusions. 
In like manner the pow^r of divine grace must not be 
exaggerated in such a way as to impair human freedom.- 
The disciples of Loyola had followed this warning of their 
master, and from the first, and long before Molina, had 
treated the mysteries of predestination and grace in such a 
way as not to infringe in the least degree on the freedom of 
man ; they had from the first been opposed to those learned 

^ Franc. Romakus (General of the Dominicans), De libertate 
operum a necessitate, Lyons, 1638, 142, in Schnkemann, 173 seq. 

* No debemos hablar mucho de la predestinacion per via de 
costumbre, mas si en alguna manera y algunas vezes se hablare, 
asi se hable, que le pueblo nienudo no venga en eror alguno, como 
algunas vezes suele, diciendo, si tengo de ser salvo o condemnado, 
ya esta determinado, y per my bien hazer o mal no puede ser ya 
otra cosa, y con esto entorpeciendo se descuydan en las obras que 
conducen a la salud y provecho spiritual de sus animas. . . . 
Assimismo no debemos hablar tan largo instando tanto en la 
gragia que se engendre veneno para cpiitar la libertad etc. 
Ejercicios espirituales de S. Ignacio de Loyola. Reproduccion 
fototipica del original, Rome, 1908, 63 seq. 


systems in which human freedom seemed to them to be 
threatened.^ This explains how it was that, when the book 
and doctrine of Molina was in question, the whole Society of 
Jesus rallied to his side. 

Before Molina had come forward as a writer, he had long 
taken counsel with himself and others as to the subject to 
which he could best devote the fruits of his scientific studies 
for the greater advantage of the Church. In the end he 
resolved upon an exhaustive treatise as to the best way to 
reconcile grace and liberty.^ The main thesis and the end 
of his book is therefore an examination of that conclusion 
which was at that time so often propounded : if the divine 
decree which assigns to me heaven or hell is fixed and sealed 
from all eternity, then my free will has no influence upon my 
destiny. He aimed at scientifically examining this sophism 
which denied free will, and at refuting it. 

The solution of this difficulty which Molina puts forward 
is fundamentally very simple. All men whom He has created 
or will create, or could create are present in the mind of God 
from all eternity. He also foresees the countless situations 
and different circumstances in which it is possible for each 
of these to find himiself ; he also foresees how each one will 
act in each of these circumstances, especially under the 
interior influence of grace. He foresaw, for example, that the 
Apostle Peter would deny the Saviour when the servant maid 
accosted him in the courtyard of the high priest, and that he 
would rise again after his fall, when, together with the interior 
action of grace, the look of Christ met his own. If then 
God wished to permit the fall of the Apostle or bring about 
his conversion, it would be sufficient that he should allow 
Peter to go to the courtyard of the high priest and that the 
servant maid should attack him with her provocative words ; 
it would be sufficient that he should allow the grave and gentle 
look of Christ to meet that of the Apostle ; if he falls the 
fault is his own, since according to the will of God he could 

^ ScoRRAiLLE, I., 357 scqq. ; Schneemann, 161 seqq, 

^ SCORRAJLLE, I., 4-?^ n, 


and should have resisted the temptation ; if he rises again 
after his fall, the merit is his ; neither the look of the God-Man, 
nor the interior action of grace have destroyed the freedom 
of his conversion. 

According to Molina then, so-called efficacious grace is, it is 
true, infallibly united to the consent of the will, for otherwise 
it would no longer be efficacious grace, but this infallible 
efficacy comes from the foreknowledge of God, so that the will 
really co-operates with this determinate grace in these 
determinate circumstances, even though in se and per se it 
could resist it.^ " God has compassion," says St. Augustine, 
" upon him who is called by Him in the manner which He- 
knows will be suitable to him, so long as he does not reject 
His invitation."^ 

Molina's bitter adversary, Domenico Baiies (died 1604) 
held quite a different view of the question.^ Whereas the 

^ This knowledge which God has of the free acts which a creature 
would do, if it finds itself in certain circumstances, was called 
" scientia media," because it stands half way between the 
knowledge which God has of the purely possible and of the actual. 

* " Sic eum vocat quomodo scit ei congntere, ut vocantem non 
respuat " (Ad Simplicianum, i. i, q. 2, in Migne, Patr. lat., XL., 
119). From this passage is derived the name of " congruism " 
in the Jesuit system. As to this cf. H. Ouilliet in Diet, de 
theologie cath., III., Paris, 1908, 1120-1138; concerning the 
doctrine of St. Augustine E. Portalie, ibid. I. (1903), 2386-2392 ; 
Hergenrother-Kirsch, Handbuch der allg. Kirchengesch., i.*, 
Freiburg, 1902, 549. 

* The original principles of the system of Bafies were already 
to be found in Francisco de Vittona and Peter Soto {cf. Frins, 
470 seqq.) but they were not fully developed before Baiies, so that 
he passes for the real founder. " As the principle representative, 
and also probably as the champion of the Thomist system, we 
must name Dom. Baiies." (Atzberger in Scheeben, Hand- 
buch der kath. Dogmatik, IV., i, Freiburg, 1898, 221 ; cj. 
Gutberlet-Heinrich, Dogmatische Theologie, VIII. , Mayence, 
1897, 446). While Baiies was still living not all the Dominicans 
were followers of his doctrine on grace (Scorraille, I., 359 seqq. ; 
Frins, 344 seqq.). For the earlier theologians from the time of 


Jesuit theologian started with the free will of man, the 
Dominican fixed his attention before all else upon the power 
and operation of God, which embraces everything and pene- 
trates everything, and without which the creature is absolutely 
helpless. And since the existence of the creature is incon- 
ceivable without the creative and conservative power of God, 
the same thing, according to Catholic doctrine, applies to the 
acts of the creature ; God must co-operate in every human 
act, and these must also receive from Him their origin and 
their impetus ; for every act of the creature springs from 
the desire for something which contains a certain good for 
him who aspires to it. But this tendency of the will towards 
its own good is implanted in it by God, and all man's actions 
have their origin in it ; the Creator makes use of it in order 
to spur men on to act. Thus even the free acts of men have 
their origin in God, and it is God who causes the free will to 
embrace the object of its desires. 

So far there are no differences of opinion between the 
Catholic schools, but in what follows they diverge. According 
to some, such as Molina, this divine impulse may be affected 
by the free action of the will, in so far as that, in contrast to 
the original will of God, it may receive a tendency towards 
illusory good. But this kind of auto-dominion on the part 
of the creature was emphatically attacked by Banes. In his 
view, the majesty of God, his unlimited sovereignty over all 
created things, and the idea of divine omnipotence, demanded 
that every manifestation of the human will, both in its essence 
and its extension, down to the smallest detail, must be 
completely dependent upon the influx and predisposition of 
God. Free will makes its own decision, but is always and 
exclusively determined to that decision to which the influx 
of God has predestined and predisposed it, and it is infallibly 
certain from the first that it will not decide in favour of any 
other. But the influx of God into the will is not manifested 
by inspirations, warnings or attractions, that is to say by 

Anselm of Canterbury cf. Lud. de San, Tractatus de Deo Uno, I., 
Louvain, 1894, 426 seqq., 527 seqq. 


moral means, but by direct influx, which consists, as it is 
called in controversial terminology in the schools, by " physical 
predetermination." Despite all this, according to Banes, 
free will remains, because in all things God works in con- 
formity with the nature of things ; necessary causes he makes 
to operate of necessity, free causes he makes to operate with 
freedom ; thus even freedom of action is produced by Him. 

What has been said holds good in the case of the purely 
natural actions of man, and also holds good in the case of 
those acts which call for a supernatural influence, that is to 
say the grace of God. According to Banes, efficacious grace 
in the supernatural order corresponds to the physical pre- 
determination and predisposition in the supernatural order. 
Lacking this efficacious grace, the will cannot bring itself to 
act ; but where it is present, then it infallibly produces 
precisely that determination of the will, which is pre-ordained. 
In the case of inefficacious graces, Baiies naturally adheres 
to the term already in use among theologians, of " sufficient " 
grace, but these " sufficient " graces only give the will the 
power to act, which, however, can never be transformed 
into act.^ 

As we can see, the scholastic dispute here touches 
upon the most profound depths of the inmost life of 
the soul : the mysterious mingling of divine and human 
action in the heart of man, the infinite variety of the 
devices which the divine love employs for the conquest of 
the soul of man, the thrice incomprehensible decrees of 
election and reprobation, the depths of which a Paul^ thought 
that he could not better honour than by a reverent silence. 

1 More fully in J. Pokle, Lehrbuch der Dogmatik, II*., 
Paderborn, 1909, 45S seqq., 474 seqq. ; Heinrich-Gutberlet, 
Dogmatische Theologie, VHI., Mayence, 1897, 446 saqq. ; 
MoRGOTT in Freib. Kirchenlexikoii,^ I., 1952 seqq. ; VIII., 1737 
seqq. The historian cannot escape a more detailed explanation 
of the controverted matter, and even Ranke found himself 
obliged to attempt it (Piipste, II.*, 19/!). This is not the place to 
dwell upon the many errors of Ranke. 

2 Epist. ad Rom., II., 33. 


The necessary presupposition and foundation for under- 
standing and appreciating the dispute is that doctrine of 
Christianity which, intimately united to the dogmas of the 
Most Holy Trinity and the Incarnation, offers the strongest 
possible contrast to every kind of rationalism and superficial 
naturalism, namely the doctrine of the natural and the 

According to the Catholic doctrine man is destined to a 
supernatural end, that is to an end to which he would have 
no right by his nature, and to which he is incapable of attaining, 
or even of imagining by his natural powers alone. This means 
that he is to be admitted in eternity to the direct contempla- 
tion of God, a thing to which per se none would have a right 
but the only-begotten Son of God, who by His Incarnation 
became the brother of man, raised him to the sonship of God, 
and made him his co-heir. To this sublime end there corres- 
ponds on earth a mysterious raising of the justified man in 
the order of grace. He is no longer only the servant of God, 
but by means of justif5dng grace he becomes His son ; his 
soul is ennobled, as a wild tree by a noble grafting, his spiritual 
nature is as it were transfigured by sanctifying grace, his 
intellect by the infused virtue of faith, his will by the infused 
virtue of charity. Eternal glory therefore is not cast to the 
thus ennobled soul as a pure alms, but it is enabled on the 
contrary to gain it for itself. But since the natural powers 
of man are not sufficient for this purpose, God comes to his 
assistance with that kind of grace, concerning which the 
dispute between the Jesuits and the Dominicans arose : 
prevenient and co-operating grace, which consists in the 
illumination of the intelligent and the incitement of the will. 
This assistance of grace is an absolutely gratuitous gift of God, 
and all that man can do by means of his natural powers is 
insufficient to merit it ; but once furnished with it he is in a 
position, not only to merit an increase of justifying grace, 
but also the crown of eternal glory. 

These remarks show that the efficacy of this assistance of 
grace offers further enigmas to the keen intellect. The mani- 
festations of the will which are developed under its influence 


cannot of their nature be operated b}- any but God, for 
otherwise they would no longer be supernatural. But at 
the same time, according to the whole of their interior essence 
they must come from the free will, since the question at issue 
is precisely the activity of freedom. The operation of God 
and that of man must therefore be united, just as in red-hot 
iron the metal is united with the fire, but the manner in 
which this takes place still remains obscure. To this is added 
the difficulty of reconciling the rights of freedom with the 
supreme authority of God, which shines forth yet more in 
the supernatural order than in the merely natural order. 
God cannot be deprived of his supreme sovereignty over his 
creature, yet if He creates free beings, it seem.s that he is 
renouncing a part of his rights over His creature. A third 
and a vast difficulty is presented by the mystery of the choice 
of grace. As grace cannot be mierited, the beginning of the 
supernatural life as well as the distribution of graces to 
individual men can only come from God. Now God in 
distributing His graces sincerely wills that all men should 
co-operate with them, and thus attain to eternal glory. But 
in the case of many he foresees that they will not actually 
attain to this by means of the graces given to them, although 
they could do so. Why then does He not give them other 
graces ? In every case it is for reasons dictated by His wisdom ; 
and who can say or imagine what those reasons may be ? 
When it was a case of the scientific discussion of the true 
issue of the dispute, yet another difficulty had to be taken 
into consideration : the taking into account of the opinions 
of the Fathers of the Church and of the scholastics. This 
was above all the case with St. Augustine, the master of grace, 
and St. Thomas Aquinas. Thus both one and the other were 
claimed as their own by the representatives of the tvvo 

It is no matter for surprise then that differences of opinion 
should have arisen even among Catholic theologians over a 
question of such difficulty, and that neither view was able 
to throw light upon all its obscurities. In the view of Molina 
it remained an impenetrable mystery how God could foresee 

VOL. XXIV. 19 


the free acts of the will which were never to be realized ; 
for this knowledge no satisfactory explanation is to be found. 
It would not seem at first sight that the school of Baiies felt 
any difficulty on this point ; according to this God had ab 
aeterno predestined the free decisions of his creatures, and 
therefore knows them just as He knows His own will. But 
at once the question arises : to what purpose should God 
make milliards of decrees of predestination concerning milliards 
of possible acts ? Such decrees do not seem to have been 
invented for any other purpose than to give the theologian 
a way of explaining the prescience of God on the strength of 
them. Other difficulties as well result from the theories 
of the Dominican theologian. He w^as naturally bound to 
hold firmly that man possesses free will, and that God is 
not the author of sin ; he must admit with the Council of 
Trent that it is also possible to reject grace if one wills. But 
the explanations of this point given by the followers of Banes 
seem to other theologians to be forced and artificial.^ It 
was brought against them that they were teaching a sufficient 
grace which was not enough for anything in practice, a liberty 
which was tied hand and foot, a power to resist grace which 
could never amount to a real resistance, and therefore did 
not deserve the name of power. To this was added that, 
according to the point of view of the Dominicans, it is difficult 
to explain how God does not become the author of sin. 

From these brief remarks it will in any case be understood 
that the historian cannot pass over the dispute which arose, 
by describing it as a mere monks' quarrel. The question 
concerns one of the most sublime and profound doctrines 
of Christianity, a question to which a man of intelligence 
and heart might very well devote all his powers. 

The dispute between the two schools had alread}/ made 
itself felt in the discussions between Lessius and the theo- 

1 According to some of the followers of Banes tlie infallible 
efficacy of grace together with liberty is " a mystery as impene- 
trable by human knowledge " as that of the Most Holy Trinity-. 
MoRGOTT in Freib. Kirchenlexikon, I.^ 1957. 


logical faculty of Lou vain. A greater uproar first arose on 
the occasion of a disputation at Salamanca, on January 20th, 
1582, at which the Jesuit Prudencio di Montemayor had to 
defend a series of propositions, in the course of which he was 
attacked by Banes. ^ These propositions contained nothing 
that could have provoked the Dominicans. This is clear 
from the fact that a friend and disciple of Bafies, the Trinitar- 
ian Francisco Zumel, had accepted the presidency at this 
ecclesiastical tourney. But while the difficult question of 
the liberty of Christ was under discussion,^ the matter passed 
at length from objection to objection, and from reply to repl}' 
on the burning question of the doctrine of grace, and went 
so far that Bailes and the Dominican Guzman described the 
replies of the Jesuit as heretical. There then intervened 
in the discussion the celebrated theologian and poet Luis de 
Leon of the Order of St. Augustine. Under the impression 
that such strong expressions were only being employed out of 
hatred for the Jesuits, he chivalrously took up their defence. 
Montemayor retired into the background and all eyes were 
turned on the celebrated Augustinian. Even after the closure 
of the theological disputation the discussion was carried 
on with vehemence. Names such as " Pelagian " for Luis 
de Leon, and " Lutheran " for the Dominicans, filled the air, 
and when several days later it was rumoured that the dis- 
cussion was to be resumed in a further disputation, the hall 
was crowded with the curious. Once more Banes and Luis 
de Leon battled vehemently with each other. This time 
the Jesuits were silent, but in justification of their theory 
they arranged for January 27th a disputation at their own 
college, at which the question was discussed why, of two 
men who find themselves under the influence of the same 
grace, one may be converted and the other remain impenitent. 

^ AsTRAiN, 129-146. (When m future we cite Astrain without 
giving the volume, we are always referring to Vol. IV.). The 
second trial of Luis de Leon in Ciudad de Dios, XLI. (1896), 
32 seqq., 102 seqq., 182 seqq., 273 seqq. 

^ See PoHLE, Lerbuch der Dogmatik, II.*, 109, for the matter 
at issue. 


The Hieronymite Juan de Santa Cruz then laid before the 
Inquisition^ sixteen propositions as having been defended 
by Luis de Leon and Montemayor, and the Hcenciate Juan 
de Arrese at once appeared at Salamanca to open the process 
against four principal offenders. The Dominicans had in 
meantime collected signatures against the accused, and 
issued a warning that no one must declare himself on the 
side of the Jesuits as the cause was pending before the Holv 
Office. In spite of this, at Valladolid all the doctors of repute, 
with the exception of the Dominicans, took the side of the 
Jesuits ; in Andalusia even some members of the Order of 
Preachers pronounced in their favour, so that it is evident 
from this as well as from other attestations, that at that time, 
at the beginning of the dispute, not all the colleagues of 
Bailes shared his views concerning the doctrine of grace. ^ 

Arrese, who was to conduct the process, at once found 
himself in an impasse. The accuser, Juan de Santa Cruz, 
had not been present at the first disputation, and it was quite 
clear from the statements of Luis de Leon that his theses 
had been very incorrectly formulated. The opinions of the 
Spanish universities, to which Arrese had appealed, were 
not in agreement. At Alcala it was held that both views, 
that of the Jesuits, as well as that of Bafies, were probable ; 
one of Banes' was, however, found fault with, but this had 
no bearing upon the doctrine of grace. ^ It would seem that 
the doctors of Salamanca were of the opposite opinion.* 
Then the Jesuits asked, in the name of justice, that their 
reasons should be heard before a judgment was formed ; 
they had gone into this question much more thoroughly 
than the others, and their view was safe, or at least worthy 

^ Reprinted from Ciudad de Dies, XXXVL in Astrain, 133 seq., 
and Mandonnei, O.P. in Diet, de theologie oath., II., 143. 

* AstrAin, 133. 
^ Ibid. .T43. 

* Arrese at anyrate wrote on April 24, 1582 : " Les calificaciones 
de Alcala son muy diferentes de lo que en esta Universidad 
(Salamanca) se tratta " (Astrain, 143). Further particulars are 
not kno-\vn. 


of preference.^ Luis de Leon even spread the report that 
the propositions of the Jesuits would shortly be declared 
safe in Rome.^ 

Almost two \ears elapsed before a judgment v/as pro- 
nounced. At last, on Februar}- 3rd, 1584, Luis de Leon, 
the principal culprit, was cited to appear before the Grand 
Inquisitor, Cardinal Ouiroga, and was reprimanded for his 
faults, wLich had been confirmed in the light of the acta. 
He was warned to refrain from maintaining, either in public 
or in any other way, the propositions M^hich, it would appear, 
he had defended. Montemayor too received an admonition 
from the Grand Inquisitor and from his Provincial ; he was 
no longer to be employed in lecturing. Montema^'or com- 
plained to his General, and among other things pointed out 
that he had only defended what he had been taught by his 
professors, among whom he named Suarez and Toledo.^ 
Some 3'ears later, with the consent of Quiroga, Montema3'or 
was again teaching theology at Toledo.'* 

The questions raised at Salamanca were only a prelude 
to the great struggle that was soon to follow. It was shown 
that the burning question of the efficacy of grace had for a 
long time past been eagerly discussed among the Jesuits, 
and that on the whole the question had been harmoniously 
settled, but that there still remained certain obscure matters 

1 " Porque ellos han estudiado ests materia de proposito con 
mas cuidado que ottos y daran a entender que es lo cierto, e lo 
menos lo qwe conviene lo que ellos dicen." Arrese, loc. cit., 
193 seq. 

2 Ibid. 144. 

' Lo tercero, y lo que principalmente hace en mi descargo, es 
que la doctrina que yo defend! no fue inventada de mi cabeza, 
sino leida, dictada y ensenada por mis maestros. . . . Asi la leyo 
el P. Miguel Marcos, mas largamente el P. Francisco Suarez y el 
P. Bartolome Perez [de NuerosJ que son los maestros que yo he 
tenido en mis estudios. El P. Toledo tambien la leyo en su 
primera parte. To Aquaviva, Medina del Campo, July 27, 1585, 
in AsTRAiN, 145. 

* Ibid. 146. 


of detail, which showed that a thorough scientific examination 
of the difficult question was indispensable. The ground was 
therefore prepared for that work which for ten years held 
the whole of Europe in a state of suspense, the work of Molina 
upon the relations between grace and liberty. This was 
published at List on at the end of 1588. ^ As far as its outward 
appearance was concerned it was one of the least imposing 
of that author's works, yet that modest quarto volume has a 
history such as few books in the world can boast. A few 
years before Baiies too had set forth his views on the same 
subject, not in a work specially devoted to grace, but in 
various parts of his commentaries on the Summa of 
St. Thomas.''^ 

Three Jesuits had been charged by their Portuguese 
province to examine the work of Molina, among them Jorge 
Serrano, who v;as held in high esteem by the Inquisition, 
Molina wished that, on the strength of the favourable opinion 
of Serrano, a nihil obstat might be asked for the publication 
without any further censorship, because he was afraid of the 
Dominicans, upon whose judgement depended the permission 
to print the book. The other Jesuits, on the other hand, 
thought that the usual course should be followed, and that 
not the least distrust of the Dominicans ought to be shown. 
Molina had hardly handed over his manuscript to the censor, 
Bartolomeo Ferreira, when there began disputes about his 
book, which seemed destined to be the apple of discord 
between the parties.^ Ferreira was bombarded with accu- 
sations against Molina ; it was naturally supposed that the 
Jesuit propositions which had been found fault with at 
Salamanca would be found in the took ; the confessor of the 
Grand Inquisitor, the Dominican De las Cuevas, brought 

1 Concordia liberi arbitrii cum gratiae donis, divina praescientia, 
providentia, praedestiiiatione et reprobatione (4°, 512 pp.). 

2 Scholastica commentaria in primam partem Angelici D. 
Thomae usque ad sexagesimam quartam quaestionem com- 
plectentia, Salamanca, 1584. 

3 AstrXin, 147-175. 


forward the judgment in which those propositions had been 
found fault with, while other Dominicans thought that the 
lionour of St. Dominic demanded a refusal of the permission 
to print. Ferreira, who was not opposed to the Jesuits, 
informed Molina of these accusations. The latter was not 
the man to stand and watch these attacks with folded hands, 
and he pointed out that Ferreira had not been appointed 
censor of the Inquisition in order to protect the interests of 
the Dominican Order ; he had in no case taught the pro- 
positions found fault with at Salamanca, and Ferreira could 
satisfy himself as to this. If there were anything in his book 
which called for blame, in that case he himself would ask for 
its prohibition.^ 

The unexpected end of all this was that Ferreira was 
persuaded, and gave the book that was the subject of so many 
attacks a glowing imprimatur. In this he states that the work 
contained nothing that was not in accordance with our religion, 
and that many passages taken from the Councils and the 
Holy Scriptures were explained and elucidated therein very 
happily. He therefore considered the work worthy of 
publication, and of advantage to the whole Church. In 
accordance with this, in the middle of July the prmting was 
begun, and on January 6th, 1589, Molina went to the 
governor. Cardinal Albert, in order to present him with the 
first copy. 

While the book was being printed its adversaries did not 
remain with folded hands, and Molina was soon made to 
realize that their efforts had not been ineffectual. Cardinal 
Albert received the first copy coldly and forbade the sale of 
the edition until further orders. Molina then asked for a strict 
examination of his work, adding the request that the objections 
should be made only in writing, and signed with the name of 
the critic. He pointed out that a favourable judgment had 
been passed upon his book by three of his brethren in religion 
and by Ferreira, that he had sent it to the royal council, both 

1 On the streiigth of some letters from Molina to Aquaviva, 
January 28, 1589, in Astrain, 152 seq. 


of Castille and Aragon, so that it might be examined there, 
and that the objections only sprang from the jealousy of the 
Dominicans.^ At a second audience Molina was able to point 
out that not onl}- Ferreira, but some of the latter's colleagues 
as well, who had formerly been his adversaries, had described 
the work as a good book, after Ferreira had enabled them to 
read it, comparing the printed edition with the manuscript.^ 
This proved what Molina had confidently said to Ferreira, 
namely, that if only his book were read, there Vvould no longer 
be any question of suppressing it.^ Naturally not all the 
Dominicans passed a favourable judgment on Molina's 
volume, and some thought that they could detect in the book 
the theses which had been found fault with at Salamanca. 
The pressure they brought to bear upon De las Cuevas, the 
spiritual director of the governor, led to Cardinal Albert's 
causing Molina's book to be once more examined by the 
Dominican Cano. Cano thought that he discovered in it the 
very theses which had been found fault with in Castille, and 
thus it came about that Molina's work, which had already 
been so often examined, could not be sold for three months.^ 
But in the meantime Molina, about the end of February 
1589, had been informed of the state of the affair ; he therefore 
hastened to come to the rescue of his child of sorrow, by an 
apologetic work. He confessed that he was indeed the author 
of some of the disputed theses, but that there was no reason 
at all to suspect them of being erroneous or heretical. In 
the majority of cases, however, he proved that opinions were 
being attributed to him which he would never have dreamed 
of defending.^ In the meantime in Spain Molina's book had 
been judged by the royal council of Castille, as well as b}- 

1 Molina, loc. cit. in Astrain, 154 seq. 

* " Ellos la vieron y respondieron que estaba may buena y que 
habia dcclarado mucho." Molina, loc. cit. 156. 

^Astrain, 154. 

* De las Cuevas to ()uiroga, in Norbfrt del Prado, O.P., 
De gratia et libero arbitrjo, III., Freiburg, i. t)., 1907, 579 ; 
AstrAin, 157 sea, 

5 Astrain, 158, 


that of Aragon, in a manner highly honourable to the author, 
nor were any of his theses called in question there. ^ The 
Archduke Albert then gave permission for the sale of the 

So far, then, the attacks on Molina had had no other result 
than that his book had appeared under the protection of the 
Portuguese Inquisition, and with the arms and protection 
of the royal council of Castille and Aragon. Later on to these 
was added the approbation of the Castilian Inquisition.- 
Molina might be said to have been recompensed for his past 
troubles by the applause which he gained in far wider circles. 
Even during his life-time his book ran into new editions at 
Cuenca, Venice, Lyons and Antwerp.^ The professor of 
theology at Valladolid, Garcia Coronel, said that though it 
was true that the fundartiental idea of the book contained 
nothing new, and was to be found, in his opinion, clearly 
stated in Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, Molina was never- 
theless the first who had treated of the matter in detail, by 
solving the difficulties and building up the proofs ; theologians 
who had to fight against the heretics were grateful for the 
weapon which he placed in their hands. ^ Leonhard Lessius, 
who was in conflict with the doctrines of Baius at Lou vain, 
pronounced enthusiastically in favour of Molina,^ who defended 
the same opinion as to efficacious grace as himself. The 
opinion of Lessius is also of importance for the reason that 

^ Ibid. 156. 

* See infra, p. 300. 

* SoMMERVOGEL, IX., 683. The Antwerp edition of 1595, 
apart from some minor unessential differences, is distinguished by 
the addition of an appendix in which Molina defends himself 
against misunderstandings and attacks. In the editions of 
Cuenca, Venice and Lyons some paragraphs are replaced by new 
ones in which Molina again uses the arguments which he had 
previously employed (Sommekvogel, I.^*^ partie, W, 1169). 
Between 1602 and 1876 five further editions appeared. 

* Letter of October 17, 1600, in Astrain, 225. 

^ Letter to Bellarmine, m Le B,\CH5i,Er, BellarmJn avant son. 
cardinalat, 272. 


Francis of Sales, who was later on declared a doctor of the 
Church, declared that he ohared his views on the doctrine of 

New ideas, however, even though they are only such from 
this or that point of view, are hardly ever introduced in science 
without serious disputes, and certainly Molina's book offered 
man}'" points of attack. His opinions excited opposition both 
from Bellarmine^ and from many Jesuits in Spain. ^ These 
differences of opinion, however, do not in any way concern 
the question as to how efficacious grace may be reconciled with 
human freedom. Besides the principal object of his book, 
Molina also treats of many other matters, and it seemed to 
some that in these secondary questions he devoted too much 
space to the natural powers of man in regard to supernatural 
things. Others again found matte'r for blame in the expres- 
sions he used, but not in the substance of what he said.* 

The principal part in the struggle against Molina was under- 
taken in about 1590 by a scholar who has attached his name 
to the theor}^ of the Dominicans on grace as inseparably as 
Molina has done in the case of the corresponding theory of 
the Jesuits : Domenico Banes. Bancs was a distinguished 
theologian.^ Among the Dominicans who, together with 
Francisco de Vittoria, founded the so-called neo-scholasticism, 
he holds an outstanding place as a shrewd dialectician, and 
a profound student of metaphysics. As the influential 

1 Francis of Sales to Lessius, August 26, 1613 ; Schneemann, 
4 ; facsimile of the letter in Cretineau-Joly, III., 22. The 
doctrine of predestination of Lessius completely excludes the 
physical predetermination of Bafles ; see Schneemann, 325-327. 

2 Le Bachelet, Eellarmin, 292 ; Astrain, 163. For the 
attitude of Bellarmine towards Molina cf. Le Bachelet, 
Auctarium, 1-31. 

* Astrain, 164. 

* Schneemann, 220 seqq. 

'^ Cf. Morgott in Freib. Ktrchenlex., i"., 1951 seqq.; 
RL\ndonnet, in Diet, de theologie cath., IL, 145 ; V. Ehrle in 
Katholik, 1885, I., 415-424 ; Bei,tran de Her.edia in Im Ciencici^ 
lomista, XIV. (1922), 64-68. 


adviser of St. Teresa of Jesus, he became even more widely 
celebrated. By the concise and determined form which 
gives an impress to his intellectual originality, and by the 
positively fascinating influence which he exercised over those 
around him, he seemed destined to become the leader of a 
school ; he became so, in spite of his assertion that he did not 
intend to depart by even a finger's breadth from Thomas 
Aquinas. In the world of learning he displayed the independ- 
ence of his intellect by various paradoxical opinions.^ When 
confronted with the Jesuits his determination degenerated 
into bitterness and rancour ; when they were not of his way 
of thinking he described them as ignorant men, or men who, 
against their consciences, refused to recognize better doctrines; ^ 
in some respects he seems the spiritual heir of his master and 
fellow Dominican Melchior Cano. 

During the years 1590-1594 the Spanish Inquisition was 
preparing a supplement to its Index of prohibited books for 
Spain. Banes and his friend Zumcl were among the scholars 
whose opinion was asked concerning more recent publications. 
They attempted to aim a first blow at Molina by proposing 
that his MTitings, that is his book on grace, and his com- 
mentaries on St. Thomas, should be included among the 
prohibited books. ^ The attempt failed, and brought down 
upon its authors a denunciation that was not altogether 
harmless. Molina had learned of the plan, and addressed a 
letter* to the Inquisition in which from the defence of his book 
he passed on to the attack. He said that he had turned 
against Baiics and Zumel because their teaching on grace and 
free will was not reconcilable with the Council of Trent. 
Starting from the principles upon which Bafies based his proofs, 
the Lutherans had gone on to the absolute denial of free will. 
In proof of this he brought forward a list of texts from Luther, 

1 MoRGOTT, loc. cit. 195T. 

2 Cf. the passages from his " Kelectio de merito et augmento 
charitatis " (15Q0) in Astrain, 164 seq. 

' AstrAin, 165 seqq. 

* January, 1504, ihid, 166 seq. 


Calvin and Chemnitz, together with others from Baiies and 
Zumel. The title of this collection is remarkable, for in it 
Bafies is spoken of as the first to have introduced such doctrines 
into Spain. ^ It was perhaps on this occasion that the Spanish 
Inquisition itself examined the book of Molina and expressly 
gave it its approval.^ 

At the same time the Dominicans Mondragon and Avendafio 
sought to stir up a storm against the great Jesuit theologian 
Suarez, who in 1590 and 1592 had published, as the first fruits 
of his labours, two volumes on the Incarnation which had been 
received with great applause.^ When in October 1593, on 
the occasion of his being transferred from Alcala to Salamanca, 
Suarez paid a visit to the Grand Inquisitor Quiroga, the latter 
spoke to him on the subject, and thus gave him an opportunity 
of showing the falsity of the accusations.^ About a 3- ear later 
it was rumoured that the Dominicans were trying to get almost 
all the theological books written by Jesuits included in the list 
of prohibited books. ^ 

In the apologetic works of the Jesuits there occurs again 
and again a complaint at the manifest injustice of such 
attacks. The reason why they were being thus persecuted 
could not be found in the doctrines which they had taught, 
since others had taught the same things without their having 
provoked any attack. The historian certainly cannot 
describe this complaint as unfounded ; the passion displaj^ed 
by some of the Dominicans against the new Order is too 
manifest to allow of any such thing. On the other hand the 
bitterness is easy to explain. The young and rising Society 
of Jesus had in several cases entered the lists against the 
older Order, which v/as already covered with renown, and had 

^ Summa de las herejias de Lutero, Calbino y Chemnitio, que 
hacen a este proposito, y de lo que con ellos el Maestro Banes 
tiene impresa y introducido en Espana. Astrain, 168 n. 

^ Ibid. 168 ; cf. 159. 

^ ScoRRAiLLE, I., 251 seqq. 

* In a letter to Quiroga, January 15, 1594, m AstrAin, 169-173. 

^ Letter of H. de la Cerda, rector of the Jesuit college at Medina, 
ihid. 173 seq. 


won brilliant successes, especially in the field of pastoral work 
and teaching. How then could it have failed to seem unjust 
to certain Dominicans, who for centuries had borne the heat 
and burden of the day, that they should be left behind by 
these new-comers at the eleventh hour ? The Order of 
Preachers had jealously looked upon theological science as its 
privileged field. But now that the work of Molina, M'hich 
had made its appearance as the first book by a Jesuit on 
scholastic theology, had been folloM^ed by other important 
works by Molina himself and by Suarez, it seemed as though 
the younger Order was preparing to storm the last fortress 
of the older. The Dominicans would not have been a body 
of men, if there had not been them some of choleric 
temperament, who from the first looked with suspicion and 
jealousy upon the works of their special rivals, and who in 
their mistrust did not fail to find in their writings things 
which in reality were not there. In order to increase the 
tension yet further, it was only necessary for the ecclesiastical 
courts to pronounce in certain other juridical questions in 
favour of the Jesuits against the Dominicans.^ Bailes in 
particular, the senior professor at Salamanca, had been 
obliged, in the sight of the whole university, to submit to the 

^ The visitor Gil Gonzales Davila, in the exhortations which he 
sent in writing to the Jesuit pro\ince in Castille, says that the 
doctrine and the supposed diiferences from St. Thomas are only 
a pretext for the attacks of the Dominicans, and that the true 
reason was to be found in the fact that at Salamanca the Jesuits 
had associated themselves with the .Vugustmians, and that at 
Toledo, Soria and Salamanca the Dominicans had been surpassed 
by the Jesuits. The fact that Miguel ]Marcos had attacked 
Banes by name, and that some spoke in disparaging terms of the 
Dominicans, had served to pour oil on the Hames. " Hemos de 
procurar " concludes Davila, " que si es posible, tengamos paz 
con todod " (AstrAin, 174 seq.). Aquaviva had already written 
to Castille on August 12, 1585, that they must avoid disputes 
with the Dominicans, and should try on the contrary to treat 
them with great humility and keep very much on their guard. 
(ScoRKAiiXE, I., 250). 


humiliation of the sentence of the Spanish nuncio on the 
occasion of the dispute concerning the simple vows of the 
Jesuits. But in spite of all this, it was not the whole of the 
Order of Preachers, nor even perhaps a majority of its 
members, as became more and more clear, who allowed them- 
selves to be governed by hostility towards the Jesuits, although 
actually the over-zealous excesses of a single member attracted 
more attention than the moderate behaviour of a hundred 

The ever increasing tension reached its climax at 
Valladolid.i There, at the Gregorian College of the 
Dominicans, the declared adversary of the Jesuits vv^as 
Diego Nuno ; he set the doctrine of Molina before the students 
as being contrary to faith, and Molina himself as an ignorant, 
presumptuous and blaspheming man, and often attributed 
to his adversary opinions which the latter had expressly 
rejected and refuted. The horror aroused against the 
supposed heretic was manifested in the lecture halls by a 
general stamping of feet every time the name of Molina was 
mentioned.^ A colleague of Nuno prayed for the conversion 
of Molina, since he might become a dragon like the one in the 
Apocalypse, who swept away a third part of the stars of 
heaven.^ To complete the confusion, the most bitter anti- 
Jesuit among the Dominicans Alonzo de Avendafio, went to 
Valladolid to preach the Lent,, and inveighed frtm the pulpit 
against the new Order, though he did not mention it by name. 
Gradually even the best friends of the Jesuits began to be 
afraid lest not all these accusations which were hurled from 
the pulpit and the lecturer's chair, should prove to be purely 
imaginary. "^ 

The Jesuits then, to justify themselves, formed the idea 
of defending the doctrines of Molina at a public disputation, 

^ AsTRAiN, 176-200. 

^ Gonzalo Perogila, the advocate of the Jesuits, sent it in 
their name to the Inquisition (Astrain, 195 seq.). 
^ Ibid. 197. 
* Ibid. 177. 

The disputation. 303 

above all showing that he did not maintain the theses which 
were being attributed to him. This disputation took place 
on March 5th, 1594, but Nuno took care that it should not 
serve its purpose. Since all those Vv'ho were present were 
allowed to bring forward objections to the theses advanced 
for the defence, Nuiio availed himself of this right and declared 
certain theses which he attributed to the Jesuits to be heretical 
and erroneous. The Jesuit appointed to conduct the defence, 
and the president at the disputation, the Jesuit Antonio de 
Padilla, declared that the theses attacked were neither 
heretical nor to be found in Molina. The latter wished 1o 
prove this by reading certain passages from Molina's book, but 
Nuilo would not allow this ; he began to cry out in a loud 
voice that he had already adduced proofs that the passage 
which had been read was heretical, and continued thus to cry 
out when Padilla began to read another of the passages. 
Some of the bystanders tried to calm the angry man. " Let 
me be," he replied, " I am fighting for the faith." Then the 
Jesuit who was charged with replying to the objections lost 
patience, and addressed to him the contemptuous question : 
" Perhaps you have the keys of wisdom on your side ? " To 
which Nuilo rejoined that to speak like that was a sign of 
great pride. ^ 

Then Diego Alvarez began to speak, and he later on gave 
the best explanation of grace from the Dominican point of 
view. The Jesuits bear witness that his attitude was modest, 
and that he presented his case very well.^ But Nuno would 
not even now be silenced, and frequently interrupted the 
discussion, until at length Padilla permitted himself to 
remark that in scientific discussions it was not a question of 
strength of voice, but of strength of arguments. Nuno then 
rose with a clatter and said that Padilla's remark was an 
insult, and that he did not intend to submit to it ; he was 
going away and would not return any more, but would hold 
his own disputation concerning Molina at the Dominican 

^ Ibid. 179 seq. 
^ Ibid. 183. 


college. Not much better than the behaviour of Nuno was 
that of his colleague, Jeronimo de Vallejo, the man who said 
that Molina reminded him of the dragon in the Apocalypse.^ 
He read some passages from Molina, adding the remark that 
all that he had read was erroneous. He would not suffer 
anyone to reply to him, and went on reading and condemning.^ 
Two daj's after the disputation occurred the feast of St. 
Thomas Aquinas. Avendafio was to preach the panegyric 
of the saint, and if he had already on other occasions m.ade 
use of the pulpit to speak against the Jesuits during those 
days of commotion, he now surpassed himself. He applied 
to them the words of the prophet : " Their face is now made 
blacker than coals. "^ He said that certain people had begun 
well, but that now they were sinners like others ; then 
followed allusions to the disputation just held. " If God 
made anyone the master of the sun in the firmament, that 
man might say ; the light is mine." Therefore, if St. Thomas, 
the sun of the Church, is one of our number, then too the light 
which he radiates is ours, just as the keys of wisdom are 
ours and not yours ; our key is the true one, yours is but a 
pick-lock. You do not enter by the door, but enter as a 
thief, unlike us who hold firmly to clear and sound doctrine 
without turning aside to innovations.'* 

After his sermon Avendafio could justifiably boast of the 
severe blow that he had delivered against his adversaries ; 
the Jesuits might expect another and perhaps deeper injury 
from the disputation which Nufio had announced before he 
went away. They therefore addressed themselves to the 
Inquisition and asked that at least a book which had received 
the approbation of the Portuguese Inquisition should not be 
described by the Dominicans as an heretical book. Once 
more in this petition was expressed the complaint which the 
Jesuits had already put forward, namely that the reason 

^ See supra, p. 302. 
2 AsirAin, 183. 

* Lamentations, iv., 8. 

* AstrAin, 183 seqq. 


why they were being attacked was not to be found in questions 
of doctrine. The same theses had been defended at the 
chapter-general of the Franciscans as at their college, without 
the Dominicans who had been present raising any objection.^ 
In a report of the disputation on March 5th, and of the attitude 
taken up thereat by Nufio, this complaint was set forth in 
even greater detail. In this it is stated that at the chapter- 
general of the Benedictines these theses had been defended 
in the presence of Dominicans without causing any scandal. 
Even before the time of Molina this doctrine had been taught 
by Mancio at Salamanca, and at Alcala by Juan Alonso, 
afterwards Bishop of Leon. The same doctrine had been 
defended at Alcala by Deza, though it had been contested by 
Banes, who held a chair at that university, but he had been 
unable to effect anything against the prestige which Deza 
enjoyed there.- 

At first the Inquisition had intended to forbid the proposed 
disputation altogether, but when it was approached by the 
Dominicans it only asked of them what had been suggested 
in the petition of the Jesuits, namely that the doctrine of 
Molina should not be called heretical. Nufio therefore 
restricted himself in the theses which he brought forward 
for the disputation to stating that some of the propositions 
which he was combatting were " worse than false " ; thus 

1 Petition of March 28, 1594, in Astrain, 186. 

" AsTRAiN, 180. According to Banes himself (see QuitxiF- 
EcHARD, II., 243) the Dominican Mancio (died 1576) enjoyed so 
great a reputation in Salamanca " ut vel anus omnes opprimeret, 
tanta erat eius auctoritas." His writings have not been published 
{cf. as to this F. Ehrle in Katholik, 1885, I., 172-174). For 
Juan Alonso de Moscoso, Bishop of Leon, 1593-1603, cf. 
Eleutherixis, 173 seq. ; Meyer, 208. The Dominican Diego de 
Deza (died 1523) was indeed " a Molinist before Molina " [cf. 
Cr. Pesch in Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol., IX., 1885, 171-177 ; Frins, 
465 seqq.), but according to Quetif-Echard this Deza was a pro- 
fessor at Salamanca ; there is no mention of Alcala. Perhaps 
another Deza is meant, who was a professor at Alcala, where 
Baiies taught theology from 1567 to about 1572. 

VOL. XXIV. 20 


the word heresy was evaded, but the accusation remained 
substantially the same. At the disputation itself the Jesu't 
Padilla admitted that the propositions as now enunciated 
were erroneous, but he denied that they had been taught by 
Molina. Even this concession was turned to good purpose 
by Nufio and his followers, for when Padilla wished to prove 
from Molina's book that the latter had taught the opposite 
of these theses, they prevented him from reading them by 
making an uproar, and when the disputation was over they 
spread the rumour that Padilla had recanted at San Gregorio 
what he had upheld at the previous disputation at the Jesuit 
college. Naturally the Jesuits at once drew up and issued 
a report contradicting this,^ and thus it seemed that the 
matter would drag on indefinitely. 

It was time for the ecclesiastical superiors to intervene 
and put an end to this scandal. Alonso de Mendoza, who 
was administrator of the church at Valladolid as Abad Mayor, 
wrote on April 2nd, 1594, to the nuncio Gaetano at Madrid 
and complained of Avendaiio, who on the previous day had 
again preached against the new Order, which he hated so 
much, as well as of the passionate behaviour of Nuiio at the 
disputation on March 5th. ^ The Jesuits had alread}^ drawn 
up a letter to the Grand Inquisitor ; in this they stated that 
they were commonty looked upon as the defenders of doctrines 
contrary to the faith, and that the students in the lecture 
halls began to stamp their feet as soon as the very name of 
Molina was mentioned. The rector of the college at Medina, 
Hernando de Lacerda, was charged to take this letter to 
Madrid, and to defend the cause of the accused before the 
Grand Inquisitor and the nuncio.^ The nuncio referred the 
matter of Avendafio and Nuiio to Rome, whereupon the 
whole affair assumed an unlooked for aspect. On June 7th, 

1 Report of the Jesuits in AstrAin, 190-194. 

2 AsTRAiN, III., 312. The letter was written on a Saturday; 
from the various dates {ibid. 312, 314 n.) we can only suppose 
it was on April 2, 1594. 

* AsTRAiN, IV., 195. 


1594, Gaetano was ordered to open a process in full from 
against Avendaiio, which ended on January 5th, 1595, with 
the condemnation of this infatuated man.^ In the meantime 
Cardinal Aldobrandini wrote on June 28th, 1594, in the name 
of Clement VIII. to the nuncio, on the subject of the quarrel 
between the Dominicans and Jesuits. Since a question of 
faith was at issue, and a matter of no small importance, the 
decision pertained to the Roman See, and no one else must 
interfere. The Grand Inquisitor therefore must no longer 
concern himciclf with it ; the nuncio was to summon the 
superiors of the two Orders to his presence, order them to lay 
the matter of controversy before him in writing with full 
proofs, and then send the two statements to Rome. The 
nuncio was to order both superiors, under the gravest penalties, 
to forbid their subjects to discuss the matter any further 
pending the decision of the Pope." Gaetano communicated 
the Papal letter to the provincial of the two Orders on August 
15th, 1594 ; anyone who dared to discuss the question of 
efficacious grace either in public or in private was to be 

The superiors of both Orders set themselves to calm the 
excited feelings of their subjects. The General of the Jesuits, 
Aquaviva, on February 13th, 1595, urged the provincials 
by circular, in emphatic w^ords, to maintain peace with the 
Dominicans, and to show them all charity in word and deed."* 
The Spanish provincials at once acted upon these exhorta- 
tions ; their replies to Aquaviva^ constitute a justification 
of the Order of Preachers, in so far as they prove that it was 
by no means the majority of the Dominicans who were 
allowing themselves to be actuated by antipathy for the 

^ Ibid. 199, 201. Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 150. 

* Published in AsirAin, 811 seq. {cf. 199 seq.). A corresponding 
brief to the Grand Inquisitor in CouDiiRC, I., 358. 

" AsTRAiN, 200. 

* Ibid. 202. 

* Ibid. 202-204. 


Not long before the great quarrel between the two Orders 
had once again been manifested. Just as the Dominicans 
had previously tried to induce the Inquisition to prohibit 
almost all the books of the Jesuits, so once more was this the 
case with the programme of studies issued by the Jesuits 
in 1591, and with the writings of Cardinal Toledo. They 
were of opinion that both Aquaviva and Toledo were inno- 
vators, and that if the latter were allowed to have his own 
way he would destroy the Church. ^ Only the week before 
the condemnation of Avendafio had caused great excitement 
among his fellow Dominicans,^ but the storm thus aroused 
had been quickly calmed, a thing to which an appeal to the 
truce made by the king may have not a little contributed.^ 
The provincial of the Jesuits wrote from Aragon to Aquaviva 
that in his province they had always lived in peace and 
harmony with the Dominicans.^ The provincial of Andalusia 
bore witness that at that time they were showing great 
friendship towards the new Order, everywhere inviting Jesuits 
to preach on the feasts of their Order, so that it seemed that 
they took pleasure in being on good terms with them. A 
Dominican Visitor at Valladolid had shown himself a great 
friend of the Society of Jesus. ^ In the very pulpit at Valla- 
dolid, from which in the previous year Avendafio had launched 
his attacks, in 1595 there stood a Jesuit on the feast of St. 
Thomas, who made a good impression on the Dominicans 
when he said that the Soicety of Jesus held to the doctrine 
of St. Thomas, and that it was bound to do so by the Statutes 
of the Order. A similar report came from Toledo, although 
a long altercation between the two Orders there had em- 
bittered men's minds. ^ 

At Alcala a Dominican and a Jesuit provincial had a 

^ Cristobal de los Cobos to Aquaviva, June 14, 1594, ibid. 197. 
2 Cf. supra, p. 307. 

* l-ebruary 4, 1595, Astrain, III., 315. 

* Pedro de Villar, April 15, 1595, in Astrain, I\^, 202. 
® Cristobal Mendez to Aquaviva, April 12, 1595, ibid. 

•^ The Jesuit provincials Avellaneda and Acosta to Aquaviva, 
Toledo, IMarch 20, and Valladolid, March 20, 1595, ibid. 202 seq. 


conference in order to consolidate the peace, and to consider 
the best means to attain that end. They decided that the 
members of both Orders should speak well of the other, and 
that if anyone forgot this duty he should be admonished 
by his superior in order that he might repair his fault. If 
doubts concerning doctrine should arise, appeal should be 
made to the Inquisition, if the matter pertained to that 
tribunal ; otherwise, as became good brethren, the question 
should be settled amicably. ^ 

If the Papal command not to discuss efficacious grace 
helped the maintenance of peace, in course of time the obliga- 
tion of silence was resented by both parties as a heav}^ burden, 
which in the end would become unbearable. Among the 
Jesuits, Molina was planning an apologetic work concerning 
his doctrine, which had so often been attacked and falsified. 
Gabriel Vasquez had just completed a volume of his theological 
works, in which the question of grace was dealt with. To 
both of these it seemed hard not to be able to express their 
views. Vasquez therefore had recourse to the nuncio, but 
on April ist and Nov. 29th, 1597, received a reply from Rome 
that he must not print his book. Vasquez obeyed,^ nor 
on the part of the Jesuits do we know of any oftence against 
the Papal order of silence. 

The Dominicans were less submissive. Some of them who 
were of ardent temperament could not even now restrain 
their tongues ; in pulpits and lecture halls and at disputations 
fresh attacks on the Jesuits and their doctrine occurred, as 
at Burgos, Palencia, Valladolid, Salamanca, Valencia, 
Saragossa and Calatayud.^ Philip II. therefore decided to 
intervene once again. By his command, at the beginning of 

1 Ibid. 204. 

2 Ibid. 204 seq. 

' Forres in Astrain, 205. We do not know the details. 
" Hanlos obedecido puntualmente los de la Compafiia ; pero in 
Calatayud, despues del dicho mandato se tuvieron per los Padres 
Doniinicos publicas conclusiones de esta materia, y lo mismo en 
Salamanca, en los actos publicos mayor y menor de los dichos 
Padres." Report of the Jesuits, in Astkain, 193. 


1596, the visitor of the Jesuit province of Toledo and Castille, 
Garcia de Alarcon, together with the king's confessor, Diego 
de Yepes, and the provincial of the Dominicans, were ordered 
to confer as to the best means to prevent these abuses. At 
the suggestion of Alarcon the best means to maintain peace 
would be to remove the disturbers of the peace from the work 
of teaching.^ Alarcon and the Dominican provincial, Juan 
de Villafranca, were to present themselves before the king's 
confessor in March, 1596, and he was to communicate their 
decision to Philip II. The king gave orders that only such 
men should occupy professorial chairs as had the doctrine 
of St. Thomas deeply at heart ; that for the present the 
members of one Order should not be present at the disputations 
of the other ; that they were not to be allowed to declare the 
doctrine of their adversaries heretical or erroneous, and that 
they should even be exhorted to speak well of the others ; 
those who contravened these orders were to be punished. 
Alarcon and Villafranca added a further order to burn within 
eight days all writings against members of the other Order. ^ 
In consequence of this there were removed from the work 
of teaching, Nuiio, Padilla, and another Jesuit, who had often 
disputed with Baiies ; Baiies himself received a severe 
reprimand and admonition. The Dominicans did all they 
could to have the deprivation of Nuno revoked, in which 
they savv^ an insult to their Order, but the king adhered to his 
decision, and peace was restored for a whole year.^ 

If the Dominicans showed them.selves less submissive 
than the Jesuits, this may perhaps be explained by the fact 
that they looked upon it as an injustice that they should be 
treated on equal terms with a younger Order. This impression 
was clearly expressed in a memorial which Banes addressed 
to Clement VIII. on October 28th, 1597, in the name of the 
General of the Dominicans and the whole Order, in order 
to obtain the removal of the prohibition in the case of the 

^ Ibid. 206 seq. 
2 Ibid. 208 seq. 
' Ibid, 210, 


members of the Order of Preachers, and of them alone. ^ In 
this petition it was taken for granted, as quite certain, that 
the do:trine of grace taught by Bafies, including the contro- 
verted question, was the ancient Catholic doctrine taught by 
Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, just as that it was most 
obvious that the Jesuits were introducing innovations. 
Following the example of the Apostle Paul, who even res'sted 
Peter, the Thomists had always shrunk from innovations, 
and now prayed the Apostolic See not to condemn the true 
doctrine to silence, on account of the strange theory^ that 
had been set up against it. Before a decision on the part 
of the Fope was made years might elapse, while the authors 
of these innovations would do all they could to make the 
question drag on. In the meantime the new doctrine v ould 
strike deep roots. So long as the obligat'on of silence held 
good, it would be impossible to teach the doctrine of grace 
and predestination, a thing that would be all the more trouble- 
some in that that doctrine reacted upon so many other 
theological questions. Moreover this prohibition placed the 
Dominicans in the universities in various practical difficulties. 
By the command of Clement VIII. , Bellarmine, at that 
time the Pope's theological adviser, wrote an opinion on this 
memorial of the Dominicans.^ He examined all the reasons 
set forth by Baiies, and above all pointed out that the 
Dominican scholar took for granted those very things which 
had still to be proved, namely that the Dominican doctrine 
could be taken as expressing ecclesiastical tradition. Accord- 
ing to Bellarmine what was above all at issue was the question 
whether physical predetermination was in accordance with 
the Holy Scriptures, the councils and the Fathers of the 
Church or no. The theologians of the Society of Jesus denied 
this conformity, and maintained that such predetermination 
was especially contrary to the Council of Trent, and was 

^ Printed, together with the counter-observations of Bellarmine 
(see infra) in L. de Meyere, 231 seqq. 
' " Ciiriosedad." 
' In Le Bachelet, Auctarium 114 seqq. ; Astrain, 214 se(^. 


therefore an innovation. If then the matter was still awaiting 
a decision it would be very rash to condemn the Jesuits as 
innovators as the memorial desired ; to do this would be to 
anticipate the judgment of the Apostolic See, and to cry 
triumph before the victory was won. 

On one point, however, Bellarmine was in agreement with 
the Dominican theologian ; he too thought that it would not 
be wise to allow the prohibition to treat of efficacious grace io 
go on for years. ^ The Holy See should therefore intervene 
as soon as possible. Both parties could be exhorted by brief 
to mutual charity, and forbidden to describe the view of the 
opposing party as temerarious, erroneous or heretical, but 
that a discussion which brought forward real proofs might be 

Accordingly Cardinal Santori, Prefect of the Roman 
Inquisition, in a letter to the nuncio in Spain^ of February 
26th, 1598, allowed a learned discussion of the question, not 
only by the Dominicans, but also by the Jesuits. The Spanish 
Inquisition informed both Orders of this Papal decision,* 
without, however, giving the text of Santori's letter. The 
Dominicans complained of this to the Holy Office in Rome,* 
because in the extract that had been published no mention 
had been made of two important facts : first, that the Papal 
permission, and thus the equal treatment of the two Orders 
was only to continue until the final definition of the question, 
and second, that the expressions used in Santori's letter 
were favourable to themselves. As to this they were indeed 
telling the truth ; the permission given to the Dominicans 
stated " that they might freely read and dispute as they had 
done in the past concerning the ' AuxiHis divinae gratiae et 
eorum efficacia,' in conformity with the teaching of St. 
Thomas." The Jesuits were given a like permission with 

1 Le Bachelet, 119; AstrXin, 217. 

* Le Bachelet, 121 seq. 
» In Serry, 138. 

* In AsTRAiN, 219 ; Latin translation in Serry, 141, 
^ Serry, 143. 


the addition " that they might continue to read and dispute 
concerning this question, always however teaching sound and 
Cathohc doctrine."^ In the case of both parties was added 
an exhortation to abstain from litigation, from innovations, 
and from any censure of the opposing opinion. It had to 
be admitted, as was clear from the letter of Santori, that the 
Dominicans held a predominating influence in government 
circles in Rome. As a matter of fact a first Roman opinion, 
though it was precipitate, was imminent at that time, even 
though the documents which would have to form the basis 
of the Papal decision had not as yet reached Rome. 

Actually, in June and August, 1594, an invitation had been 
issued by Cardinal Aldobrandini and the nuncio in Spain 
to the opposing parties to send to Rome an exposition and 
defence of their doctrine of grace, ^ while the Spanish Inquisi- 
tion for its part had, in a circular of July 21st of the same 
year, asked for the opinions of twelve bishops and of a number 
of scholars as to the controverted point. ^ But it took almost 
three years before the Spanish Inquisition sent (October 23rd, 
1597) in a large chest an enormous number of papers in three 
great packets.^ The Dominicans sent a folio volume of 135 
pages, entitled : Apologia of the Friars Preachers in the 
Spanish province. The first part, dated August 28th, 1596, 
is signed by seven professors, among them Baiies and Nuiio, 
and sets forth the doctrine of Molina ; the second part, which 
was already completed on September 29th, 1595, and is there- 
fore earlier than the other, bears the same seven signatures, 
together with an eighth. At the end of the whole volume 
sixteen other Dominicans have attached their names, among 

1 AsTRAiN, 812 " che possino [the Dominicans] liberamente 
circa la materia de Auxiliis divinae t,ratiae et eorum efficacia 
conforme alia dottrina di S. Thomaso leggere e disputare, como 
haimo fatto per il passato . . . che possino [the Jesuits] ancor 
essi leggere et disputare della medesima materia, insegnando per6 
sempre sana e cattolica dottrina." 

* Cf. supra, p. 307. 
3 AsTRAiN, 227. 

* Jbid. 228. Cf. Ei.EUTHF.Rius, 180 seqq. 


whom are to be found the confessors of the king and Cardinal 
Albert. 1 

The Spanish Jesuits naturally could not produce the 
signatures of the confessors of princes. The four Spanish 
provinces of the Order gave their opinion separately ; for 
the province of Castille and Toledo, the speakers were Francisco 
Suarez and Gabriel Vasquez, who still to-day rank as the 
greatest dogmatic masters of the Order. Both of them in the 
first place combat physical predetermination, and then explain 
the view of the Jesuits. From certain words at the end of the 
exposition of Suarez, just before the signatures, it is clear 
that the disapproval of physical predetermination was quite 
general among the Jesuits, and that among them there was 
no doubt upon this point. ^ 

Not all the bishops and scholars whose views had been asked 
for by the Inquisition could bring themselves to express their 
views. Besides the three universities of Salamanca, Alcala 
and Siguenza, only five bishops and four scholars had given 
their views on this difficult question. Of the three univer- 
sities, Salamanca could not be taken into consideration, since 
it limited itself to stating what all Catholics held as to the 
controverted matter. ^ Alcala did not pronounce any judg- 
ment ; the professors there described both opinions as probable 
but inclined rather towards that of the Jesuits, and did not 
accept that of the Dominicans except with a proviso in 
favour of free will.^ Siguenza declared openly and in all 
things for Molina, and defended him against a censure which 
had been sent by the Inquisition together with its circular. 
According to the judgment of the University of Siguenza 
the three propositions which were put forward in the censure 
as being altogether blameworthy were not to be found in the 
work of the Jesuit theologian.^ 

1 AsTRAiN, 228 seqq. 

^ Ibid. 231 seqq. Cf. Lammer, Ziir Kirchengeschiclite, in. 
" AsTRATN, 234 seq. The signature of the censure bears the 
date June 22, 1595. 

* Ibid. 235 seq. 

* Ibid. 236, 


Of the five bishops who sent their opinion, the Bishop of 
Cartagena had not even read MoHna's book ; he relied upon 
the censure that had been sent to him, and took the side of 
Bafies. The Bishop of Mondonedo was also altogether for 
Baiies against Molina. Pedro Gonzales de Arevedo on the 
other hand was all for Molina. Pacheco of Segovia blamed 
Bafies as much as Molina ; both of them should be corrected 
in the case of a new edition of their works. The Bishop of 
Coria emphatically defended indeed the doctrine of Molina 
against the suspicion of heresy, but otherwise blames it 
severely ; his views were false and an innovation.^ 

Just as the views of the five bishops differed entirely from 
each other, so was it with the four scholars who sent their 
opinion. Two were opposed to Molina. A third, the 
Augustinian Miguel Salon, rejected out of hand about forty 
propositions of the Jesuit theologian, only to agree with him 
entirely on the principal point of his teaching. Then he turns 
against Baiies and condemns even more strongly the principles 
from which physical predetermination is drawn. The opinion 
of another Augustinian, Luis Coloma of Valladolid, is confined 
for the sake of brevity to the principal point, and absolutely 
rejects physical predetermination.^ 

All these documents reached Rome on March 28th, 1598,^ 
and thus the final preparations for the great duel between 
the two Orders were complete ; the battle could now begin. 

The General of the Jesuits, Paolo Oliva, later on was of 
opinion, looking at the matter in retrospect, that the issue 
had been very beneficial, but that as long as the controversy 
lasted the Order had been in great danger.^ 

1 Ibid. 237 seqq. 

* Ibid. 240 seqq. 

'The signature of the notary in Eleutherius, 180. 

* " Magnos motus excitavit in Ecclesia Dei P. Molina, quando 
produxit novam, ut tunc videbatur, gratiae et liberi arbitrii 
concordiam, et quain\ds tendem feliciter ii sedati fuerint 
cesserintque in magnam Ecclesiae utilitatern, tamen gravissimum 
tunc Societas adducta est in discrimen." Oliva, January 12, 
1664, in Prat-Gruber, Ribadeneira, 414. 


The young Society of Jesus indeed found itself face to face 
with an adversary of overwhelming power. No other body 
in the Church could match the scientific laurels of the Domini- 
cans ; they had in their ranks a number of scholars of the first 
rank, some of whom had been adorned with the aureole of 
sanctity by the judgment of the Church. 

The forms of learning and the defence of dogma had become 
to a great extent based upon their labours. Even in recent 
times, the restoration of scholasticism^ had come from the 
Dominican convent at Salamanca, the very place where Banes 
had launched his attack upon the Jesuits. The Jesuits 
themselves, thanks to the organizer of their studies, Toledo, 
had become the pupils of the Dominicans at Salamanca. 
At Trent, under Pius IV., about twenty-five bishops, and 
thirty theologians of the Dominican Order, had taken a 
leading part in the discussions and definition of the decrees 
on faith. ^ For all these reasons the Order of Preachers 
enjoyed throughout the Catholic world the reputation of being 
the custodian of true Catholic doctrine. To this had to be 
added the influence of the Dominicans at the Inquisition, 
with many secular and ecclesiastical princes, and with 
notabilities, whose confessors belonged to a great extent 
to their Order. 

In all these matters the Society of Jesus, which was still 
young, was far from approaching the Order of Preachers. 
It was true that Salmeron and above all Lainez, had held a 
brilliant place at the Council of Trent ; Toledo enjoyed an 
uncontested reputation as a scholar in Rome ;^ in the matter 
of polemics the Dominicans could produce nothing equal 

1 Mandonnet in Diet, de theol. oath., VI., 914. For the 
founder of neo-scholasticism, Francisco de Vittoria, cf. the 
articles in La Ciencia rouiista, I. -III. (1910-1913) ; F. Ehrle in 
Kulholik, 1884, II., 497, 505-522 ; for the importance of tlie 
school of Salamanca, ibid. 497. 

2 Mandonnet, loc. cit., 908. 

3 CJ. the extracts from the briefs of Gregory XIII., Sixtus V. 
and Clement VIII, in F^ancisci Toleti in Sunimam Tbeologiae 


to the learned works of Bellarmine. But in the matter of the 
doctrine of grace it was a question of scholastic theology, and 
it was only now that the younger Order was preparing to 
make a triumphant entry into that vast realm ; the first 
work by any Jesuit on such matters was the book of Molina 
on grace and liberty. The Jesuits could not rival the Domini- 
cans in their influence in high places in Rome, nor in their 
knowledge of the conduct of affairs in the Curia, for the very 
reason that among them it was only by way of exception 
that men were to be found who had embarked upon a 
prelatical career, or even the first steps towards it. It was 
true that the General of their Order was one of these exceptions. 
Bishops filled with the spirit of asceticism and men of import- 
ance might indeed choose Jesuits as their confessors, but 
these were exceptional cases. When it was rumoured that 
Philip II. had entrusted the direction of his conscience to 
a Jesuit, the king wrote with his own hand : "If he intended 
to change his confessor, there were too many approved Orders, 
much older and well supplied with able men, to make it 
necessary to seek one in the new Order. "^ At the time of 
the dispute concerning grace in Rorne, besides the two 
Dominican Cardinals, Bonelli (died 1598) and Bernerio, the 
influential Dean of the Rota, Francisco Pena (died 161 2) 
was above all their declared adversary ; he even laid it down 
in his will that the revenues of a legacy which he had made 
for poor students must never be given to a pupil of the 

All this explains how it was that, in the intellectual contest 
that w^as beginning, it was the Dominicans whose influence 
decided the place and conditions of the battle, chose the 

S. Thomae Aquinatis enarration, ed. los. Maria Paria e S.I., I., 
Rome, 1869, ix. seq., xii. CJ. Synopsis, I., 77, 160, 156 ; II., 
526. 531. 

1 " There are many old approved religious Orders which have 
men fit for this, without seeking in this new one." Castagna to 
BoneUi, December 19, 1560, in Serrano, Corresp. dipl., I., 422. 

^ ScoRRAiLi.F, I., 405 seq. 


judges of the contest, and " supplied the sun and the 

The standpoint of the Jesuits from the first had been that 
it was not of importance to defend at all costs all the theses 
of Molina ; some of their number did not altogether agree 
with Molina.^ In their opinion it was not persons or books 
that were primarily at stake, but a dogmatic controversy, 
and the critical point of the question consisted, to their way 
of thinking, in physical predetermination. They wished for 
an ecclesiastical definition as to this, and as to how it was 
reconcilable with the maxims of the faith and with the Council 
of Trent ; once this was cleared up, all the rest, so they 
believed, wo aid not present any further difftculties. 

But the Dominicans, as far as they were concerned, wished 
expressly to avoid the examination of this vital point, as to 
which there was not full agreement even in their own Order. 
They looked upon physical predetermination as a dogma, 
which simply could not be called in question ; therefore the 
whole discussion, according to them, must turn upon Molina's 
book, not restricting itself to the doctrine of the reconcilability 
of grace and freedom, but extending to all the theses which 
he had maintained. The contrary position taken up by the 
two Orders with regard to physical predetermination entirely 
governed the course of the struggle and all its vicissitudes. 

Once Clement VIII. had transferred the dispute on grace 
to Rome in 1594, it was natural that both the Dominicans 
and Jesuits should send a representative to the Eternal City, 
to speak on behalf of his Order as occasion should arise. 
The General of the Jesuits thought of summoning Molina 
himself to Rome, but the latter replied to an invitation cf 
February i6th, 1595, by excuses which Aquaviva had to 
admit were justified. Banes too excused himself on the score 
of age, but in the place of the old master there came to Rome 
in November 1596 his disciple Diego Alvarez, a young man 
of great talent, who certainly did not remain idle.^ After 

^ Cf. supya, p. 298. 
* AstrAin, 245 seq. 


he had for many days examined the matter together with 
Cardinal Bonelli, the Protector of the Order, and other 
friends, in June 1597 he presented a memorial to the Pope,^ 
which was intended not only to hasten the beginning of the 
discussions, but also to set the whole question upon the hues 
desired by the Dominicans.^ 

When in 1594 Aldobrandini transferred the discussion to 
Rome,^ no mention of Molina was made in his letter ; it was 
rather a matter of a dogmatic question, the decision of which 
was withdrawn from the Inquisition and reserved to the Pope, 
namely the question in what the efficacy of grace consists. 
Alvarez, on the contrary, came forward in his memorial as 
the accuser of Molina ; the books of Molina must form the 
central point of the discussion ; they must be examined 
and condemned, and the examination must not be restricted 
to the principal question, as to which there were differences 
of opinion between the Jesuits and the Dominicans, but 
must extend to the whole contents of Molina's book on grace 
and liberty. And whereas so far it had been intended only 
to begin the discussions when the opinions that had been 
asked for had arrived from Spain, Alvarez wanted the 
examination to begin as soon as possible, as all delay was 
full of danger ; the work of Molina was meeting with much 
applause, and the younger theologians were adopting his ideas 
with the enthusiasm of youth ; once this opinion had taken 
deep root among them, it would be too difficult to bring them 
back to the true doctrine of grace and liberty.* To put it in 
another way : the Dominicans and Jesuits were not to meet 
as two parties with equal rights, but the Dominicans were 
to be the accusers, and the Jesuits were to sit, like poor sinners, 
on the bench of the accused. The attack on Molina thus had 
a vast field open to it, for not only would an error concerning 

' Printed in Serry, 149. 
2 AsTRAiN, 245 seq. 

* See supra, p. 313. 

* Lor the historical inexactitudes of what Alvarez wrote cj. 
AstrAin, 248 seq. 


the principal question of the efficacy of grace be fatal to him, 
but ever}^ mistaken or equivocal thesis in his book. Moreover 
the Dominicans enjoyed all the advantages of the attack ; 
the weak point of their own doctrine was for the time being 
outside discussion. 

In addition to his own petition to the Pope, Alvarez had 
drawn up another document for Cardinal Bonelli, in which 
the scandalous propositions of Molina were pointed out and 
refuted.^ Bellarmine, as Papal theologian, had to draw up 
an opinion which is distinguished by its calmness and its 
absolute objectivity, ^ as compared with the other writings 
which owe their existence to the violent struggle that had 
begun. Bellarmine rejects physical predetermination, but 
does not dare to condemn it absolutely,^ as it is supported 
by men of eminence. He also defends the " scientia media " 
of Molina ; the name indeed is a new one, but the thing itself 
is very ancient.^ On the other hand it seemed to him that 
several of Molina's propositions were false, or at any rate 
inexactly expressed, but he will not admit that they are 
deserving of any real ecclesiastical censure.^ In Bellarmine's 
opinion no bitter expression against the Dominicans is used ; 
the authors of the attacks on Molina are, on the contrary, 
called " very pious and learned men."'' 

At that juncture the Pope was exceedingly pleased with 
this little production of his theologian, which he afterwards 
caused to be examined' by others as well,^ but from the whole 
of its tenor he was confirmed in his intention of having the 

1 The title in Le Bachelet, Aiictarium, 102. 

2 Ibid. 101-113. 
^ Ihid. 106 56'^. 

* Ibid. 105 seq. Cf. supra, p. 285, n. i. 

^ Ibid. loc. cil., 102 seqq. For the attitude of Bellarmine 
towards Molina, ibid., 1-31. 

* Ibid. 109. 

' Ibid. 113 n. 6. 

* " Quod opusculum Pontifici mire probatum est initio." 
Autobiography of Bellarmine, c. 45, in Le Bachelet, Bellarmin 
avant son cardinalat, 465. 


serious accusations against Molina examined. For this 
purpose a special commission was appointed. 

The Dominicans had thus obtained what they wanted : 
the inquiry was confined to Molina's book. This was for the 
Jesuits a first defeat. The composition of the commission 
was a second. Not a single friend of Molina was included, 
although the course of affairs up to that point has shown 
that there were many such. 

A third defeat was soon to follow. The commission held 
its first session on January 2nd, 1598 ; at its eleventh, which 
took place on March 13th, it was decided that the book and 
doctrine of Molina must be prohibited, as well as his com- 
mentaries on St. Thomas, at any rate until they were emended.^ 
In the final judgment it was stated that Molina had repudiated 
in a haughty manner the doctrine of St. Augustine, which 
had been handed down by the Fathers, and more than once 
confirmed by the Church, and that the principles on which 
he based his doctrine were entirely opposed to St. Thomas. 
St. Augustine and the other Fathers ; that they contained 
many things which openly conflicted with the Holy Scriptures 
and the Councils, but were on the contrary in agreement with 
Cassian and Faustus of Riez, who had been combatted by 

The Roman commission could not have dreamed at that 
time that the discussions concerning Molina would drag on 
for years to come, and then end without coming to any definite 
conclusion. Even before the materials contained in the 
Spanish acta had come, they had arrived at a definite judg- 
ment, as it were in the twinkling of an eye ! This was 
eventually explained by the fact that among the members 
of the commission there was not to be found a single man of 
any scientific weight.^ Even Clement VIIL was surprised 

1 AsTRAiN, 249 seqq. 

* Serry, 161. 

^ The members were the Franciscan Properzio Resta de Capelli, 
Bishop of Cariati and Cerenza ; the Franciscan Giulio Santucci, 
Bishop of S. Agata dei Goti ; Lelio Lando, Bishop of Nardo ; 

VOL. XXIV. 21 


at this unexpectedly rapid solution of the question, for soon 
afterwards, on March 28th, 1598, when the opinions sent 
from Spain had at last arrived, he ordered the commission 
to study them, and then reconsider their judgment.^ 

Thus the members of the commission found themselves 
face to face with a troublesome task. In October 1597 Bailes 
had written to Rome that the mere reading of these Spanish 
opinions would take two years, and that before the whole 
of the material had been carefully examined more than one 
pontificate might elapse, and that it was for this very reason 
that he had asked that the prohibition of any discussion of 
the controverted point of the doctrine of grace might be 

The commission, however, once more made quick work of 
the task. In the eight months between April and November, 
in which were included the protracted vacations, all was 
completed, and the former judgment, namely the condem- 
nation of Molina, was substantially confirmed. That all 
the Spanish opinions had actually been read by all the 
members seems unlikely, especially as there were not as many 
copies as there were members of the commission. The 

Enrico Silvio, vicar-apostolic of the Carmelites ; the Franciscan 
Francesco Brusca, later Bishop of Lettera ; Giov. Battista 
Piombino, procurator-general of the Augustinians ; the 
Augustinian Gregorio Nunez Coronel, doctor of theology ; Eouis 
de Creil, doctor of the Sorbonne. Coronel had written several 
books on the Church, on Tra.dition and on the State (Nic. Antonio, 
Bibl. Hisp. nova, I., Madrid, 1783, 546). Resta had written 
De vera et falsa sapientia, Rome, 1599 (Joa. a S. Antonio, 
Bibl. universa Francisc, II., Madrid, 1732, 492). Lelio Landi 
had been employed under Gregory XIV. on the revision of the 
Vulgate. INothing else is laiown of the literary activities of the 
members of the commission. Cardinals Lodovico Madruzzi and 
Arigoni were the nominal presidents of the commission, but it 
would seem that they took no part in the sessions. The real 
president was Resta, and the secretary Coronel. 

^ AstrAin, 252, 

* Ibid. 212 ; DE Meyere, 231 seq. 


Jesuit Fernando de la Bastida was able later on in the presence 
of the Pope to point out a single person, who was in any 
case quite incapable of any such work/ as the author of the 
censure. On March 12th, 1599, the secretary of the com- 
mission, the Augustinian Coronel, presented a document 
which purported to be the acta of the sessions, but which was 
in reality a violent attack upon Molina. Whereas the 
universities of Alcala and Siguenza had found nothing to 
censure in Molina's book, Coronel condemns more than 
60 theses. 2 Inevitably, as the result of these events, the most 
unfavourable reports against the Jesuits at once became 
common. It was even said that the Papal condemnation 
of their doctrine had already taken place, or that at any rate 
it would not be long delayed.^ 

Before, however, things could reach that point, the Jesuits 
had to be allowed to speak. After having thus far been 
kept entirely in the background, and only with difficulty 
obtaining any information of what was being done by the 
commission, they now prepared themselves for their defence. 
In December 1598, after the second censure had been pro- 
nounced in the previous month, skilful theologians of their 
Order came to Rome : Cristobal de los Cobos and Ferdinando 
de la Bastida, followed soon afterwards by Pedro de Arrubal 
and Gregorio de Valencia, hitherto professors at Dillingen 
and Ingolstadt.'* Molina himself addressed a letter to the 
Pope and asked for a hearing. ^ He said that he had been 
urged to write his book by the same zeal as had led others to 
take up their pen against the heretics ; he intended to confute 
the errors of Luther and Calvin, and had done so by relying 
in all things upon the Holy Scriptures and the Councils, 
especially the Council of Trent, on the Fathers of the Church, 
and among them above all on St. Augustine. The attacks 

1 AstrAin, 254. 

2 Ibid. 253. 

* Ibid. 262. 

* Ibid. 256. 

* From Cuenca, September 22, 1598, ibid. 257-262. 


upon him were due to the fact that he had himself attacked 
Bailes, whose doctrines on the controverted point he had 
alwaj'S thought to be more than dangerous, and irreconcileable 
with the Council of Trent. Bafies indeed accused him of 
Pelagianism, but according to Luther the whole Church had 
fallen into that error, since it defended free will. His book, 
on the other hand, had met with much approval, but now, 
when he had thought that the dispute about the book had 
come to an end, it had reached his ears that he had been 
accused before the Pope himself. This caused him much 
anxiety, because he knew from experience how often things 
had been attributed to him by his accusers which had never 
entered his mind, and he therefore feared lest the same thing 
should have happened in Rome. He therefore asked to be 
allowed to speak, as was the right of the accused ; let the 
Pope either summon him himself to Rome, or listen to the 
defence which he had laid before the Inquisition in Spain. 

Molina had previously connected his defence of his doctrine 
with an attack upon his adversaries. He now did the same 
thing. Some of his theses, he said, had been declared to be 
suspect, but he too could enumerate many opinions in the 
works of his accusers, which seemed to him to be manifest 
errors of faith, Calvinistic in doctrine, and contrary to the 
Council of Trent. He knew that the Dominicans had great 
influence, being the confessors of powerful princes, and 
occupying posts of importance, so that their help even in 
worldly matters was often asked by highly-placed personages. 
But even though they were superior in power and influence 
in other matters, they must not be given a preference where 
a question of faith and soundness of doctrine was at issue, 
nor could they alone be listened to, and he himself rejected. 
He therefore asked His Holiness to have the theses which he 
had noted in their works to be examined. When these were 
compared with the heresies of Calvin and Luther, it would 
be clearly seen that they were errors of faith. Moreover, 
according to Molina, the discussions about grace had 
attracted the attention of the Protestants, and they were 
waiting in expectation of a decision contrary to the Council 


of Trent. ^ If, finally, the Pope was unwilling to listen to 
any of his requests, would he at least examine the concise 
exposition of his doctrine which he enclosed. 

Perhaps a greater impression was made upon Clement VIII. 
by the letters of King Philip III., the wife of the Archduke 
Maximilian, and the Archduke Albert, whom the Jesuits 
had won over to their side, than by the petition of Molina. ^ 
The Pope decided that the Jesuits as well must be given a 
hearing. On January ist, 1599, he cited Beccaria and 
Aqua viva. Generals of both Orders before him, and ordered 
them to discuss, together with some of the theologians among 
their subjects, the chief points of divergent doctrine in the 
presence of Cardinal Madruzzo.^ 

The first meeting took place on February 22nd, 1599. The 
General of the Dominicans appeared accompanied by the 
procurator of the Order, and two theologians, Diego Alvarez 
and Raffaele de Ripa ; Aqua viva's theologians were Pedro 
de Arrubal, Michele Vasquez and Cristobal de los Cobos. 
In his opening discourse, Madruzzo explained the object of 
the discussions, namely to put an end to the struggle between 
the two Orders, in accordance with the wish of the Pope as 
well as of the King of Spain ; both Beccaria and Aquaviva 
gave their opinion as to the way in which, to their thinking, 
that purpose could be attained. The General of the Domini- 
cans declared that his Order had nothing against the Society 
of Jesus, and that it was only the theses of Molina which 
were the rock of offence ; it his book were condemned and 
St. Thomas followed, then everything would be smoothed 

^ Ibid. 261. 

^ Ibid. 263. The Spanish nuncio also wrote on November 14, 
1598, to Cardinal Aldobrandini concerning the eftorts of the 
Dominicans and Cardinal Davila, who wished to obtain the 
condemnation of the book of Molina from the Spanish Inquisition. 
The nuncio suggested, either that such attacks should be sup- 
pressed in view of the earlier approbations of Molina's book, or 
that Molina and Baiies should be summoned to Rome and the 
writings of both examined (Scorraille, I., 411). 

3 Eleutherius, 210 ; Serry, 169 ; Astrain, 265, 


over. Aquaviva took up quite a different position. He 
declared that Molina indeed was not the Society of Jesus, 
and that therefore his cause was not necessarily their own. 
The Fope might do what he liked with the works of a Spanish 
theologian or with the writings of any individual Jesuit, 
without the order offering any resistance. But there was a 
dispute between the two Orders, arising frjm their different 
explanation of " sufficient " and " efficacious " grace ; as 
far as could be seen, the intention of the Pope was not to give 
a judgment on Molina's book, but rather to inquire into 
the differences of the doctrines in question, to establish the 
true doctrine, and to settle the questions at issue between 
the two great bodies.^ The conference ended with an 
injunction from Madruzzo to the two Generals to prepare for 
the next meeting three expositions concerning the con- 
troverted point in the doctrine of grace ; the first was to 
summarize in a few words the idea of his own Order, the 
second was to give the objections to the opposing theory, 
and the third the principal proofs in support of their own 
opinion. 2 

The second discussion took place on February 28th. 
Aquaviva presented himself with the three expositions in 
writing which had been asked for,^ but Beccaria on the other 
hand only presented one ; a further accusation of Molina 
divided into six points. He said that he had not thought it 
opportune to prepare any others, because the only point at 
issue was the book of Molina, and the Spanish Dominicans 
had not taken up arms against the Society of Jesus, but 
against Molina. Moreover, the Dominicans were there as the 
accusers, and he could not allow them, by defending their 
doctrine, to confess themselves as accused. To this 
Aquaviva replied in the sense in which he had spoken at the 
previous meeting, but Beccaria adhered to his opinion. 
Aquaviva then placed on the table the second document he 

1 ASTRAIN, 266. 

" Ibid. 267. 

3 Reprinted in Eleutherius, 214-217. 


had brought with him, the objections of the Jesuits to the 
Dominican doctrine of grace, handing over the other two 
at the end of the meeting to Cardinal Madruzzo as a proof 
that he had obeyed him. The conference was over ; it now 
remained to be seen what the Pope would do. 

On March 5th, 1599, Clement VIII. appointed the Jesuit 
Bellarmine a Cardinal, and assigned him, together with the 
Dominican Cardinal Bernerio to act as assessors to Cardinal 
Madruzzo in the conduct of the conferences. 

At the third meeting, which was held on March 29th, it 
was seen that the situation had become considerably changed 
in favour of the Jesuits. Bellarmine brought forward six 
questions, in which he asked for an explanation as to whether 
physical predetermination was necessary for the good acts 
of the will, and for its evil decisions, whether the infallible 
efficacy of grace was based upon phj'sical predetermination, 
or upon the contact of grace with the soul in the sense of 
St. Augustine.^ These questions therefore, without any 
evasions, were directed to the point which formed the kernel 
of the dispute on grace, and on the solution of which every- 
thing depended. But now the Dominicans refused to give 
an answer. They said that these six questions had evidently 
been thought out and brought forward by the Jesuits, thus 
arrogating to themselves a right which belonged only to the 

The Dominicans, however, were no longer able to adhere 
to their own standpoint, of entering into no discussion save 
on the book of Molina. It would seem that, soon after the 
questions of Bellarmine, they in their turn asked for an answer 
to eight points on the doctrine of grace and freewill.^ But 
now it v/as the Jesuits who refused to give an explanation, 
until Clement VIII. obliged them to reply. To five of these 

1 Eleutherius, 217; Serry, 174. 

2 Eleutherius, 218 ; Astrain, 270 seqq. 

3 In Eleutherius, 218; Serry, 174. Whether the Domini- 
cans were the first to present their eie;ht questions, or whether on 
the other hand, which is more probable, Bellarmine first proposed 
his six, is variously reported. C/. Astrain, 272. 


questions an affirmative reply could be given without more 
ado,^ but these five questions did not touch the controverted 
point of the matter, and the others only uncertainly. 

Later on they declared that this had been the real reason 
why they had at first refused to reply, ^ In other respects 
the Jesuits took all possible pains clearly to explain their view. 
When the Dominicans complained of a gap in the replies of 
their adversaries, they hastened to remedy it, though in 
doing so they took the opportunity thus offered them of once 
again alluding to physical predetermination, which, according 
to them, was opposed to the Holy Scriptures, the Councils, 
the Fathers of the Church, the scholastics and philosophers, 
and above all to St. Augustine and St. Thomas.^ 

The whole of April passed in these exchanges, and it would 
seem that a kind of impatience at these fruitless negotiations 
seized upon the Jesuits. They suggested to Cardinal 
Madruzzo, in order to make some progress, that they should 
briefly summarize the points as to which they had come to an 
agreement or a disagreement at the meetings which had been 
held so far."^ Madruzzo then took three theses from among 
the expositions of the Dominicans, on which the Jesuits 
were to pronounce at the next session ;^ actually, at that 
meeting both parties agreed upon seven points ;® this at 
anyrate made it clear that the Jesuits did not deny efficacious 
grace. But they at once transferred the discussion to the 
most critical point of the whole question by bringing forward 

1 Eleutherius, 218. 

" ASTRAIN, 273. 

^ Ibid. 274. 

* C/. the memorial of the Jesuits in Eleutherius, 221 seq. ; 
" Hactenus compertum est, mutuis liisce responsionibus . . . non 
solum quaestionis statum non attingi, sed rem ipsam fieri 
propemodum mfinitam," etc. 

* In Serry, 178; Eleutherius, 222. 

* Ibid. 222 seq. Concerning an eighth thesis, as to which, 
according to a manuscript in the Angelica Library, there was no 
agreement (and directed against Eleutherius [223]), see Astrain, 


the question whether, accordmg to the Dominican view, the 
infallible efficacy of grace was based upon physical pre- 
determination.^ It might have been supposed that the 
answer would have been a plain Yes, and that thus the question 
would have been solved. But, strangely enough, the dis- 
cussion of the pros and cons went on for so long that, although 
the Jesuits would not allow their adversaries to escape for a 
good three hours, they were unable in the end to get a definite 
reply. ^ 

But a clear reply was absolutely necessary if the discussion 
was to go on. On May 20th, 1599, therefore, the Jesuits 
sent a document to Cardinal Madruzzo, divided into five points, 
in which they explained, from their point of view, what they 
meant by physical predetermination in the sense of the 
Dominicans,^ and asked him to induce their adversaries to 
reply. The latter, on May 22nd, sent a document to the 
Cardinal in which they explained their view sufficiently 
clearly.^ But the expression " physical predetermination " 
was avoided in this. The Jesuits therefore again insisted 
that they must pronounce as to this expression, and received 
as a reply that the Jesuits must express themselves clearly 
as to what, in their opinion, the efficacy of grace consisted, 
for that so far they had only said in what it did not consist. 

1 Eleutherius, 223. 

* So say the Jesuits in their memorial of June 24, 1599 : Deinde 
ulterius progressa est disputatio, quae eo spectabat, ut eliceretur, 
quid tandem illud esset, quo auxilium efficax differret a sufficiente. 
Et quoniam Patres Domimcani nihil interrogabant, illud pro- 
posuimus, utrum ratio auxilii efficacis consisteret in physica 
praedeterminatione voluntatis, ut hactenus docuerunt. Dum 
huic propositioni respondent, tres fere horae elabuntur, nee 
tamen ex eorum dictis quidquam certi colligi potuit, in quo vel a 
nobis dilierrent, vel inter so convenirent. Non enim omnes 
videbantur velle admittere hanc physicam praedeterminationem, 
et eorum, qui eam admittebant, unus affirmabat, ea tolli aliquam 
indifl'erentiam, alius negabat. Serry, 189 A. 

^ Eleutherius, 224. 

* Ibid. 224 seq. 


The Jesuits complied with this demand without any difficulty, 
in an explanation of May 28th, 1599.-^ 

The continued insistence of the Jesuits, and the way in 
which they kept on returning to the weak point in their 
adversaries' doctrine of grace, irritated the Dominicans all 
the more in that in their opinion it was not they but the 
Jesuits who, in the whole affair, should be subjected to 
examination concerning their doctrine. 

Their annoyance so long suppressed, found vent in a written 
protest of June 8th, 1599, in which they gave a resume of the 
discussions, and described the behaviour of the Jesuits as 
intriguing and deceitful.^ The Jesuits replied to this on 
June 28th. ^ 

These two documents are among the most important 
relating to the negotiations before Cardinal Madruzzo ; they 
complete and confirm our knowledge of what had happened 
on various points, while the intellectual outlook of both 
parties is set forth m^ore clearly than usual. The Dominicans 
who took part in the discussions declared that they were not 
the representatives of the whole Dominican Order, and that 
in order to be so they would first have had to consult their 
universities and their most eminent theologians ;^ they only 
presented themselves as a deputation of Dominican theologians 
in Rome. They further maintained absolutely that at the 
discussions nothing was at issue but Molina and his book, and 
if they also pronounced upon the doctrine of grace, they only 
did so as the theological advisers of the Pope, in order to give 
him the benefit of their scientific opinions. But the Jesuits 
maintained the opposite view with equal tenacity. They 
asserted that the Pope had not transferred the controversy 

' Eleuihehius, 225. Cf. AsTRAiN, 279 seq. 

2 Serry, 182 seqq. ; Eleuihehius, 226. 

' Serry, 185 seqq. ; Eleutherius-, 226. 

* " In prima Congregatione . . . nobis prius semel et iterum 
professis, non totius Predicatoriae fam-Hae nomine (cuius genrealia 
studia et theologi alii praecipui temporis opportunitate concessa 
fuissent consulendi), sed tantum professorum qui in Urbe essemus^ 
congressibus illis interesse." Eleutherius, 226.. 


to Rome in order to pronounce judgment on Molina, as was 
clear from the briefs to the nuncio in Spain and to the Spanish 
Inquisition, and, as had been several times declared to the 
Dominicans by Cardinal Madruzzo, the General of the Jesuits 
had expressly stated that he had no interest in defending all 
the theses of Molina. 

It is also clear from the complaints and accusations of both 
parties that both the Dominicans and the Jesuits refused to 
reply to certain definite questions. The Dominicans tried 
to avoid an explanation of physical predetermination ; this 
is definitely stated several times in the memorial of the Jesuits. 
" The m.ost eminent Cardinal knows " so states the document, 
" how we have openly said that it is our desire that the 
Dominicans should explain their view just as we ourselves 
have done and will do, but they have attempted to evade 
doing so on various pleas. The first time they said that they 
could not speak for the whole Order, and would first have 
to consult the theologians of the various provinces ; another 
time they were not ready, and could not carry on the dis- 
putation without preparation ; again, it did not affect the 
object of the discussion ; lastly they openly declared that 
they did not intend to give their opinion, because as the 
accusers they did not wish to become the accused, or to admit 
that they should be subjected to an interrogatory. All who 
were present, and the most eminent President are witnesses 
as to this."^ On a copy of this accusatory document, there 
is to be found attached to these assertions of the Jesuits a 
marginal note in the hand of a Dominican : " This is the 
sample truth, as the General of the Dominicans cannot at 
his pleasure prescribe a doctrine for his whole Order, nor had 
he time or opportunity to consult the universities of the Order 
on this matter."^ This passage is of great value to the 
disinterested historian ; what the Jesuits had several times 

1 Serry, 186, D ; Eleutherius, 227. 

2 " Verissime neque enim Magister generalis Praedicatorum 
doctriuam arbitratu suo toti suae religioni praescribit, neque 
eiusdem Ordinis universitates super his consulendi occasio et 
tempus ei oblata fuere." Astrain, 282 seq. 


asserted is thus confirmed, namely that physical predeter- 
mination was not yet at that time the doctrine of the 
Dominican Order. 

On the other hand the Jesuits refused to give an answer 
to the question whether the infallible efficacy of grace came 
only from God, or whether it derived to some extent from 
the free will. If a proper order was to be followed in the 
discussions, they remarked, first it must be established in 
what the efficacy of grace consists, for only then would it be 
possible to discuss whence it came.^ 

But on July 17th, 1599, Madruzzo proposed to both parties 
this question, together with others : can the free will refuse 
its consent to efficacious grace ? Both were required to reply. 
Each party dealt with the question from their own point of 
view.^ Further discussion at length led the theologians of 
the Society of Jesus in November, 1599, to summarize in 
eight propositions the points on which they could not agree 
with the Dominicans, and concerning which they desired a 
disputation.^ On January 28th, 1600, they also presented 
to the Cardnial a number of theses which had been defended 
by the Benedictines, the Augustinians, the Franciscans, the 
Carmelites and the Minims, and which were in favour of 
Molina.'* The last thing we know of the discussions in the 
presence of Madruzzo are certain observations of the Domini- 
cans concerning these eight theses of the Jesuits.^ They 
were presented on February 12th, and on April 20th 1600, the 
old Cardinal of eighty-e^'ght breathed his last." This ended 
the conferences in which both the Generals personally took 

The only result which the conferences had had was that 

1 Memorial of June 28, 1599, in Serry, 189. 

2 Eleutherius, 232. 
* Ibid. 239. 

■* ASTRAIN, 286. 

^ Elexjtherius, 239. 

« CJ. the *reports of Fabio Maretti and G. B. Laderchi, dated 
Rome, April 22, 1600, who point out what a great loss the death 
of the Cardinal had been. State Archives, Modena, 


the views of the two rival parties had been more clearly 
defined, and had become better understood by their adver- 
saries. For the moment it seemed as though a rapprochement 
had been brought about. On one occasion the General of the 
Dominicans, as the Jesuits report, had said that if Molina 
had admitted all that the Jesuits had conceded in the presence 
of Madruzzo, there would have been no reason to take action 
against him. But the Jesuits thought that they could prove 
without any difficulty that all the theses in question had been 
expressly taught by Molina.^ 

But a book by the Spanish Dominican Francisco Davila, 
which was printed in Rome in 1599, ^^id immediately sup- 
pressed by the Pope's orders in consequence of the 
remonstrances of the Jesuits, ^ showed on the contrary how 
bitter the dispute really was, and how serious were the 
misunderstandings and prejudices. This book made the 
Jesuits appear as semi-Pelagians, and put together, without 
mentioning them, the most plausible accusations against their 
doctrine. In spite of this Davila had dared to dedicate his 
book to the Pope, and the imprimatur, given by a fellow 
Dominican, and full of encomiums, bore the signature of the 
General of the Order. ^ 

On April 24th, 1600, the General of the Dominican Order 
went to the Pope, and in the name of the whole Order 
expressed his gratitude for a decision which gave the whole 
dispute, now so long drawn out, a new turn, and which, at 
any rate according to the statement of the adversaries of the 
Jesuits, " filled all good men with incredible joy.""^ This 
was because, after the death of Cardinal Madruzzo, 
Clement VIII. had thought it better not to continue the 

1 Memorial of June 28, 1599, in Serry, 1S8 seq. 

■•^ De auxiliis divinae gratiae ac eorum efficatia, Rome, 1599. 

^ Eleuiherius, 240 seqq. Astrain, 287 seqq. A writing in 
which 16 of the errors attributed by Davila to Molina are refuted 
as calumnies and compared with the true doctrines of the Jesuit 
theologian does not belong to Bellarmine, as Astrain (289) sup- 
poses. Le Bachelet. Auctarium, xxi. 

* Serry, 195 (according to Pefia). 


discussions between the Generals of the Orders, but to revert 
to that method by which the solution of the difficult question 
had first been sought, namely, that the book of Molina should 
once again become the central point of the discussions. A 
letter from Philip III., in which he expressed his desire for 
a speedy solution of the question,^ perhaps contributed to 
giving a fresh direction to the controversy. Therefore the 
commission which had first pronounced judgment on Molina's 
book, was completed by the addition of Bishop Ippolito 
Masseri of Montepeloso, and the procurators of the Franciscan 
Observants and Conventuals, Giovanni de Rada^ and Girolamo 
Palantieri. Their task was to examine the voluminous 
censure of Coronel, and to point out, after a careful examina- 
tion, which of the objectionable theses were to be found in 
Molina. This work was completed on August 31st, 1600, 
and was presented to the Pope in the middle of October. 
Of the eleven consultors two had refused their signature, 
Piombino and Bovio, while all the others were in agreement 
in condemning twenty theses taken from Molina. There still 
exist a number of writings of that time from the individual 
members of the commission, all of whom pronounce against 
Molina,^ with the exception of Bovio. 
While the commission was still engaged upon this work, 

1 Among the " negotios que dex6 pendentes el Duque de Sessa " 
it is noted : *E1 dicho 29. de Hebrero de 1600 scrivio Su M. al 
dicho Duque pidiese a S. S. mandar que los cardinales y otros 
ministros [who were treating of the controversy on grace] tomasen 
en este negocio con brevedad la resolucion que mas conveniese a 
servicio de Dies y bien universal de la cristiandad. ... El 29. 
de Hebrero 1600 scrivio Su M. al dicho Duque pidiese a Su S. 
proveyese lo que mas conveniese sobre un libro de Molina S.J. que 
diz que esta ccnsido por los cardenales a quien Su B. niando le 
biesen. The king wrote on the matter to the Pope on September 
3, 1603. Archives of the Spanish embassy in Rome, I., g. 

2 Rada (died 1608) was really the most capable theologian on 
the commission ; cf. Hurter, Nomenclator, II., Innsbruck, 
1907, 396. 

^ AstrAin, 291 seqq. 


the Jesuits succeeded in getting a sight of the censure of 
Coronel, and at once saw that it was defective in many points. 
In this Molina was blamed for several theses which were in 
common use among other theologians, or else things were 
attributed to the Jesuit theologian which he had never taught. 
The Jesuits reported these discoveries to the Pope in various 
expositions.^ A special impression seems to have been made 
upon Clement VIII. by a writing of Aqua viva,- in which, 
so as to show the censure to be unjust, Molina's own words 
are compared with a number of the accusations of Coronel. 
To these were added the remonstrances of Bellarmine and 
others, so that Clement VIII. gave orders that the commission 
must also hear the defence of the Jesuits.^ 

Nevertheless, in spite of this concession, the position of 
the Jesuits still remained very unfavourable, and even 
apparently desperate. They had asked to be allowed to 
present their defence before other judges than the commission, 
for otherwise the censors Mould have been bound to pass 
judgment upon complaints which were directed against 
themselves and their judgments. But they obtained nothing 
by their request.^ By the Pope's orders the commission was 
to hear the Jesuits, but the judgment was left to them, and 
the Dominicans were their advisers. The discussions were 
now conducted in the following way : first the censure was 
read, and was then defended by the Dominicans Diego 
Alvarez and Tommaso de Lemos, being then attacked by the 
Jesuits Cobos and Arrubal ; at the end both Dominicans and 
Jesuits briefly summarized in writing what they had said 
orally. 5 Thus it seemed as though the last word lay with the 
Jesuits, but the Dominicans, in addition to the writings which 
were communicated to the theologians of the other party, 
secretly drew up others which were intended only for the 

1 Eleutherius, 248 seq. 

2 In Eleutherius, 249 seq. 

* AsirAin, 293 seq. 

* Ibtd. 295. 

° Ibid. 295. Some specimens of the negotiations, ibid. 296 seq. 


members of the commission, and in which they sought to 
refute anything that told in favour of MoHna. The Jesuits 
learned of these intrigues, probably from their friend Bovio, 
and Gregorio de Valencia, who was present at the sessions 
together with Cobos and Arrubal, thereupon addressed his 
remonstrances to the Pope. Clement VIII. then gave orders 
that these observations of the Dominicans were also to be 
handed over to the defenders of Molina. This time the 
theologians of the Society of Jesus made use of very emphatic 
language in their reply. At the outset it is stated : "In this 
document the Dominican Fathers advance so many things 
which are not in accordance with the facts, that they could 
never have supposed that these observations which they have 
addressed to the censors unknown to us, would one day fall 
into our hands. "^ 

The discussions before the commission lasted until May 7th, 
1601. On August 31st of the same year the censors came to 
their final judgment, and, as was to be expected, this declared 
that the commission adhered to the censures already pro- 
nounced against Molina. Only Piombino and Bovio once 
again refused their signatures. On December 5th, 1601, 
the commission presented itself before the Pope to deliver 
the result of its labours.- 

Clement VIII. was aghast at the quantity of documents 
and opinions that was laid before him. " A year may have 
been sufficient for you to write all this," he said, " but a year 
is not sufficient for me to read it." The commission laid the 
responsibility for such prolixity upon the objections and 
artifices of the Jesuits ; the Pope, however, with his great 
intelligence and learning had no need to read it all. Santucci, 
who after the death of Resta had acted as president, then 
made the strange suggestion that it would be well not to 
inform the Jesuits of their judgments, so that the matter might 
not be prolonged indefinitely.^ 

1 Ibid. 302 seqq. 

2 Ibid. 301. 

2 Ibid. 301 seq. 


Clement VIII. at once saw that this new censure, the fourth 
in four years, was of no great use to him. If he was to settle 
the controversy personally by his supreme authority, then he 
must inform himself personally of all the details, and examine 
all these voluminous opinions. The observations of the Jesuits 
too could not be left unexamined ; they would know how to 
lay their remonstrances before the Pope, even without being 
informed of the verdict of the commission. The suspicions 
which had been spread throughout the world on account of 
what had happened in Rome gave an opportunity for so doing. 
Molina, who died on October 12th, 1600, certainly knew 
nothing of the rumour which was spread throughout Spain 
that he had been condemned in Rome by a Papal sentence, 
and burned in effigy. On March gth, 1601, Bellarmine had 
to reassure the Spanish Jesuits on this score ;^ an edict of 
the Spanish nuncio of September 21st, 1601, reminded men^ 
of the Papal prohibition of mutual censures, and removed the 
grounds for such rumours.^ But in Italy, Germany, France 
and Poland similar rumours did no little harm to the work of 
the Jesuits in the exercise of their ministry.'* 

In the meantime the Jesuits sought protection from the 
Pope, and on February 12th, 1602, they presented a memorial 
in which all the accusations which had been brought against 
them during the discussions in Rome were summarized under 
seven heads, together with a brief defence.^ 

In answer to the charge that they were exigent and would 
not be satisfied in their claims, they summarized the points 
in which their desires really consisted : i. Since the origin 
of these discussions lies in the question : In what does the 
efficacy of grace consist, may it please Your Holiness to define 
what must be firmly held as to this, so that, following that 
infallible rule, everything that is not in accordance with that 
definition may be expunged from the books. 2. A judgment 

1 Letter to Padilla, in Eleutherius, 246. 

2 Ibid. 247. 

* AsTRAiN, 294. 

* Ibid. 304. 

^ Ibid. 306-314, Eleutherius, 334-341. 

VOL. XXIV. 22 


should not be pronounced on the question of Molina, without 
his being heard. 3. That what we put forward on his behalf 
may be submitted, in accordance with the judgment of Your 
Holiness, to persons so well versed in dogma, and in such a 
degree specialists in scholastic theology, as such difficult 
questions demand ; men, moreover, who have not taken sides 
on the question, so as to give their signature against Molina 
before making a careful examination, and thus staining their 
reputation in this respect. 4. If questions and replies are 
not to be carried on indefinitely, let us be allowed to reply in 
the last instance, as we are defending the cause of the accused, 
to whom that right belongs. In forming a judgment as to 
these questions, attention should be paid to the documents 
which were presented at the session ; if anything has been 
brought forward against Molina in secret, of which we were 
not given a copy so that we might reply to it, such matter 
must not be taken into consideration until it has been com- 
municated to us, and we have made our reply. 5. When our 
replies are examined, the judgment must not be restricted 
to generic observations as to Molina, but should state in detail 
which of his theses are blameworthy, so that we may know 
what to be on our guard against, as well as for other reasons. 
6. Anything that is found deserving of censure in Molina, 
must also be deleted in those other theologians who hold the 
same doctrines.^ 

To the further reproach, that they were not satisfied with 
the judgment of the Roman censors, the Jesuits replied : 
I. There are six on the commission who condemn the book, 
and two who approve it, and to each of those six we can 
oppose a tribunal, a university or a corporation that approves 
it. The Portuguese Inquisition has approved the book twice 
over, once by a majority of the votes of all the Qualiiicators, 
among whom were two Dominicans. The same was done 
by the supreme council of state of Castille and that of Aragon, 
who based their opinions upon those of the most eminent 
theologians. Moreover, the University of Alcala, which 

■'■ Point 2, in Astrain, 307 seq. 


examined the book with great care for a whole year, approved 
it when, by the orders of the Spanish Inquisition, the matter 
was discussed before that tribunal. On the same occasion 
the book was sent to the University of Siguenza, which is one 
of the four principal universities of Spain, and always has at 
its command persons of distinction, since canonries are 
attached to the professorial chairs ; this university approved 
the book, and replied point by point to the objections. In 
like manner approval came from Italy, France and the Low 
Countries when the work was re-examined there for reprinting, 
and an imprimatur given. Moreover it received many 
approbations from prelates and doctors, to enumerate whom 
would take too long, besides which it is already abundantly 
clear from what we have said that the number of those who 
approve is greater than that of those who condemn. 2. 
Admitting that the judgment of the members of the com- 
mission was completely just, yet they had not heard us when 
they pronounced judgment the first time, and from that time 
onwards we have been compelled in our replies to make 
perpetual contradictions. As their reputation, it would seem, 
was already compromised, we cannot deny that for that very 
reason and from other circumstances as well,^ we must look 
upon them as partizans in the question, and, in a certain sense, 
in an even greater degree than the Dominicans themselves. 
3. The book of Molina is concerned with doctrines of faith 
of great importance, which are connected with the most 
difficult questions of scholastic theology ; they demand on 
the one hand a most complete knowledge of the controversies 
with the heretics, and on the other a great familiarity with 
the most delicate subtleties of scholasticism. And although 

1 The " other circumstances " here alluded to, are more clearly 
expressed in the draft of a petition to Clement VIII. " The 
majority of the censors were for various reasons biassed in the 
matter, and had been selected by Cardinal Bonelli : two of them 
were his dependants and belonged to his famiglia : another 
belonged to the famiglia of Cardinal Ascoli (a Dominican), while 
there were other ties of dependence between them and the 
Dominicans." Astratn, 304. 


we look upon the censors as very capable in their profession, 
and eminent for their learning, we take it for granted that 
they themselves would not deny that they have never before 
been forced to studies of this kind, either for the purpose of 
printing a book, or for disputations with heretics, or for 
teaching, outside their own Order, theses of this kind at any 
university. They themselves say that in their day nothing 
was known of such questions, and that they were not treated 
of ; although, therefore, we look upon them as pious and 
learned, it is not going too far if we express our doubts as 
to the value of their opinions in such matters. 4. We know 
by experience that they have looked upon certain theses as 
being Molina's, which he himself looked upon quite otherwise, 
and that they have censured others to which they could not 
have attached any importance if they had sent a copy of 
them to us. 5. We cannot feel satisfied with their judgment 
because we see, for example, that they declare a thesis of 
Molina's to be Pelagian, which the universities of Alcala, 
Bologna and Siguenza hold to be true, and which has been 
defended as such by the most learned men of almost all the 
Orders of Spain, and the contrary theses to which Bellarmine, 
Stapleton and Gregorio de Valencia, who have read so many 
of the books of the heretics, and have held disputations 
against them, and confuted and written against them, declare 
to be a Calvinist error. In like manner, nine universities in 
the countries bordering upon those of the heretics have 
passed a similar judgment on that thesis.^ 

When the Jesuits presented this memorial, ClemxCnt VIII. 
had already resolved to leave on one side the mass of judg- 
ments and opinions upon the dispute. He thought that the 
purpose would be more quickly attained if he were to allow 
himself to be informed verbally of the reasons in support of 
the two controverted opinions by those who themselves 
represented them. Thus began the last and most celebrated 
phase of the negotiations in Rome : the disputations in the 
presence of the Pope. 

^ Point 4, in Astrain, 309 seq. 


The fatality which had hitherto pursued the Jesuits through- 
out the whole controversy, seemed destined to follow them 
from the opening of the new congregations. An imprudent 
act of theirs irritated the Pope against them exceedingly at 
the very moment when more than ever his good-will was so 
important to them. The occasion for this fresh storm was 
afforded by a subtle question of scholastic theology which 
had been defended at their college at Alcala on March 7th, 

If, for example, a Pope has been canonically elected and 
recognized by the Church, then according to Catholic principles 
it must infallibly be held that he is truly Pope and successor 
of St. Peter ; but it is possible to go further and ask : is it 
only infallibly certain that such and such a Pope, for example 
Clement VIII., is the successor of St. Peter, or is this a truth 
of faith revealed by God ? If God has revealed that all men 
are descended from Adam, then He has also revealed that 
such and such a man is descended from Adam. Thus, in the 
phrase, which is certainly revealed : all legitimate Popes are 
the successors of the Prince of the Apostles, is there in like 
manner contained the other : in Clement VIII. is continued 
the true succession of Peter ? On this point theologians are 
of different opinions ; some reply in the affirmative, and others 
in the negative. The question is of no practical importance ; 
no theologians questioned that Clement VIII. was the true 
Pope, not even those who could not see in this a revealed 
truth in the full sense of the words. ^ Such a question was 

1 Eleuthkrius, 333-337; AstrAin, 315-331. 

2 This is in accordance with the expression of Ranke (Papste, 
II.*, 200 n.) ; " The doctrine which they (the Jesuits) threatened 
before Contarini, is that the Pope is indeed infaUible, but that it 
is not an article of faith to hold this or that man to be the true 
Pope." It is not a question of the Jesuits in general but only of 
those of Alcala, and there is certainly no threat to be found in 
their doctrine. Perhaps the passage of A. Harnack also refers to 
the thesis of Alcala (or to the " threat " of a council ? Cf. infra, 
P- 353. n. i) : " Not only did they threaten the Pope and seek 
to intimidate him, when it seemed that he was too favourable to 


treated of in the lecture halls as an example by the help of 
which certain theses of the doctrine of faith could be explained. ^ 

The Augustinians, for example, had, on May 7th, 1601, 
at Saragossa, maintained the negative view^ without anyone 
being disturbed. When in the following July the same theses 
had been presented before the University of Alcala by a 
professor, Pefia called attention to this in Rome, and asked 
for the intervention of the Roman tribunals, without any 
steps being taken. ^ It was only when the Jesuits at Alcala 
followed the example of the unWersity on March 7th, 1602, 
at a public disputation,* that a veritable tempest broke out. 
A Dominican stated at a public disputation at Valladolid 
that the Jesuits had denied that Clement VIII. was truly 
Pope, and that if a Papal sentence was pronounced against 
them on the question of grace, they would maintain that they 
had not been condemned by a lawful Pope. It was in 
this sense that the matter was brought before the Pope 

Clement VIII. was not a theologian, and did not understand 
very much about the subtleties of scholasticism. Moreover, 
in the Eternal City suspicions were held of the Spaniards, 
for which their cesaropapalism and other pretensions against 
Rome had afforded abundant reason.^ Clement VIII. 
therefore felt violent anger against the Jesuits of Alcala. 
Aldobrandini was told to write at once to Ginnasio, to upbraid 
him for not having reported this unpleasant incident at 
Alcala. If the Inquisition had not already interfered it must 
do so at once. The nuncio must then take the matter in hand 
with all speed, and he was therefore sent the censure which 

the Dominicans, but even the most zealous Papalists shook the 
whole system to its foundations." (Lehrbuch der Dogmengesch. 
III., Freiburg, 1910, 739). 

^ Fuller details e.g. in Christ. Pesch, Praelectiones dogmaticae, 
VIII., Freiburg, 1910, n. 272 seqq. 

^ AsTRAiN, 321 seq. 

" Ibid. 315. 

* In general the Jesuits maintained the opposite thesis 

" CJ. Vol, XXIII. of this work, p. 195 seq. 


Rome had launched " against this bestiality, not to call it 
a thesis."^ 

The Inquisition feared that unless it interfered at once, 
the process would be transferred to Rome with the loss of 
its own prestige ; it therefore at once caused four Jesuits 
to be thrown into prison, namely the student who maintained 
the thesis at the disputation, his professor, the rector of the 
college, and the celebrated theologian Gabriel Vasquez.^ 
The nuncio would have liked first of all to have sent to Rome, 
as being responsible, the three doctors of Alcala, who were 
the predecessors of the Jesuits in their defence of the thesis, 
but on May 8th, 1602, the king intervened on their behalf.^ 
Clement VIII. decided that the cause of the four Jesuits, as 
well as that of the three doctors, must be judged in Spain. 
But the form in which he wrote this order in his own hand, 
on the last page of the letter to Ginnasio, shows once more 
the anger with which the events at Alcala had filled him. 
" The pride and presumption of these Spaniards in this matter 
— for there is no question of inculpating the Italians — is so 
great that they dare to write and print new and most perilous 
doctrines ; it is therefore necessary that the Inquisition there 
should keep its ej^es open . . . How true this is, is shown 
by this last act of misconduct, while another proof is to be 
found in the obstinacy with which they defend Molina, since 
in this matter as well it is not a case of more than four 
Spaniards, who spring from God knows what race.* Write 
to him (the nuncio) that we are satisfied, on account of the 
pressure brought to bear by the king, that the Inquisition 
there should examine, not only the cause of the Jesuits, but 
also that of those who have been summ.oned to Rome, but 
on condition that We are kept informed of what takes place. ^ 

1 Letter of March 30, 1602, in Astrain, 318. 
- Ibid. 319. 

* Ibid. 319 seq. 

* De la Bastida was of Jewish origin ; the same is asserted of 
Molina in the *Annales, composed by Paolo Emilio Santori, 
Vallicella Library, Rome, K. 7 seq., 615, 

^ AsTKAJN, 320, 


It was not difficult for the accused Jesuits to make clear 
before the Spanish Inquisition the mistake of which they 
had been the victims. They were able to produce a number 
of skilled theologians who taught exactly the same thing. ^ 
After a month and a half Vasquez and the rector of the Jesuits 
were set at full liberty as being innocent ; in the case of the 
two others the professed house of the Jesuits at Toledo was 
to serve as their prison.^ 

However serious the situation might be for the Jesuits 
there was not wanting a humorous side to the question.^ 
Among the theologians whom the Jesuits had cited in their 
defence was no other than their old adversary Baiies, and 
thus the seventy-five year old scholar, after his long struggle 
with the Jesuits, found himself entangled in the same net 
as themselves. The old scholar had for a long time retired 
from his chair and from disputations, but on this occasion 
the old lion felt him.self moved once more to enter the lists. 
On July 2nd, 1602, at Valladolid, where the court then v/as, 
he organized a public disputation, which was to be as brilliant 
as possible, in the Church of the Dominicans. The nuncio 
and many illustrious gentlemen were present. A thesis was 
discussed, which, though it did not recede from his previous 
theses, left nothing to be desired in the matter of devotion 
to the Roman See.'* He would have liked Spanish to have 
been chosen as the language for the discussion, so that the 
greatest possible number of persons might be convinced of 
his true opinions, but the Constable of Castille to whom he 
expressed this wish, drily replied that he preferred Greek, 
because in that way even less of the question would be under- 
stood. But Bafies was able to repair the loss by delivering 
a panegyric on Clement VIII. after the disputation. " Before 
God I am speaking the truth," he began, " when I say that I 
have read of and seen many holy and good lives of Roman 

1 Ibid. 

2 Ibid. 322. 

' Ibid. 323 seqq. 

^ Text of the thesis, ibid. 323. 


pontiffs, from the time of the Apostles to our own day, but I 
have never read of greater hohness and goodness than that 
of this Pope, by which I mean to say that Clement VIII. 
alwaj's has been, and always wdll be a true representative 
of Christ, and successor of the Prince of the Apostles." He 
said that this to him was a dogma, that he had always taught 
it and looked upon the contrary view as heresy and a shame- 
less act of effrontery.^ Then the Constable spoke, and pointed 
out that such assertions were superfluous, for no one of those 
present had called the authority of the Pope in question. 
Banes replied that this v/as true, but that it was necessary 
to consolidate those sound sentiments, and that if anyone 
should maintain the contrary it ought to be made plain to 
all that for such persons there were always judges in Spain to 
brand them as heretics. Baiies then wrote to the Pope that 
by his disputation he had stamped out a dangerous error, 
which on account of the reputation of its supporters might 
have spread throughout the world, and begged him at the 
same time to decide the dispute on grace by a pontifical 
sentence.^ The Trinitarian Zumel also held a similar disputa- 
tion with his old friend Banes, and wrote an account of it to 
Rome, receiving, in accordance with the usage of the Curia, 
a eulogistic reply, as did Bafies himself.^ Naturally the 
Jesuits could not now be left behind. On July loth, 1602, 
they also prepared a disputation at Valladolid, in which they 
endeavoured to give satisfaction to the offended Pope ; this 
they could do all the more easily in that probably the greater 
number of them did not share the opinions of their brethren 
at Alcala. They allowed themselves to say, however, without 

1 " Disse di N.S. molte lodi, tra le quali la prima fu, que delante 
de Dies que yo diga la verdad, disse egli, che dagli Apostoli in 
qua ha letto e visto molte vita di Pontifici Romani sante e buone, 
ma maggiore santita, ne bonta di qiiella di questo Papa non I'ha 
giammai letta, ne vista, ne intesa dire." Ginnasio in AstrAin, 
loc. cit. 

^ Ibid. 325 ; ScoRRAiLi.E, I., 440. 

* AstrAin, 325 seq. The brief of March 10, 1603, in Serry^ 


naming Banes, that the thesis recently maintained by a 
Dominican theologian was not altogether satisfactory.^ 

The nuncio, who was not a theologian, and had not a 
sufficient knowledge of the state of the question, made a report 
to Rome concerning the Jesuit disputation, but in rather 
frigid terms. On the other hand he zealously supported at 
the Inquisition the condemnation of the culprits of Alcala. 

The tribunal of the faith thus found itself in a position 
of much embarrassment ; it understood perfectly well that 
there were no grounds for a condemnation, but on the other 
hand had to take into account the irritation of the Pope 
and the pressure of the nuncio. At length, in September, 

1602, the sentenced was pronounced, which, however, was 
not published until the summer of 1603.2 This was an 
acquittal, though an exhortation and admonition were to be 
addressed to the accused,^ that is to say an exhortation to 
greater prudence, and an admonition for the imprudence 
already committed. 

In the meantime the indignation of Clement VIII. had 
evaporated. Cardinal Aldobrandini wrote on April 12th, 

1603, to the nuncio in Spain that the great accumulation of 
papers and opinions on the theses of Alcala had been laid 
aside, together with the question itself. Clement VIII. 
had thus discovered that, notwithstanding the thesis of 
Alcala, no one thought of calling his authority and dignity 
as Pope in question. 

Nevertheless, all this presaged ill for the subsequent 
development of the controversies on grace. 

The misapprehensions of the Pope had shown, clearly 
enough, that he had no profound dogmatic knowledge. Indeed, 
it is not even certain that he had ever studied dogmatics. In 
his youth he had attended the University of Bologna, but 
the students who intended to devote themselves to the service 

1 AstrAin, 326. 
" Ibid. 327 seqq. 

^ ■■ Liberatoria, facta priup illis monitione seu correctione." 
Jbid. 331, 


of the Curia studied canon law, nor is there anything to show 
that young Aldobrandini was an exception. ^ Yet now 
Clement VIII. intended to preside in person at the congrega- 
tions at which the most thorny questions of dogmatic theology 
were to be treated of. In spite of his age he plunged eagerly 
into the study of theology, read far into the night, laboured 
and attended disputations, so that Cardinal Pierbenedetti 
laughingly remarked that in his old age he had changed from 
a jurist into a theologian.^ He thought that in this way, 
and by Hstening to the discussions, he would attain to that 
clearness of view which was necessary in order to formulate 
a dogmatic judgment ; in this matter he acted rather as a 
private individual who wanted thoroughly to understand a 
scientific question, than as a Pope who was preparing to make 
a dogmatic definition. 

The new series of disputations began on March 20th, 1602. 
There were assembled in the Pope's apartments his closest 
advisers, Cardinals Pompeo Arigoni and Camillo Borghese, 
besides the members of the commission who had already four 
times spoken in condemnation of Molina, and who were now 
reinforced by four more consultors. Lastly there were the 
two Generals of the Orders and the theologians chosen by 
them ; the General of the Dominicans, Girolamo Javieres, 
was again accompanied by Diego Alvarez ; the General of 
the Jesuits brought with him as his theologian Gregory of 

The discussions which now began followed exactly the same 
course as that which had previously had so little result. This 
time again the first place was not given to the dogmatic thesis 
■ — in what does efficacious grace consist — but to Molina's 
book. This time, in examining the book, they did not even 

^ Ibid. 332. 

2 *Ipse (Clement VIIT.) efferventissime vigiliis, laboribus et 
IJbris incubare, disputationibus adesse, quaestiones invehere, 
disputare, sibi non parcere, atque, ut Perbenedictus ioco dicere 
solebat, ex iurisperito repente in senecta theologus evaserat 
'Annates of P. E. Santori, Vallicella Library, Rome, K 7 seq., 
615b). Cf. CouDERc, I., 346, 352. 


confine themselves to the principal question, whether Molina 
was right in rejecting physical predetermination, and intro- 
ducing in its stead the " scientia media " of God, but it was 
once more asked whether there were to be found in the disputed 
book theses which would justify its condemnation. Moreover, 
in the examination of the theses of Molina, the most difficult 
course was followed, namely their comparison with the doctrine 
of St. Augustine. Undoubtedly St. Augustine is looked upon 
by the Catholic Church as being par excellence the master 
of the doctrine of grace. But he often speaks with certain 
presuppositions, and refers to conditions which were well 
known and familiar to his first readers, but which cannot be 
understood by posterity, except by painful scientific study. 
Therefore he is not easy to understand in all particulars, and 
in the course of the history of the Church has given rise to 
many misunderstandings. 

It was therefore easy to see that the disputations would be 
very long protracted, when, a few weeks after the opening 
congregation the Pope proposed as the subject of the next 
discussions the two questions : did Augustine or Molina 
attribute greater force for good to the free will, and was the 
thesis of Molina that God gives man His grace while he is 
doing what is within the reach of his natural powers,^ to be 
found in Augustine, or was it at anyrate in accordance with 
his spirit, and recognized by him as a universal law of the 
order of grace. The first of these theses proposed by the 
Pope was treated of in eight congregations. The question 
was discussed whether man is capable of performing by his 
purely natural powers, without the help of grace, things 
that are naturally good, and whether he can do so even in 
difficult circumstances, for example, if he had to choose 
between death and sin ; also whether man is capable of 
assenting by his natural powers to the truths of faith, and 
whether he is capable by his purely natural powers of aspiring 
to faith and to supernatural help, of asking both from God, 
and of disposing himself to receive them. Then came the 

^ jEi.EUTHERius, 341 ; AstrAin, 337. 


question : what is the part taken by the free will in receiving 
grace and in increasing it, and whether the free will is sufficient 
to arouse repentance for the love of God, or in general any act 
of the love of God which is purely natural, or to resist 
temptations. At the ninth congregation, on September 30th, 
1602, the second of the questions originally proposed was 
arrived at. So far what had been always done was to first 
establish the doctrine of Augustine as to all these points, 
then that of Molina, and then to compare the two opinions. 
At the tenth congregation Augustine was abandoned, and 
until January 1603, that is to say for seven whole months, 
the doctrine of Molina was compared with that of Cassian,^ 
who is suspect of semi-Pelagianism without scholars having 
come to an agreement on the question down to the present 
day. Then the doctrine of Molina as to contrition and 
attrition, in accordance with the decrees of the Council of 
Trent, was examined,^ after which a return was made to 
Augustine, in order to discover a contradiction between him 
and Molina. In this way question succeeded question, and 
month after month went by, without any decision being come 
to. It seemed as though the principal question was being 
almost purposely evaded. The physical predetermination of 
the Dominicans almost disappeared from the scene during 
the discussions ; only three congregations concerned them- 
selves with the " scientia media " of Molina, and these were 
the only ones during the whole of the year 1604 which were 
of any importance for the true point of the controvers}^ 
Then the matter was again allowed to lapse, and on January 
4th, 1603, the question of eternal predestination was dealt with. 
Another congregation was fixed for February 12th, but by 
then Clement VIII. had already been seized by the malady 
from which he never recovered. 

Each of these congregations lasted for several hours. At 
the very first Alvarez and Valencia disputed for a full four 
hours ; the Avvisi of July 27th, 1602, relate that the dis- 

^ AsTRAiN, 347 seq. 
2 Ibid. 348. 


putation lasted uninterruptedly for seven hours on end.^ 
After the discussion by the theologians, as at first arranged, 
the Cardinals and consultors were at once to pronounce their 
judgment upon what had been said. From the eighth 
congregation onwards the discussions b}^ the Cardinals and 
consultors were separated from the disputation by the 
theologians, and transferred to one of the following days. 
This explains how it is that the number of the congregations 
is differently stated. Of the meetings, 68 took place under 
Clement VIII. ; at 37 of these the theologians disputed, while 
the Cardinals and consultors deliberated at the others. The 
total number of congregations under Clement VIII. and 
Paul V. was no less than 85.^ If the method so far adopted 
had been continued, such congregations could have carried 
on for years to come without arriving at any conclusion. 

That this method was a mistake was pointed out to the Pope 
with great frankness by Cardinal Bellarmine. He frequently 
told the Pope not to deceive himself, and said that, as he was 
not a theologian, he must not suppose that he would be able 
by his own studies to penetrate so obscure a question.^ At 
the end of 1601 or at the beginning of 1602, Bellarmine 
addressed a letter to Clement VIII.* in which he gives him 
information about Pelagius, and then implores the Pope to 
free the Church from the scandal of the dispute about grace 
as soon as possible, to restore unity, and to deprive the 

^ *Urb. 1070, Vatican Library. 

* AstrAin, 344. ScoRRAiLLE (I., 438) counts 70 Congregations 
under Clement VIII., 39 for disputations, and 31 for the corres- 
ponding deliberations ; under Paul V. he counts 1 1 disputations 
of the theologians and 8 deliberations of the consultors, in all 
therefore 89 congregations. 

* " Ipse tamen N. saepe admonuit Pontificem, ut caveret 
fraudem, et non putaret, se studio proprio, cum theologus non 
esset, posse ad intelligentiam rei obscurissimae pervenire." 
Autobiografia, 465. 

* Original text in Le Bachelet, Auctarium, 143-147, and 
DoLLiNGER, Beitrage, III., 83-87 ; extract in Serry, 271-273 ; 
Lammer, Melet., 382. 

bellarmine's letter to the pope. 351 

heretics of the opportunity of rejoicing at the discord among 
the Catholics. " And if it be lawful for me on a matter of 
such importance to say what I think as a Cardinal appointed 
by Your Holiness, and as your faithful servant, then I pray 
you to consider that the way which had been adopted had 
been shown to be very long and very fatiguing for Your 
Holiness." The direct way is not that of secret discussions 
with a few persons, but that of public discussions, and there 
would be scandal if a decision were to be made without public 
discussion. If a public discussion by a synod of bishops, or 
at any rate by an assembly of the doctors of the various 
universities, cannot be avoided, it should be summoned before 
the Pope has read all that he has set himself to read. Previous 
Popes, in matters of dogmatic decisions, have not relied 
principally upon their own study of dogmatics, but upon the 
general conviction of the Church, and especially of the bishops 
and doctors ; in this way, without personal fatigue, Luther, 
for example, was condemned by Leo X., and many errors 
by Paul HL, Julius HL, and Pius IV. with the assistance of 
the Council of Trent. The other method, that of personal 
scientific study, was attempted, for example, by John XXII., 
but without result, and " Your Holiness is faced by the danger 
to which Sixtus V. exposed himself and the whole Church 
when he set himself to correct the Holy Scriptures in accord- 
ance with his own views ; I do not know that it ever passed 
through a greater danger." There were two ways to put an 
end to the dispute on grace ; either to impose silence on both 
parties, or to convoke a synod of bishops or of chosen scholars 
from all the Catholic universities. But above all Bellarmine 
asked that, until a definite judgment was given, the mouths 
of those should be closed who went about spreading the 
rumour that the Pope had already formed his own convictions, 
that he leaned towards one of the parties, and was ill-disposed 
towards the other, for otherwise no one would any longer dare 
to express his own opinion. 

For a long time Bellarmine had been held in high esteem 
by Clement VIII., and when he was made a Cardinal^ the 

^ AsiRAiN, 270. 


Pope said that the Church had no one to equal him in learning. 
As long as the influence of the Jesuit Cardinal lasted, the Pope 
was favourable to the doctrine of grace of the Society of Jesus, 
which he openly called, when talking with him " Our 
opinion "^ ; but not later than April, 1600, when he ordered 
the examination of Molina's book, Clement VIII. had become 
subject to other influences, and altogether took the side of 
the Dominicans. The whole course and result of the con- 
gregations on the doctrine of grace show this. The choice 
of the subject to be discussed was entirely in accordance 
with the wishes of the Dominicans ; the Jesuits, on the 
other hand, were forced against their will to defend Molina's 
book in all its theses, and never were able to obtain their 
desire to see physical predetermination brought under 

Clement VIII., against the advice of Bellarmine, never made 
a secret of his own leanings. The Roman weekly news-sheet 
of March 23rd, 1602, says that he declared openly against the 
Jesuits ;2 a few months later it reported that he had openly 

^ Autobiografia, 465 : " Sententiam Societatis Papa vocabat 
sententiam Nostram." 

2 *Avviso of March 23, 1602 (Urb. 1070, Vatican Library) : 
This week the Pope held a congregation of Cardinals and theolo- 
gians about the controversy on grace " at ci fu gran disbattere at 
portare de libri hinc inde, in niodo che S.S. risolve tener anco due 
altre congregationi, ove vuole che intervanghino anco li cardenali 
et prelati del Concilio, e poi sapirla, et gia si vede rinclinatione, 
anzi S.S. si lascia intendcre apertamente, che va contra Jesuitas, 
ma ci e dubbio, clia questi vegiino et dimandino un Concilio, et 
che ci sara di fare, ma in tanto il P. Monopoli la predica publica- 
mente contro di loro." Bellarmine had actually suggested to 
the Pope that the convocation of a council would be the proper 
way to decide the controversy (Vol. XXIII., p. 358). There are, 
however no proofs of what certain people assert (Serry, 270 seq., 
and following him, Ran\'e, Papsta, II.*, 200), namely that the 
Jesuits wished to obtain a council against the will of the Pope, 
and that they asked this in order to deny the infallibility of the 
Pope. Cf. L. DE. Meyere, 289. 


declared himself against them.^ The Papal preacher of the 
Apostolic Palace, Anselmo Marzato of the Capuchin Order, 
who was one of the consultors at the congregations on the 
doctrine of grace, openly took the part of the Dominicans 
against the Jesuits in his conferences j^ in January 1603, in 
the Pope's presence he expressed himself in such a way that 
the coming condemnation of the Jesuits seemed to be 
heralded.^ In July 1602 Clement VIII. distributed large 
alms to obtain the assistance of God in an important matter, 
and the decision as to the doctrine of grace seemed to be 
imminent.^ When the Pope paid a visit to the Jesuits on 
February loth, 1603, he was given a present of some oil from 
the Indies. He asked whether Extreme Unction should be 
given with this to the Dominicans or the Jesuits. He then 
paid a visit to the Friars Preachers, and sent them some food 
from his own table, in order to show that the Jesuits had not 
affected him by their Indian oil.^ 

Clement VIII. undoubtedly had the intention of putting 
an end to the controversy between the two Orders by means 
of a dogmatic decision, but he was too conscientious to do 
anything hastily in the matter, and a condemnation of 
Molina seemed to become more and more impossible. It was 
reported again and again that the Papal decision was 
imminent, but those who looked more deeply into the question 

1 *Avviso of July 27, 1602 (Urb. 1070, Vatican Library) : At 
the congregation of this week seven hoars of uninterrupted 
disputation about Molina " et fina]nieiite S.B. disse che 
unusquisque abundet in scnsu (Rom. xiv. 5), seben per Roma 
si dice pubblicamente, che hal)bia dichiarata contra Jesuitas." 
The *Avviso of August 3 (ibid.) reports : "Si crede secundo 
dicono tutti che andra contra li Jesuiti, li quali pero si aiutano 
quanto possono, ma pur si quieteranno, come si sono quietati del 
decreto fatto, che non si possa confessare per epistolam, come 
essi tenevano." 

2 *Avvisi of March 9 and 23, 1602, Urb. 1070, Vatican Library. 

3 *Avviso of January 8, 1603, Urb. 1071, ibid. 

* *Avviso of July 31, 1602, Urb. 1070, ibid. 

* *Avviso ol February 15, 1603, Urb. 1071, ibid. 

VOL. XXIV. 23 


did not allow themselves to be deceived by such rumours. 
At the beginning of 1602 Bellarmine had gone so far as to 
tell the Pope that His Holiness would never give a dogmatic 
decision on the question, and he had remained fixed in his 
opinion, in spite of the assurances of the Pope to the contrary.^ 
Clement VHI. was not a little disturbed by the apparent 
obstinacy of the Cardinal, and gave him a severe admonition. ^ 
But Bellarmine knew well enough what he was saying. 
Molina in his book had always connected his theses with the 
traditions of the past ; it was imipossible to condemn any 
of his assertions without at the same time involving a number 
of other illustrious theologians ; the Dominicans would have 
to allow their own theologians to be involved if they v/ished 
to obtain the condemnation of Molina. Bellarmine had 
written in this sense to the Spanish Jesuits,^ and the celebrated 
Jesuit theologian, Gabriel Vasquez, had spoken to the same 
effect.^ The remonstrances of Bellarmine had no other effect 
than to cause the Pope to appoint him Archbishop of Capua, 
and thus remove him from Rome.^ 

^ Autobiografia, 465 : " apeite ille praedixit, a Sanctitate sua 
quaestionem illam non esse definiendam ; at cum ille replicaret 
se definiturum, respondit N. : Sanctitas vestra non earn definiet." 

^ Pena, Diarium, in Astraiin, 340. 

3 Bellarmine to Padilla, March 9, 1601, in Scouraille, 1., 421. 

* Vasquez to De Hojeda, Alcala, June 20, '1601, ibid. 421 n. 

^ Cf. CouDERC, 341 seq. \\'e may also make mention of other 
motives for the tension between the Pope and the Cardinal. 
*Ceterum Pontifex suique in arcanu infensi Bellarmino cense- 
bantur, quod cum Parmensi nuptias, quod amplissiman dotem 
et pauperum patrimonium inter nuptialia instrumenta distributum 
improbasset. . . . Aperte ambitionem atque in maritanda tarn 
praeclare pronepte elationem animi improbavit, et crebris 
principem schedulis exaratis de salute common uerat, 
Baronii misertus, quod principi a sacris confessionibus, multa 
reticeret, — nam ita lussum sibi faisse mihi atfirmabat — , quae ad 
publicam utilitatem deferri oportebat. Horum princeps hand 
inscius . . . dissimulata in Bellarminum iracundia, lesuitas 
acriter agitare, tan to \dolentior Sixto, quanto honestior premendi 
species videbatui [in the controversy on grace]. . . . Behar- 


The view of Bellarmine and of a few others, who were 
especially well versed in the matter, was not, however, that 
of the great majority. All Europe was impatiently awaiting 
the issue of the controversy. Even the Protestants eagerly 
gave ear to the rumours that were constantly being spread 
that Molina had already been condemned. Scribani, the 
rector of the Jesuits, wrote from Antwerp,^ " I can find no 
words to describe the expressions of joy with which this news 
has been received by the heretics of our city. Some of them 
have gone so far as to congratulate themselves that the view 
of Calvin as to free will has at last been recognized as true, 
and that the Papists who were formerly so proud of their 
unity, now find themselves at issue as to the principal dogmas 
of faith." Scribani does not hesitate to say that such a 
condemnation would be a graver blow to the Catholic religion 
in Flanders than the long and bloody years of the civil wars. 
The Catholics were living in a state of fear, and were miserably 
depressed by the rumours which were being spread in Holland, 
and which would provide an opportunity for a flood of libels 
against the Catholics at the coming fair. 

These rumours, which continued to be spread, were a sore 
trial to the whole Society of Jesus ; the reputation of their 
teaching and their schools were bound to suffer grievous 
injury on their account. The very fact that the Order had 
had to sacrifice some of its most distinguished scholars for 
the absolutely sterile work of the congregations on the doctrine 
of grace, was in itself no small loss. Gregory of Valencia, 

minuni Capuano archiepiscopatu demulsum specie honoris Urbe 
amolitus, donee in vivis egit, rcgredi non est passus. [the dispute 
on grace], totius Europae academiis in factiones distractis 
Apostolico Dominicanis aequioie et lesuitarum opiniones pre- 
mente. . . . Et cum in arcane odisset, illorum disciplinas atque 
instituta palani laudare. [In view of the attitude of John XXII. 
the Jesuits had no doubt as to the issue] nee aliter permissuruni 
Deum credere, ieiuniis et precibus dediti ad averruncandani in se, 
quamquam occultaretur, in se principis iram. Santorii Annales, 
Vallicella Library, Rome, K 7 seq., 615 seq. 
1 March 16, 1602, in Scorraille, I., 441. 


who was first appointed to defend their cause there, fell 
seriously ill after the first eight congregations. His recovery 
was awaited for a month, and then he was replaced by 
Pedro di Arrubal. Valencia died soon afterwards, on 
March 26th, 1603, the victim, it was supposed, of the excessive 
work which he had had to undergo during the hottest months 
of the summer, with the oppressive feeling that the whole 
honour of the Order depended upon him.^ His successor, 
too, Arrubal, was taken ill in June 1603^ ; after four months 
respite in the disputations, his place was taken by Ferdinando 
de la Bastida. After the latter had had to carry on the 
disputations at three congregations in the fourteen days 
between November loth and 25th, 1603, it was only on 
December ist that he received information of the subject 
that he was to defend on December 8th, and poured out his 
grievance to the Pope in a letter^ that was somewhat excited. 
In this he said that even if he were able to study uninter- 
ruptedly day and night he would not have time to prepare 
so difficult a subject, in view of this hasty procedure. Nor 
was the hint lacking that the Dominicans wished to wear out 
their adversaries and prevent them from preparing themselves 
as they should. The Pope should not permit him to lose his 
health and his life by such excessive labour. 

The Dominicans too replaced the defender of their cause, 
immediately after the first congregation, by Tommaso de 
Lemos. The reasons for this change are not known ; it is 
only known that at the end of the session silence was imposed 
under pain of excommunication, and that according to 
De Lemos the Jesuits were satisfied with the reuslt of the 
disputation. De Lemos, who is described as a man of great 
physical robustness, lasted until the end of the congregations,^ 
although, in spite of all remonstrances, these were very long 
drawn out. 

1 AsTRAiN, 345. 
- Ihid. 348. 
^ Ihid. 351 seq. 
* Ihid. 337. 


The pressure which was brought to bear on the Pope by 
the Spanish government to hasten the discussions was 
especially importunate. Philip II. had already addressed 
himself to Rome for this purpose ; his son, although he knew 
nothing about the controverted matter, signed, under the 
pressure of those interested, a whole series of similar letters, 
both to the Pope and the ambassador in Rome,^ even before 
the congregations in the presence of the Pope had been begun. 
De la Bastida hinted, in the letter already mentioned, that 
the king was acting under the influence of the Dominicans, 
but there are also to be found edicts of the king to his 
ambassador which can only have been inspired by the Jesuits. 
Thus a royal order to the Duke of Sessa, of June 2nd, 1600, 
contains a command to present to the Pope, in the king's 
name, a request that he will first direct the examination to 
the question of doctrine, and only then examine in the same 
way, both the suspected books, that of Bafies equally with 
that of Molina. 2 The Duke of Sessa wrote on July 12th, 
1601, that so far there had been no talk of the principal point, 
and that all that had been dealt with was the work of Molina, 
its correction and its condemnation. According to the 
assertion of the Dominicans, the whole discussion would come 
to an end if certain theses of Molina's were condemned ; the 
Jesuits were defending these theses, but asserted that the 
controversy which the Pope should decide was not principally 
concerned with these. ^ Such expressions obviously revealed 
the point of view of the Jesuits. Duke William of Bavaria 
and the widow of the Emperor Maximilian II. also intervened 
on behalf of the Jesuits, but the Pope rather angrily replied : 
" We are convinced," he wrote to the Duke of Bavaria, 
" that your intercession can be traced to certain people who 
would comply better with their office and their duty if they 

1 AsTRAiN (349 seq.) mentions the letters of Philip III. of the 
year 1600 : Vise February 29, Cercedilla, June 2, Medina del 
Campo, July 21 ; in the year 1601 the letters of the Duke of 
Sessa of July 12 and December 3, etc. Cf. Couderc, I., 360 seq. 

' AstrAin, 349. 

^ Ibid. 


paid attention with humility and submission to the judgment 
of the Holy See, instead of seeking for such intercession. "^ 
He wrote in the same sense to the Archduchess Maria. ^ 

Throughout the whole of this matter Clement VHI. 
preserved a holy gravity. When at the opening of the first 
congregation he recited on his knees aloud a praj^er to the 
Holy Ghost, it was to be seen that he was deeply moved, and 
the tears flowed from his eyes. He celebrated mass before 
each congregation, or at any rate received Holy Communion 
if his gout did not permit of his doing so.^ During the summer 
months of 1602, which were oppressively hot, he took part 
like the others at the wearisome sessions which lasted for 
hours, and not even in the October of that year would he 
leave Rome, so as not to be absent from the heated con- 
troversy.^ He assured the Spanish ambassador, when the 
latter urged him to take more care of himself, that he was 
working and toiling to the best of his ability, in order to get 
to the bottom of the matter.^ Some marginal notes and 
underlined words in a printed copy of the book of Molina, 
preserved at Tortosa, prove that he had at any rate attempted 
to make a profound study of the not easily to be understood 

1 In ScoRRAiLLE, I., 422 seq. 

2 August 20, 1601, in Archiv. f. osterr. Gesch., XV. (1856), 233. 
The University of Wtirzburg in a letter of July 7, 1601, to the 
Pope regretted the report that certain Catholic theologians were 
teaching that physical predetermination to which the will cannot 
refuse its consent, and it feared that on account of this assertion 
the heretics would become more obstinate in their errors. 
(RuLAND, Series professorum theologiae Wirceburgensium (1835), 
258 seq. The Duke of Sessa also said on February 28, 1603 (in 
CouDERC, L, 362) that the Protestants were exploiting the 
controversy against the Jesuits. 

8 ScoRRAiLLE, I., 431 seq. 

-I *Avviso of October 9, 1602, Urb. 1070, Vatican Library. 

* Sessa, December 3, 1602, in Astrain, 350. 

« Ibid. 354 seq. For the small copy of MoUna, belonging to 
Clement VIII., with autograph notes by the Pope, see Razon y Fe, 
XXIV. (1909), 183-194. 


If in spite of all this he did not succeed in settling the 
controversy between the two Orders, the fault must be 
attributed to those about him. Not being himself a theologian, 
he had to trust to the advice of others, and he was badly 
advised. Above all, the way which he chose for the solution 
of the controversy was quite unusual, and never before 
attempted. Previous Popes had left the judgment on literary 
works either to the Inquisition or to the Congregation of the 
Index, and then considered their judgment with full confidence. 
But now an unheard of thing happened ; a special congre- 
gation was appointed of which the Pope held the presidency 
in person. The disputations were indefinitely protracted, 
and all to ascertain whether a book contained heretical theses 
or not. For a thousand years no such unheard of honour 
had been accorded to any author. Peace between the 
Dominicans and Jesuits could be restored by the condemnation 
of Molina, yet the learned and careful theologian could not 
be convicted of heretical thesis. Certain Jesuits, for 
example Bellarmine, were not in agreement with Molina as 
to all his theses, but it is one thing to hold a thesis to be 
mistaken or inexact, and quite another to hold it to be heretical 
and deserving of theological censure, and the congregations 
held in the presence of Clement VIII. finally justified Molina 
in this respect. Moreover, it was certainly a mistake to 
suppose that peace would be restored between the two Orders 
by the condemnation of certain theses of Molina. If this end 
was to be attained by means of a dogmatic decision, the 
principal question which was dividing the Order of Preachers 
and the Society of Jesus would have to be directly dealt with. 
But this was entirely set aside. The " scientia media " of 
Molina was only briefly dealt with in comparison with other 
questions of minor importance ; " physical predetermination " 
was hardly discussed at all. The dispute turned always on 
secondary questions, while the burning principal question was 
entirely neglected. Lastly, it may be asked whether it was 
fair morally to force the Jesuits to defend Molina and his 
book ; they always clung firmly to the point of view that the 
whole Society of Jesus as such could not be held responsible 


for every thesis of Molina. Nevertheless circumstances had 
worked together to embitter the quarrel in such a way that 
a condemnation of Molina would have been looked upon as 
a defeat of the whole Jesuit Order, and as a proof of its 
scientific incapacity. The Jesuits therefore, whether they 
willed or not, had to resolve upon the defence of Molina if 
only to prevent a mortal blow against themselves. From 
the beginning the two Orders were not treated on equal 
terms. The Dominicans were allowed to come forward 
as the " defenders of the doctrine of grace," and as 
the accusers, while the Jesuits had to take their place 
on the bench of the accused ; thus the Pope put himself 
into a position which, after the end of the matter, proved 
a false one. 

" Pope Clement " so judged his successor Paul V., 
" regretted that he had allowed himself to be engulfed in this 
business, and that after many years of disputations he could 
find no way of coming out of it well."^ It could not have 
been otherwise, once he had allowed himself to be led into the 
mistake of making Molina's book the centre of the discussions. 
It would seem, however, that towards the end of his days, 
Clement VIII. regarded the opinion of the Jesuits more kindly 
when there came to Rome Cardinal du Perron, after Bellar- 
mine and Stapleton the greatest controversial theologian 
against Protestantism, who said to him that all the Calvinists 
and Lutherans in France and Germany would hold jubilee 
over the condemnation of the opinion of the Jesuits, and 
would see in it an acceptance of their own doctrine of free will.^ 

^ " Che Papa Clemen te era pentito d'esseri ingolfato in questo 
negozio, et che dope molti et molti anni di dispute non trovava 
il verso d'uscirne bene." Schneemann, 296 ; Scorraille, I., 


2 Scorraille, I., 443. Bellarmine says in a reply to a letter 
of Du Perron of February 10, 1605 : Rendo ancora a Die 
Benedetto molte grazie, che abbia fatto venire a Roma in tempore 
della controversia de auxiliis la persona di V. S. 111™^ perche se 
bene io piu volte ho fatto sapere a N. S. quanto sia vicina al 
Calvinismo I'opinione della fiscia predeterminatione, e come e 


Thus the failure of the Pope in this difficult matter seemed 
to be inevitable and bej^ond doubt. In spite of this, from 
another point of view, Clement is deserving of every 
admiration. It is impossible not to realize his zeal to free 
the Church from a troublesome disunion, nor the conscientious- 
ness and perseverance with which he took upon his own 
shoulders the crushing burden of personal attendance at 
the congregations, nor the self-control which never suffered 
him to take an}^ mistaken action of importance against the 
Jesuits, in spite of his distrust of them, nor his sincere desire 
to arrive at the truth. If with all this it was not granted 
him to gather the harvest of his labours, he at anyrate has 
the credit of having smoothed the way for his successor to a 
happy solution of the question. 

Both the scholars whose controversy had laid such a heavy 
burden on the head of the Church preceded Clement VIII. 
to the grave. Banes died on October 21st, 1604, at Medina 
del Campo. It is said that a short time before he breathed 
his last he protested that he believed all that he had written 
concerning the question of grace as firmly as he believed in 
the unity and trinity of God, but that he submitted everything 
to the judgment of the Pope and the Church.^ If Bafies 
really said this he has in so doing given a further proof that 
his undoubtedly great intellect often allowed itself to be 
guided more by his strong will than by the conviction of proof, 

abborita dalla maggior parte delle Universita cattoliche, massime 
da quelle, che stanno a f rente degli eretici : nondimeno la parte 
contraria ha procurato, che non mi sia data plena fade per essere 
Gesuita, e per conseguenza interessato. Ma in V. S. 111. non si 
puo trovare eccezione alcuna essendo note a tutti, como Lei 
puo giudicare meglio di qualsivoglia altro di questa controversia 
e non ci ha altro interesse che della verita e fede cattolica : siche 
Iddio I'ha niandata, accio le passioni de molti altri e remulazione, 
che hanno coUe Gesuiti, non faccia intorbidare la verita in cosa di 
tanto memento (Laemmer, Meletemata, 382). Du Perron was a 
" buona lancia " for the Jesuits, wrote later on, on September 7, 
Canon Gualdo to Peiresc (Prat, Coton V., 243). 

^ SCORRAILLE, I., 445 seq. 


since neither Dominican nor Jesuit could place his view on 
the controversy about grace on the same level as the great 
truths of faith. 

Four years earlier, on October 12th, 1600, there preceded 
him to the grave the man against whom Baiies had in life 
carried on a struggle so long, and as the event proved, so 
unjust. Molina was without doubt one of the most acute 
minds of his time, a time so rich in great theologians. But 
with all this he was not one of those who immerse themselves 
in the world of their own ideas without heeding the course 
of events around them ; the star which had guided him in 
his scientific labours was always, in his eyes, the welfare of 
the Church. Just as his work on grace and liberty aimed at 
finding a foundation for a solid solution of a difficulty that 
was then very popular,^ so the voluminous book to which he 
devoted the labours of his latter years aimed at providing a 
solid scientific basis for the decisions of the confessor and the 
parish priest, dealing in six volumes with the questions of 
canon law and justice. As they did in learning, so did Baiies 
and Molina stand at opposite poles in character ; Baiies the 
head of a school, as it were predestined to gather others round 
him, to imbue them with his ideas, and fill them with enthus- 
iasm for difficult undertakings ; Molina, working in silence, 
as a man a picture of non-resistance, as a religious as 
submissive as a child to his superiors in spite of his great 
learning, yet a man according to the spirit of Thomas a Kempis, 
whose Imitation of Christ he read every day. In his last 
illness he no longer interested himself in scientific questions ; 
when his superior asked him concerning his still unpublished 
books he repHed that the Society of Jesus might do as it liked 
with them. His life was filled with disputes and attacks, 
but he always maintained peace of soul, in the firm conviction 
that he had truth on his side. A kindly star seemed to shine 
over his life, for however desperate his cause might havQ 
seemed, in the end it turned steadily in his favour, ^ 

^ See supra, p. 284. 

2 SCORRAILLE, I., 433 seqq. 


The controversy between the two Orders did not end with 
the death of the two leaders, and the Roman discussions 
had on the contrary embittered and indefinitely prolonged 
the struggle ; but we must be careful not to attribute this 
unhappy result only to the imprudent impetuosity of Banes. 
The struggle between the older and the younger Order took 
its origin in the circumstances of the time and was difficult 
to avoid. 

Throughout their course of action the Jesuits were inspired 
by the conviction that a new age had begun, and had brought 
with it new requirements, and that it was not enough merely 
to follow in all things the ways that had been trodden a 
thousand times. Always in contact with tradition, and no 
less than the others, mindful of the spirit of the Church, 
wherever they saw their opportunity they sought for new 
methods, both at home in the exercise of the ministry, and 
in the foreign missions, as well as in science. Even though at 
times this aim led to misunderstandings, yet their efforts 
proved of great advantage to the Church. The result of their 
labours in the field of learning was the development of ascetic 
and moral theology, of apologetics against Protestantism, a 
new manner of treating of the whole field of dogmatics, and 
of Christian philosophy in accordance with the exigencies of 
the times, together with vast labours on the Holy Scriptures. 
But it was inevitable that their whole tendency, and their 
attention to the needs of the times, which had been manifested 
during the first ten years of their Order, should arouse 
suspicion among those who, by the whole of their glorious 
past, found themselves bound to the maintenance of those 
forms in which they had hitherto moved, and by 
means of which they had acquired their reputation in 
the Church. 

Some of this party watched with anxiety the actions of the 
young Order w^hich was springing up so lustily ; its proceedings 
seemed to them not to be free from an innovating and anti- 
ecclesiastical spirit, and they felt themselves called upon to 
apply a barrier. With his incomparable perspicacity Ignatius 
of Loyola had foreseen the future development of events in 


this respect, exhorting his sons at every opportunity^ carefully 
to try and avoid as far as possible all conflict with the friars 
and monks ; but it was not possible to do so altogether. Not 
to do so might even be of use to the Church, in that the two 
tendencies, that which aimed at going forward and that 
which sought to hold it back, it might be saved by the very 
struggle from remaining one-sided. 

Molina did nothing more than to let loose the storm of 
indignation which had been gathering for a long time past. 
It must be admitted that in his new setting forth of the most 
ancient ideas he did some extraordinary things, and in 
subsidiary matters went a little too far, even in the opinion 
of Bellarmine. In his overpowering zeal and in perfect faith, 
such a man as Baiies might well suppose that the precious 
inheritance of traditional theology was threatened by him. 
After the question had been transferred to Rome, probably 
contrary to the intention or expectation of Bafies, the 
opposition to Molina — precisely because of the long duration 
of a struggle which was fought out in the highest places and 
in sight of all the world — became more and more a point of 
honour for the whole Order, and the final result was that 
what had never been so hitherto, as far as can be discovered, 
was raised to the dignity of a doctrine of the Order. 

From what was said at the chapter-general, where the 
whole Order was officially represented, it is quite clear that 
not all Dominicans as a whole were animated by sentiments 
of hostility towards their younger colleague and rival. 
Immediately after the first flashes of the dispute about grace, 
when the incitements of an xA.vendafio were fresh in men's 
minds, such an assembly was held at Valencia in 1596. The 
conciliatory attempts which, at the suggestion of Aquaviva, 
were then undertaken by the Dominicans and Jesuits, were 
so to say crowned by an express order from the chapter- 

^ Ribadeneira in Monumenta Ignatiana, Ser. 4, Vol. I., 434. 
Out of consideration for the Dominicans he would not even have 
the Immaculate Conception included among the theses to be 
defended in public. Ibid, 


general in favour of the Jesuits. This states^ " We exhort 
in the Lord all the brethren of our Order to embrace in sincere 
and fraternal affection all those religious with whom we ought 
to be striving for the same end, and in particular those who 
are labouring without ceasing in the midst of others for the 
defence of the faith and salvation of souls, namely the Fathers 
of the Society of Jesus, whom with the others we warmly 
recommend to you. We desire that they should have evidence 
in your deeds of the affection and charity of your hearts, 
that you should be at their disposal wherever you can, and 
that you should not give offence to them in any way, either 
in word or deed." Those who act in any other way will be 

This exhortation was repeated by the chapters-general 
in Rome in the years 1644 and 1656. In 1644 it was laid 
down that the Dominicans must show to individual Jesuits 
and to the whole Society of Jesus " service and devotion, 
with the greatest kindness and conscientiousness, so that 
they may find in us the expression of an exquisite charity 
and a cordial affection. Even though we may not always 
be in agreement with them in their opinions and ideas, we 
must nevertheless always be in will of one soul and one heart." 
The chapter of 1656 asked " that the Jesuits and all others 
should realize from our hospitality, confidence, cordiality 
and union that we are disciples of Christ." The General of 
the Order, Giovanni Battista de Marinis warmly recommended 
his subjects in a circular of March 25th, 1661, to live in 
harmony with the Society of Jesus : " We ought on both 
sides to be one heart and one soul in Our Lord ; we ought 
both of us to prove this by our rivalry in fervent charity, 
while our undivided union must proclaim it."^ 

1 Admonitiones n. 4, in Monumenta ordinis fratrum Praedica- 
torum historica, torn. X. (Acta capitulorum generalium, torn. V.), 
Rome, 1 90 1, 371. 

2 List of these texts in Maximi Mangold, Reflexiones in 
R. P. Alexandri a. s. loanne de Cruce Carm. excalc. continua- 
tionem historiae ecclesiasticae Claudii Fleurii Abbatis, I., 
Augsburg, 1 783, 449. Cardinal Zigliara, one of the most illustrious 


These decrees were responded to, on the part of the Jesuit 
by decrees of the General of the Order, Vitelleschi, and were 
repeated by the eight general congregation of the whole Order 
in 1645. The exhortation of the congregation says .^ " All 
our subjects must aim everywhere at speaking, both in private 
conversations and in public, in favourable terms of the vener- 
able Order of Dominicans in general as well as of its institutions, 
its eminent learning and its distinguished works ; they must 
treat its members with such respect and courtesy as to rival 
one another in mutual hospitality and other manifestations 
of affection, as is becoming to our humble Society, and as is 
due to an Order which is greater than ours in antiquity and 
dignit}'." The same general congregation later on in 1661, 
following upon the letter of the General of the Dominicans, 
De Marinis, renewed and confirmed this exhortation. ^ 

modern theologians of the Dominican Order, writes : " Ex 
sententiis autem, quae libera in contrariam partem agitantur 
inter catholicos, tene quae magis conformis tibi ration! videtur, 
sed contra eos, qui a te dissentiunt, cave ab iniuriis, quas sapientia 
reprobat, caritas detestatur. Sequere thomistas, sequere molin- 
istas, utrimque liabes magistros doctissimos et piisssmos et noli 
amplecti veritatem extra caritatem, nam et ipsa caritas Veritas 
est (Summa philosophica, 11.^^, Paris, 1912, 524). 

^ Congr. VIII. deer. 12 (Institutum Societatis lesu, II., 
Florence, 1892, 346). 

- Cong. XI. deer. 19 {loc. cit. 381) : " ut illustrissimum natuque 
maiorem in Ecclesia Ordinem, sanctitate, doctrina rebusque 
praeclare gestis de ilia optime meritum, peculiari benevolentia 
completantur, de illo magnifice sentiant et loquantur, aliisque 
venerationis significationibus et charitatis officiis prosequantur." 


The Papal States. — The Re-acquisition of Ferrara. — 
Death of the Pope. 

The many anxieties which the Turkish peril and the religious 
conditions of all the countries of Europe caused Clement VIII. 
were j'et further added to by the conditions in the States of 
the Church. These were administered by the cardinalitial 
Congregation of the Consulta, although the Pope also took a 
direct part in their affairs.^ Carrying out a project of 
Sixtus v., Clement VIII., by a bull of October 30th, 1592, 
set up a special Congregation for the Administration of the 
States of the Church, composed of three Cardinals.^ His 

1 Cf. Paruta, Dispacci, I., 288. An Urbino *Avviso of July 24, 
1593 (Urb. 1061, Vatican Library) says of the Consulta " La 
Consulta a Roma e a punto I'Udientia nel nostro State." Cf. 
Paruta, Relazione, 415 seq. ; Dolfin, Relazione, 461. Many 
instances of the care of Clement VIIL for Rome and for the 
States of the Church are now printed in the valuable publication 
compiled by the communal administration of Rome : Regesti di 
bandi, editti, notificazioni e provvedimiCnti diversi alia citta di 
Roma e dello Stato Pontificio, 2 vols, (beginning with the Xlllth 
century and going as far as 1605), Rome, 1920-1925. 

2 See Bull., IX., 603 seq. The " Congregazione del Buon 
governo " was as it were a daughter of the Consulta. Cf. J AC. 
CoHELLi, Comment, in buUam X. Clementis VIIL de bono 
regimine, Cologne, 1699 ; A. de Vecchis, CoUectio constitut., 
chirographum et brevium Rom. Pontif. pro bono regimine 
universit. ac communit. status ecclesiae., 3 vols., Rome, 1732 seq. ; 
Le Bret, Statistik, 224 seq., 298 ; Moroni, XVL, 158 'seq. ; 
Richard in Rev. d'hist. eccles., XL, 728 seq. For the benefit of 
the future historian of the Papal States, I would point out that 
the Archives of the Congregazione del Buon governo, which have 


ordinance for the visitation of each of the provinces, so as 
to suppress the abuses in the administration of the communes, 
may also be traced back to Sixtus V.^ 

Like the rest of Italy, the territories of the Holy See had 
since 1590 repeatedly suffered from bad or quite insufficient 
harvests. The scarcity of bread brought in its train a crushing 
increase in the cost of all other necessities. Even though 
this calamity was not so great in the Papal States, and above 
all in Rome, as in the other cities of the peninsula, it was 
nevertheless felt there all the more severely in that much better 
conditions had prevailed there before.^ 

All the reports agree in saying that Clement VIII. did all 
he could in the first years of his pontificate to overcome this 
scarcity, especially in Rome.^ The superintendence of the 
trade in food left nothing to be desired, but the scarcity was 
universal, bad methods of provisioning were deep-rooted, 
while very often the officials were untrustv/orthy and un- 
businesslike.* The Pope was unable, as Paruta points out, 

not as yet been used by anyone, were in the Vatican, and occupied 
no less than 16 rooms. The acta, however, only begin about the 
year 1630 ; the earlier ones are to be found in the Papal Secret 
Archives. This state of affairs was changed in 1918 ; Cardinal 
Gasquet, with the consent of Pope Benedict XV., who interested 
himself greatly in what concerned the archives, agreed to an 
exchange with the Italian government, as a result of which a 
small part of the acta of the Camera in the State Archives of 
Rome passed into the Papal Secret Archives, to which they 
obviously belonged, while the archives of the Buon go\'erno were 
handed over to the State Archives, Rome. There they were 
re-arranged. Cf. the fully explanatory articles by A. Lodolini, 
L'amministrazione pontificia del Buon governo, in the periodical 
Gli archivi Ital., VI. (Rome, 191 9), 181 seqq., VII. (1920), 3 seq., 88. 

^ Cf. Lodolini, loc. cit., VI., 214. 

" See Paruta, Relazione, 388 seq. 

^ See ibid. 389, the Avvisi in Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 23, 
and the *Avvisi of July 8 and 15, 1592 (Urb. 1060, II.) and of 
March 20, 1593 (Urb. 1061) Vatican Library. 

* See Paruta, Dispacci, II., 388, and Relazione, 389. Cf. 
*Avviso of July 28, 1593, Urb. 1061, loc. cit. 


to keep in touch with ah the details/ but he sought in this 
respect to do all he could, and even, in April, 1593, had a 
report made to him by his nephew whether the city was 
sufficiently supplied with bread. ^ He laboured indefatigabty 
to secure the importation of grain from outside,^ although 
he met with great difficulties in this, as some of the provinces, 
as for example the fertile Romagna, were suffering from bad 

That the scarcity was general is shown by the fact that 
even the city of Bologna, which on account of its richness was 
named la grassa, was, from 1590 to 1592, the victim of serious 
scarcity,^ and the number of the inhabitants fell from 90,000 
to 70,000.® Clement VIII. lent the city 80,000 scudi.'^ The 
legation of Bologna, from October i6th, 1592, onwards, was 
in the hands of Cardinal Montalto.^ This office brought him a 
fixed revenue of 6000 scudi,^ but he resided in Rome.^" The 
vice-legate or governor acted as his representative. The 
latter had but little influence in the administration because 

1 See Paruta, Relazione, 389 ; the *Avvisi frequently refer to 
the steps taken by Clement VIII. against bad officials : e.g. 
June 28 and August 4, 1593, Urb. 1061, loc. cit. 

2 *" Ogni sera viene date al Papa dalli suoi nepoti minute 
ragguaglio del pane che si fa per tutta Roma, della quale se ne 
trova hora abbondate per ciascuno." Avviso of April 10, 1593. 
Urb. 1061, Vatican Library. 

* C/. *Avvisi of July 8 and 15, 1592, Urb. 1060, IL, loc. cit. ; 
Paruta, Dispacci, L, 28, 49, 192, 243. For the importation of 
grain from the Low Countries to Civitavecchia, i593-i594. see 
Maere in An. de I'Acad. Archcol. de la Belgique, 5th ser. VIII. 

* See Paruta, Dispacci, II. , 81. 
« Cf. Bull. IX., 553. 

« See the Informazioni di Bologna in Ranke, III.*, 107.* 

' See Bull. IX., 553. 

» See *Acta consist, card. S. Severinae, Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, 
Vatican Library. 

» See the Informazioni di Bologna of 1595 by Guglielmo di 
Montolon, Cod. D. 181 n. 8, Ambrosinian Library, Milan. 

1" See DoLFiN, Relazione, 460. 

VOL. XXIV. 24 


the city was very independent.^ In an instruction of the 
year 1595 it is stated that the Bolognesi must be inspired 
with respect, and at the same time with loyalty ; the 
first will be attained if the representative of the Papal 
authority devotes himself seriously to the administration 
of justice and the importation of food ; devotion will best 
be inspired by impartiality and the protection of good 

In the Marches and the Romagna as well there had been a 
decrease in the population in consequence of the epidemics 
of 1590. A crushing state of misery was on the increase 
among the survivors, because the officials exacted the taxes 
with the utmost rigour. In these provinces, which in the 
past had seemed to be veritable granaries, there was now an 
alarming decrease in production.^ In Umbria too there was 
a scarcity of food, so that there as well as in the Marches 
special ordinances had to be issued in order to meet the 

The scarcity in Rome continued even in those years when 
the harvest was good. The Pope was rightly incensed that 
when the situation had improved, the people did not reap 
the advantage.^ The fault was partly due to the officials 
of the Camera, and partly to the speculators, whose greed it 
was sought to curb by special legislation.^ 

The Pope's intentions were always good, as is pointed out 

1 See Ranke, III.*, 107.* 

* * Instructions for a new legate at Bologna, Cod. G. 63 n. 9, 
Vallicella Library, Rome. 

^ See Paruta, Relazione, 389; Brosch, I., 307. 

* Cf. *Bando per TAbbondanza deirUmbria e della IMarca of 
September, 1596, Editti, V.. 49, p. 195, Papal Secret Archives. 
Le Istruzioni segrete pel governo di Perugia ed Umbria in the 
Bollet. per I'Umbria, XXI. (1915), 375 seq., shows how the Papal 
government endeavoured to do away with abuses, and what care 
it had for its subjects. 

^ See *Avvisi of July 14, 28 and 31, 1593, Urb. 1061, Vatican 
Library ; Paruta, Dispacci, II., 372, and Relazione, 389. 
•^ See Benigni, Getreidpolitik, 44. 


in a report from Rome of October 3rd, 1594 .^ if in spite of 
this he met with but little success, the reason was to be found 
in the. extraordinary state of affairs prevailing in the Papal 
States. The independence of the barons and of the communes 
created such an opposition to the central government that 
not even so energetic a Pope as Sixtus V. had been able to 
subdue it except for a short time.^ The conditions in the 
Roman Campagna, from which very little grain reached the 
Eternal City, were especially unfortunate for Rome. Agri- 
culture there had not entirely disappeared, but the greed for 
gain on the part of the farmers, together with a type of 
cultivation that was without a permanent body of tenants, 
caused the arable land to pass more and more to pasturage.^ 
Clement VIII., like his predecessors, sought to provide for 
the provisioning of Rome by strict vigilance, and by a rigorous 
prohibition of exportation. A constitution of September 13th, 
1597, forbade exportation of any kind, without special 
permission from the Camera or the Annonaria* ; it also forbade 
the hoarding of grain in private stores, and preventing its 
free passage to Rome. In this document the Pope bitterly 
censures the tricks of the speculators who, with abominable 
usury, forced up the price of grain. He threatened the 
barons and other landlords who hoarded grain, and forbade 
them to keep more than a sufficient quantity for their own 
domestic use for a year.^ 

^ See *Avviso of October 5, 1594, which adds that the Pope 
" quasi vorrebbe potersi transformare in forma del grano istesso 
per fare abondanza," LTrb. 1062, Vatican Library. 

2 Opinion of H. Sieveking in J. Wolfs, Zeitschrift /. Sozial- 
wissenschaft, IL, Berlin, 1899, 470. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 389 scq. A more favourable picture 
of the conditions in the Campagna is given in *Nota della entrata 
di molti signori e duchi Romani, from which Ranke (III.®, 109) 
cites certain passages, without, however, saying where he found 
this report. I have searched in vain for it in the Roman libraries. 

* For the annona see also Reumont, III., 2, 648 seq. 

5 See Bull. X., 373 seq. ; Benigni, Getreidpolitik, 45 ; Cupis, 
211 seq. 


The Pope showed himself the sworn enemy of speculators 
in grain in his constitution of December 4th, 1604, which 
confirmed the celebrated bull of Sixtus IV. of Ma.rch ist, 
1476, and the similar ordinances of Julius II., Clement VII. 
and Pius V.^ for the development of agriculture in the 
Campagna. In this constitution he allowed the free exporta- 
tion of a quarter of the harvest, provided that the price of 
grain in the Roman market was not more than 60 giulii a 
rubbio ; he allowed the vassals of the barons to cultivate 
other land than that belonging to their feudal lords, and also 
decided that priests might devote themselves to agriculture 
without its being considered a profane trade. He also made 
provision to supply the lack of tillage oxen.^ The subsidy 
for carrying on the work of draining the Pontine Marshes 
was also aimed at increasing the cultivation of grain. ^ 

Measures of this kind could only effect an improvement 
in course of time, so that in the meanwhile the conditions 
remained as little satisfactory as before.'* The opposition 

1 CJ. Vol. IV., of this work, p. 426 ; Vol. VI., p. 227 ; Vol. 
X., p. 14 ; Vol. XVIT., p. 109. 

2 See Bull. X., 622 seq. ; Benigni, 46; Cupis, 215 seq. 
*Privilegia pro agricultoribus Corneti, Civitatis Vetulae, Tulphae 
et Bledae, dated February 9, 1601, in Editti, V., 49, p. 31, 
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. Tomassetti, I., 170. 

' See NicoLAi, De' bonificamenti delle Terre Pontine, Rome, 
1800, 140 seq. ; Benigni, 46. 

* When the Pope set out with many Cardinals for Ferrara, the 
price of bread rose in Rome ; see the *report of Fr. Maria Vialardo, 
Rome, April 25, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The inunda- 
tion of the Tiber at the end of 1598 had destroyed many stores of 
grain, so that there was a considerable scarcity ; see Possevino, 
Gonzaga, 824 seq. In 1598 there was also a failure in the importa- 
tion of wine ; see Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 24. The year of 
jubilee in 1600 naturally involved special requirements. 
Clement VIII. had to apply on January 16, 1600, to the viceroy 
of Naples, with a request for immediate permission to export 
grain to Rome ; " *Roma annonae inopia laborat, Roma petit " 
(Brevia Arm. 44, t. 45, n. 10, Papal Secret Archives) ; on Decem- 
ber 15, 1600, a similar request was again sent [ibid. n. 428). 


which the well intentioned zeal of the Pope had to cope with 
proved too strong. How difficult the task was has been shown 
by the fact that in modern times not even the state of United 
Italy, armed with far greater powers and means, has been 
able to overcome the opposition of the farmers to the cultiva- 
tion of the Campagna, or meet with any better success in 
carrying on the efforts of the Popes. ^ 

The discontent of the people at these economic dis- 
advantages found vent towards the end of the pontificate of 
Clement VIII. in biting pasquinades.'^ The authors of such 
libels overlooked the fact that it was not the government 
alone that was to blame ; nor did they bear in mind that the 
imposts in the Papal States were on the whole very moderate, 
compared, not only with those parts of Italy which were 
subject to Spanish rule, but also with the majority of the 
small independent states.^ Clement VIII. fought as much 
as he could against any increase in the burden of taxes,'* 
and it was absolutely against his will if the subordinate 
officials in the Marches and the Romagna confiscated the 

Cf. supra, p. 269. The Cardinals charged with the task of 
provisioning fulfilled their task so badly that there was a great 
scarcity in the summer, so that Clement VIII. intended to return 
once more with his court to Ferrara, in order to relieve Rome, 
but this did not take place as the Pope was deceived as to the 
real state of affairs ; see the information in Baumgarten, loc. cit., 
21 seq. In 1599 Baronius called the attention of the Pope to the 
true state of affairs, after which Clement VIII. did not fail to 
express his displeasure to P. Aldobrandini. The nephew then 
complained to Baronius, but received from him a dignified reply 
which is given in Calenzio, Baronio, 352. The scarcity of grain 
was very great again in 1603 ; see *briefs to the viceroy of Naples, 
February 12 and May 22, 1603, Arm. 44, t. 47, n. 9 and 137, 
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. the *letters of Cardinal Aldobrandini 
to the nuncio in Spain, January 13, April 8, June 18, September 
28, November 7, 1603, Aldobrandini Archives, Rome, t. 287. 
^ Opinion of Sieveking, loc. cit. 

* See *Avviso of January 19, 1602, Urb. 1070, Vatican Library. 
' See Paruta, Relazione, 389 ; Reumont, III., 2, 597. 

* See *Avviso of March 10, 1599, Urb. 1067, loc. cit. 


agricultural implements and cattle of the peasants who could 
not pay. As a result of such tyranny some emigrated, while 
others gave themselves over to brigandage. ^ The crimes of 
such delinquents embittered for Clement VIII. the first 
lustrum of his pontificate. 

Brigandage had already raised its head once more at the 
end of the reign of Sixtus V.^ During the pontificates of 
Urban VII., Gregory XIV. and Innocent IX., which had 
followed each other at short intervals, this plague had been 
able to continue and spread.^ Clement VIII., who in Rome 
was the rigorous champion of peace and order, ^ determined 
that it must be faced energetically. As early as February, 
1592, he sent troops under the supreme command of Flaminio 
Dellino to the Marches, where Marco Sciarra, one of the most 
terrible brigand chiefs, was carrying on his crimes.^ In 
March bands of brigands pillaged the nearer and more distant 
environs of Rome, and in April they burned the castle of 
Subiaco.^ Terrible stories were told of the crueltv of these 

1 See Paruta, Relazione, 389 seq. ; Brosch, I., 307 seq. 

2 Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 88. 

3 Cf. ibid. pp. 359, 366. 

* Cf. besides the report in Arch, stor, Ital., XII., xxi., and the 
report of Niccolini in Navenne, Rome et le Palais Farnese, I., 7, 
the *letter of Giulio del Carretto, February 8, 1592 : N. S. si 
dimostra rigoroso nella giustizia et non ha voluto far gratia ad 
un gentilhomo Romano, che fu trovato con I'archibuggietto da 
rota in sede vacante, ancorche ne sii stato pregato da molti 
cardinali, dall' ambasciatore di Savoia suo parente et dal popolo 
Romano, al quale ultimamente disse che I'iscuse che proponevano 
a lui le proponessero alh giudici della causa che I'havrebbero in 
quella consideratione che si dovrebbe per giustizia. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

* See *Avviso of February 12, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican 
Library. For the plans for fighting the bandits see Arch, della 
Soc. Rom., XXXVI., 125, n. i. 

* See *Avvisi of March 11 and April 18, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., 
Vatican Library. Cf. Karttunen, Gregoire XIII., Helsinki, 1911 


hordes,^ and the Pope, who was deeply distressed, insisted 
upon energetic intervention. ^ He sent against them his 
nephew Aldobrandini with about 2000 men, and had previously 
enrolled 600 Corsican soldiers in his service,^ who, however, 
pillaged almost more than the bandits.* 

Marco Sciarra had entrenched himself with 500 bandits 
in a convent near Ascoli, but as soon as Papal troops under 
the command of Flaminio Delfino were sent to the rescue, 
he succeeded, through the intervention of Count Pietro 
Gabuzio, who was enlisting soldiers for the Venetian Republic 
against the rapacious Uscocchi, in getting himself taken, 
together with the flower of his band, into the service of the 
republic. Clement VIII. asked for the ruffians to be handed 
over, but in vain. In this refusal he saw a contempt for 
his authority, and was all the more offended at the action of 
the Republic in that Gabuzio had been born a Papal subject, 
and that the Venetians had already on other occasions per- 
mitted themselves innumerable usurpations of ecclesiastical 
authorit}^^ In order to pacify the Pope, in June, 1592, there 

^ See the report of the Urbino envoy, April 11, 1592, Urb. 
1060, I., 196, Vatican Library. Monsignor Schiaffinato at 
Perugia, replied with like cruelties to the cruelties of the bandits ; 
see Arch. stor. ital., 3rd ser., VIII., 35. 

2 " Si consuma et afflige per provedervi," says an *Avviso of 
March 14, 1592 (Urb. 1060, I., loc. cit.). Another of *April 8, 
1592 {ibid.) says : " Gran travaglio prende N. S. de banditi di 
questo State, et lo mostra a piij segni et nel viso, vedendosi spesso 
immerso in profondissimo pensiero et ansieta, che roccupi talvolta 
ranimo e con ragione." 

* See the *report of G. del Carretto, March 28, 1592, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. According to the *Avviso of April 22, 1592, 
Gian Francesco Aldobrandini set out against the bandits with 
1500 soldiers and 300 horsemen, as well as some Albanians and 
Corsicans. The delay was because the Pope wished first to 
ascertain that all the neighbouring princes were keeping a good 
watch on their frontiers (Urb. 1060, I., loc. cit.). Cf. also the 
Relazione dell'inviato di Lucca in Studi et docum., XXII., 201. 

* See the dispatch of Donate in Brosch, L, 309 n. i. 

*C/. A. Rossi in Arch. Veneto, XXXVII. , 2 (1889), 259 seq. 


was once more sent to Rome Leonardo Donato, who had 
just returned from the embassy which had been sent to 
congratulate the new head of the Church.' We learn from 
the account of his journey that organized bands of assassins 
were rendering the country round Spoleto, Terni and Ostia 
insecure.^ The diplomatic skill of Donato was unable at the 
time to allay the Pope's displeasure, and the incident was 
only closed when, on April 3rd, 1593, Marco Sciarra was killed, 
and his companions sent to Candia, where some died of the 
plague, and the others were dispersed.^ Gian Francesco 
Aldobrandini then moved against the remainder of the bandits, 
who had taken refuge in the mountains near Ascoli.^ 

It was only then that a certain degree of peace was restored 
in the States of the Church, but it is impossible to speak of a 
disappearance of the bandits. Just as during the spring of 
1593 they appeared in the Romagna^ and the Abruzzi, so 
did they in the neighbourhood of Rome in July,^ and in 
October near Viterbo." In the summer of 1594 they again 
appeared in large numbers, especially near Velletri.^ The 
Venetian ambassador, Poalo Paruta, wrote in 1595 that no 
one was safe from the bandits. According to trustworthy 
information the number of outlaws inscribed in the public 
lists was 15,000 which meant a considerable diminution in the 
population of the state. The rigour of justice, Paruta con- 

^ See Viaggio da Venezia a Roma di L. Donato ambasc. straord. 
d. Repub. Veneta al papa Clemente VIII. I'a 1592, Venice, 1866. 
2 See ibid. 
^ See Paruta, Dispacci, I., xlv. seq. 

* See ihid. 184. The action of Clement VIII. against the 
bandits is also treated of in the letter of November 1592, in 
Veress, Matric. et Acta Hung, in iiniv. Ital. student., I., Budapest, 
1915, 246. 

* See *Avviso of March 10, 1593, Urb. 1061, loc. cit. 
® See Paruta, Dispacci, I., loi, 106, no seq., 133. 

' See ibid. II., 62. 

* See *Avviso of July 6, 1594, Urb. 1062, loc. cit. For the 
plans of that time for combatting the scourge of the bandits see 
Orbaan, Documenti, 462 n. 


tinues, is very great, and accomplices and abettors are being 
put to death. Those da5^s are rare when there are not to be 
seen at the Bridge of St. Angelo the bodies and heads of those 
who have been executed, sometimes, four, six, ten, twenty, or 
even thirty. The number of those executed, from the time 
of Sixtus V. until now, is estimated at about 5000. But this 
extreme severity has been of no use, and has rather made 
things worse. If one is captured, others immediately take 
to the woods, because the}^ recognize their accomplices. The 
mountainous districts on the Neapolitan frontier were 
especially affected, and the opinion was commonly held in 
Rome, as Paruta reports on July 29th, 1595, that the Spanish 
government was encouraging this disorder so as to bring 
pressure to bear on the Pope.^ 

An improvement in the situation depended above all upon 
a change in this state of affairs, and on the fulfilment of the 
duties of neighbourliness, a thing which applied also to the 
Florentine government. This was brought about later on, 
but by no means completely. ^ 

1 See Paruta, Relazione, 392 seq., and Dispacci, III., 235 
[cf. 323). See also Arch. stor. Ital., IX., 460. Many dangerous 
elements were removed from the States of the Church from 1595 
onwards, with the departure of the soldiers for the Turkish war. 
In the army that was enrolled at the end of 1597 against Cesare 
d'Este there served " banditi ed altri contumaci " who were 
therefore pardoned. See the *Editto of June 8, 1598, in Editti, 
v., 57, p. 68, Papal Secret Archives. Ibid. 152 seq. some *" Bandi 
contra banditi " of 1 597-1 604. 

^ Cf. Ademollo, II brigantaggio e la corte di Roma, in Nuova 
Antologia, 2nd. ser., XXIV. (1880), 455 seq., where there are 
further particulars of the harmful intiuence of the ecclesiastical 
right of sanctuary, which was rightly restricted by Sixtus V., 
and again extended by Gregory XIV., of which the bandits took 
advantage. Cf. also Arch. stor. ital., IX., 460 seq. An *Avviso 
of May II, 1596, testifies to the good effect of the edicts against 
the bandits, whose heads were exposed before the Castle of St. 
Angelo (Urb. 1064, Vatican Library). Cf. *Avviso of September 
17. 1597 (Urb. 1065, ibid.) and Lettres d'Ossat, I., 4.52. An 


The principal reason why it was not possible to come to 
grips with this terrible scourge, besides the equivocal 
behaviour of the Pope's neighbours, lay in the military weak- 
ness of the Papal States.^ There the army had always been 
neglected. The only exception had been that warlike Pope, 
Julius II. This was the natural consequence of the office 
and position of the head of the Church, while Clement VIII. 
lacked all knowledge of or inclination for military matters. 
In the whole of the States of the Church there was not a single 
fortress of importance, and only the citadels of Civitavecchia 
and Ancona were to a certain extent sufficiently armed. At 
Perugia there was a small garrison, and at Bologna a hundred 
Swiss and fifty cavalry. Places which, by their natural 
position, were well suited for fortresses, such as Orvieto, 
Civita Castellana and Spoleto, were so neglected that the 
Venetian ambassador could never sufficiently express his 
surprise. Not even Rome could be said to be adequately 
defended ; the fortifications had never been completed, and 
even the Castle of St. Angelo, the one safe refuge in case of 
danger, had not got the necessary armament. When in the 
autumn of 1592 the Huguenot Lesdiguieres crossed the Alps 
to avenge himself on the Duke of Savoy with 4000 men, Rome 
trembled. Later on, after the reconciliation with Henry IV., 
it was felt that the Spaniards were even more to be feared, 
since the bandits were most numerous in the mountains on the 
Neapolitan frontier. ^ 

The States of the Church were entirety without a paid and 
organized army. The soldiery on paper consisted of 30,000 

*Avviso of April i, 1598 (Urb. 1066 loc. cit.) also speaks of the 
executions of bandits. After this there is little mention of the 
bandits ; in September 1604 more troops were enlisted ; see 
*Avviso of September 29, 1604 (Urb. 1072, loc. cit.), and the 
♦report of Giov. Batt. Thesis, October 23, 1604, Gonzaga Archives, 

^ In this way large sums were spent on small engagements 
" instead of combatting the evil by means of a well thought out 
and vigorous procedure." Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 14. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 384 seq. 


men ; each province had a colonel, and under him captains 
and lower officers. But as only the colonels had a fixed pay, 
it is easy to imagine the condition of the troops. A paid army 
was only called into existence from time to time, when it was 
a case of facing the bandits or fighting the Turks ; in 1595 
the whole of the cavalry of the Papal States was employed 
for this purpose, so that there only remained the Swiss Guard, 
200 strong, and 1000 Corsican soldiers, afterwards reduced to 
800. But these were only intended to fight against the 
bandits, so that it was impossible to speak of any real armed 
force. Even the captains of any experience were only enlisted 
for a period, according to necessity. The office of General 
of the Church, which was well paid, and held by Gian Francesco 
Aldobrandini, had become a mere post of honour. The fleet, 
too, of which Pius V. and later on Sixtus V. had taken such 
care, was in a state of decadence. Except the arsenal at 
Civitavecchia, there was no other in the Papal states. From 
a false economy Clement VIIL would gladly have suspended 
the payments for the six galleys, which had remained in that 
harbour since the time of Sixtus V., and it was only the 
necessity of protecting the coasts against the Turkish pirates 
which determined him to maintain them.^ 

Although the States of the Church were spared the regular 
cost of paid troops, such as burdened the finances of other 
states, the Papal finances were nevertheless in a deplorable 
condition, because of the enormous burden of debt, of twelve 
million scudi, which Clement VIIL found at the beginning 
of his pontificate. Of the total annual revenue, amounting 
to about a million and a half, more than a million scudi, that 
is two-thirds of the income, went to pay the interest on the 
debts in the offices and " luoghi di Monte. "^ With a net 

1 Ibid. 403 seq. Cf. Dolfin, 466. 

^ See the summary of the Papal finances for 1592 which Ranke 
(III.*, 98) has made use of from the manuscript in the Barberini 
Library. Bart. Cesi was still treasurer (see Carte Strozz., II., 212) ; 
when he became a Cardinal he was succeeded by Tiberio Cerasa 
{cf. Moroni, LXXIV., 298), who died in 1601 (for this benefactor 
of the Hospital of S. Maria della Consolazione see the monograph 


income ol half a million, the expenses had to be met, which 
were estimated at 400,000 scudi, so that there remained over 
only a very small sum.^ In these circumstances the very 
greatest economy was necessary, but this was absolutely 
wanting. Clement \^III. was one of those men who have 
no idea of the value of money, and the expenses of the adminis- 
tration of the palace,- the pageants, the building works and 
the endowment of his nephews,^ devoured great sums of 
money. To these were added the exorbitant and manifold 
demands of the Christian princes. 

Clement VIII. was not the man to provide the money for 
such extraordinary necessities. It was proposed to meet 
the difficulty by encroaching upon the treasure deposited 
in the Castle of St. Angelo by Sixtus V., which still amounted 
to two and a half millions, but the Pope was adverse to any 
such step.** In order to comply with the enormous demands, 
which were especially in connexion v/ith the support of the 
war against the Turks, there remained no other course, besides 
the imposition of tenths upon the Italian clergy, than that 
taken by previous Popes, namely the raising of new state loans 
upon the revenues, or the so-called " luoghi di Monte." 
Clement VIII. found himself compelled, in order to meet the 
extraordinary needs, caused especially by the war against the 
Turks, to undertake, in seven new " luoghi di Monte " a debt 
to the amount of 2,893,200 scudi. ^ From an estimate of the 

on that institution by Pericoli, p. 102, 120 seq.). The successor 
of Cerasa was Laudovisio Zacchia ; see Moroni, loc. cii., 
Martinori, 6. 

^ Cf. Paruta, Relazione, 408 seq. 

2 Cf. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 14, 30 seq. Ibid. 32, con- 
cerning the new and costly tiara. An *Avviso of November i, 
1 60 1, Urb. 1069, Vatican Library, tells of a reduction of some 
expenditure on the Pope's table. 

» Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, pp. 48, 53. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 410. Cf. Ricci, II., 164. The 
confirmation of the bull of the treasure of Sixtus V., dated 
February 14, 1592, in Bull., X., 523 seq. 

* Cf. Moroni, XL., 155, LXXIV., 299, and Martinori, 5. 
For the acquisition of Nettuno, for which Marcantonio Colonna 


year 1598 it would appear that the interest on the debt then 
amounted to three-quarters of the total revenue. ^ The net 
revenue, towards the end of the pontificate, fell from 500,000 
scudi to 343,473. As the annual expenditure was 450,126 
scudi, there was an annual deficit of 106,653 scudi. ^ 

The expenditure of the Pope, besides the war against the 
Turks, had been increased in a special degree in 1598 by the 
acquisition of Ferrara, and by the visit paid to this new terri- 
tory of the States of the Church, for which, however, 150,000 
scudi were taken from the treasure in the Castle of St. Angelo.^ 

The Venetian ambassador, Paolo Paruta, in giving his 
opinion in 1595 as to the strength and weakness of the 
States of the Church, says that they were not preserved 
either by a good constitution, or by the conditions which 
usually confer permanence and security on other states, but 
rather by the fact that no one wished or dared to do anything 
to their injury. " Above all " Paruta explains, " this is helped 
by the majesty of the person of the Pope, and by respect for 
religion : motives which have saved this State when in great 
danger. There is another circumstance which contributes, 
namely that there are many petty princes in Italy, who, since 
they cannot aggrandize themselves, are desirous that the 
neighbouring states should as far as possible maintain a 
balance between each other. And since to be a protector of 
the Church confers a certain dignity, each one refrains from 
attacking the Papal State, fearing to find all the others against 

received 400,000 scudi, and of Monte S. Giovanni, for which the 
Marchese del Vasto had 350,000 scudi, cf. Coppi, SuUe finanze 
della stato pontificio, Rome, 1855, 14 seq. Clement VIII, justified 
the acquisition of S. Giovanni by the danger of the bandits ; see 
*Acta consist. June 12, 1595, Cod. Barb. 2871, Vatican Library. 
Cf. Paruta, Dispacci, III., 171 seq. 

1 See DoLFiN, Relazione, 464 ; Ranke, loc. cit. The complaints 
of the scarcity of money {e.g. in the instructions to D. Ginnasio, 
August 22, 1 60 1, Barb. 5S52, Vatican Library) were therefore 

2 See Ranke, loc. cit. 

3 See DoLFiN, Relazione, 465. 


him. If, however, any great change should take place in 
Italy, then the States of the Church, with all their elements of 
disorder, would run no little danger. May it not be that 
any advance made by the French in Savoy and Piedmont 
has had its echo in Rome, and aroused and encouraged 
thoughts of rebellion, which might be of even greater impor- 
tance to the Holy See than to the other states ? "^ 

In his report, Paruta also mentions the question of the 
succession to the fiefs of Urbino and Ferrara, which was 
imminent owing to the likelihood of the extinction of the two 
reigning families. " Urbino " Paruta thought, " will cer- 
tainly once again come under the direct government of the 
Church, but in the case of Ferrara this will be very difficult, 
and certainly will not be done without a great struggle."^ 
In spite of this, to the amazement of everybody, this question 
was solved by the skill and energy of the Aldobrandini Pope 
with a " surprising facility."^ 

After the election of Clement VIII., all hopes entertained 
by Duke Alfonso II. of Ferrara of obtaining from the new 
Pope, whose father had once been cordially welcomed at the 
court of the Este, what he had once tried to obtain from 
Gregory XIV., were bound to vanish : this was to obtain 
for his cousin Cesare the fief of Ferrara,^ but even while he 
was still a Cardinal, Clement VIII. had come to the conclusion 
that such a step was illegal.^ Immediately at the beginning 
of his pontificate he confirmed the bull of Pius \.,^ which 
excluded illegitimate branches from succession to Papal fiefs.' 
The cardinalitial congregation*^ which was appointed for 

1 Paruta, Relazione, 397. 

2 Ibid. 401. 

3 Brosch, I., 314. 

* Cf. Vol. XXII. of this work, p. 380 scq. 

'Cf. Ricci, II., 183. 

« See the Este report in Ricci, II., 84, 231. 

' Bull. IX., 520 seq. 

» See *Acta consist. April 22, 1592, Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, 
Vatican Library. Cf. *Avviso of April 25, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., 
ibid. Ricci, II., 85 seqq. 


further deliberation, was for the most part opposed to the 
declaration of Gregory XIV., which had still left Alfonso 
with some hopes. ^ 

In spite of this Alfonso and Cesare, who made the ohedientia 
to the Pope in the duke's name on May i8th, 1592, ^ hoped to 
attain their end all the more easily as the Emperor Rudolph II., 
who was in need of money for the Turkish war, granted in 
return for a repayment of 300,000 scudi, a renewal of the fiefs 
of Modena and Reggio, and the right of the duke to nominate 
his successor within a certain period (August 8th, 1594). 
While Alfonso's envoy was employing every means in his 
power in Rome to induce the Pope to change his mind, on 
July 17th, 1595, the old duke wrote his will, appointing Cesare 
d'Este as his successor.^ But this information was conveyed 
to Rudolph II. so secretly that not even Cesare knew of the 
honour that had been done him.* It is evident that Alfonso 
did not wish the court to turn to the star that was rising on the 
horizon, and it was only in October, 1597, when the duke fell 
m.ortally ill, that Cesare was informed that he was the heir. 
The dying man said that he was leaving him a most beautiful 
state, and one that was strong, both by its military power, 

1 See *Acta consist, June 26, 1592, loc. cit. Cf. Capilupi, ed. 
Prinzivalli, 65 ; Ricci, II., 150. 

^ See Frizzi, IV., 440 seq. ; Ricci, II., 87 seq., 147 seq. Cf. 
Jo. Franc. Terzanius, Ad S.D.N. Clementem VIII. P. oratio 
habita cum eidem nomine Alphonsi II. Est. duels, obedientiam 
praestaret ill. et ex. Caesar Estensis Marchio Monticuli et eiusdem 
ducis patruelis, Rome, 1592 (copy in the Aldobrandini Archives, 

=* See Frizzi, IV., 44. Cf. Ricci, II., 96 seq. 

* See the " Relatione di quelle che e successo in Ferrara dope 
la morte del duca Alfonso fino al possesso preso dal signor cardinal 
Aldobrandini con alcunl altri partlcolarl spettantl a tale state e 
ducato," Barb. lat. 5259, p. 80 seq., Vatican Library (the relative 
passage In Ranke, II. 8, 177). The author of the report Is 
" Domenlco Ralnaldl, mandato da Clemente VIII. a Ferrara 
al cardinale Aldobrandini," see Vat. 6196, p. 289, Vatican 


and by reason of the allies, both within and without Italy, 
upon whom he could count with certainty.^ 

Duke Alfonso, down to the year 1597, had made use of every 
expedient to obtain from the Pope the investiture of Cesare, 
but Clement VIII., convinced in his conscience that he could 
not grant it, had remained immovable. ^ In spite of this, 
after the death of the duke, which took place on October 27th, 
1597, Cesare assumed the government, not only of the Imperial 
fiefs of Modena and Reggio, but also, contrary to all right, 
of the fiefs of Ferrara and Comacchio. The Bishop of Ferrara, 
Giovanni Fontana, was forcibly compelled to take part in the 
homage of the city.^ Being resolved to defend his supposed 
right of inheritance against the Pope by force of arms, Cesare 
put Ferrara into a state of defence and enlisted troops.^ At 
the same time envoys were sent to the Emperor, the German 
princes, Henry IV., Philip II. and the Italian states.^ As 
both Spain and the Italian powers, especially Venice and 
Florence,® did not in any way wish for an aggrandizement 
of the Papal States, Cesare indulged in the most sanguine 
hopes. He thought that he could count with certainty upon 

^ See the * Relatione cited in previous note. 
2 Cf. Ricci, II., 226 seq., 233 seq., 246 seq, 258 seq. 
^ See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 76. For the festivities see 
fully in *Relatione. 

* " II pensier di Don Cesare fu da principio di voler ritenere 
tutto lo State che possedeva Alfonso sue cugino e nel ducato di 
Ferrara opporsi al Papa et alia Sede Apostolica e dimostrarsi con 
armi alia scoperta " *Relatione, supra. 

* See *" Expedition! fatte dopo la morte del duca Alfonso a 
diversi principi dal sig. duca Cesare : II conte Girardo Rangoni a 
Spagna. II marchese Scandiano in Alemagna. II conte Giulio 
Tassone alia sig"^ di Geneva. II Sig. Renato Cotti alia sig"^' di 
Venezia. II dott. Sasso a Fiorenza. II conte Ettore Galeazzo 
Tassone a Savoia. II marchese Rangoni a Parma. II sig. 
Grilenzone a Mantova." Barb. lat. 5259, p. 89, Vatican Library. 
Cf. ibid. 81, the *Relatione, where Count Alvise Montecuccolo is 
mentioned as the envoy to France. 

* Cf. Pellegrini, Relazione ined. di ambasciatori Lucchesi 
alle corti di Firenze, Genova, etc., Lucca, 1901, 130. 


his cousin, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and upon the powerful 
Republic of Venice, and he sent Count Girolamo Giglioli to 
Rome to inform the Pope that he had taken possession of 
Ferrara, which belonged to him by right. ^ 

When the news of the death of the last Duke of Ferrara 
reached Rome on November ist, 1597, the Pope at once 
summoned a general congregation of the Cardinals for the 
following day, at which he informed them that the legitimate 
line being now extinct by the death of Duke Alfonso, Ferrara, 
as a vacant lief, reverted to the Holy See in accordance with 
the bull of Pius V., and that he now expressly reconfirmed 
this.^ With the exception of Sfondrato and Lancellotti, who 
wished for longer time for consideration,^ all the Cardinals 
were in agreement with the attitude adopted by the Pope, 
because the laws of feudal right were clearly in his favour.^ 

^ See the *Relatione cited supra. According to this Cesare 
counted on the help of the Elector of Saxony and other German 

2 *" Qui e venuta nuova certa della morte del sig. duca di 
Ferrara et per questo domattina si fara congregazione di cardinali 
inanzi S.S*''^ " (Report of Lodovico Cremaschi, Rome, November 
I, 1597. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. *Acta consist, Novem- 
ber 2, 1597, Barb. lat. 2871, Vatican Library, and the Avviso in 
Capilupi, ed. PrinzivaUi, 79 n. i. 

' See Avviso of November 5, 1597, Urb. 1065, Vatican Library. 

* As the bull of Pius V. expressly excluded all illegitimate 
branches, the advocates of Este have always tried to prove 
Cesare 's legitimacy. Fontanini (II dominio temporale della S. 
Sede sopra Comacchio, Rome, 1709, 305 seq.) has refuted these 
attempts. Against Muratori (Antiq. Est., IL, 429) and other 
advocates of the Este, cf. Litta in Arch. stor. ital. App. XIL, 67 ; 
SuGENHEiM, 437 n. 119; Balan, VL, 642 seq. In the light of 
more recent researches Reumont (Toscana, I., 343) admits that 
the feudal right was clearly with Clement VIII. ; see Balduzzi 
in Aiti d. Romagna, 3rd. ser., IX., 80, 83. The last scholar to 
deal with this question, G. Ballardini, considers the illegitimacy 
of Cesare to be certain, and remarks [Arch. stor. ital., 5th ser. 
XXXVIII. , 341) that it was not only the bull of Pius V. that 
stood in the way of his succession, but also the contract which 

VOL. XXIV. 25 


Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini especially defended this point of 
view.^ There can be no doubt that the determined and bold 
stand of the Pope was also influenced by the recollection of 
the partly uncertain and partly openly hostile attitude which 
the House of Este had repeatedly taken up against the Pope, 
its overlord.^ 

In order to give force to his declaration Clement VIII. 
immediately gave orders for large armaments.^ A congrega- 
tion of nineteen Cardinals had been appointed to deal with 
the question of Ferrara, and this decided that a monitorium 
must be issued to Cesare, and that Cardinal Pietro Aldo- 
brandini, who was chosen to take the supreme command of 
the troops, should go to Bologna for the fitting out of the 
force. The nephew set out on November 12th. On the same 
day the monitorium was affixed at the cathedral of Ferrara : 
this gave Cesare fifteen days in which to justify himself in 
Rome, and to present his pretended claims.^ As this was not 
done the canonical process was begun. The attempts of 
Cesare to turn aside the Pope from his lawful attitude by 
means of a letter and promises of a quit -rent, as well as of 
considerable advantages for his nephew Gian Francesco 

Paul III. had made with Ercole II. The very efforts which 
Alfonso II. made, show that a new enfeoflment was wanted, 
" 11 che " Cardinal Cinzio properly says in his letter to the nuncios, 
" non havrebbe fatto senza bisogno et con ingiuria di D. Cesare " 
(Carte Strozz., I., 2, 257). 

^ See the *report in Miscell. XV., 37, Papal Secret Archives. 

* Federici in Arch. Rom., XXL, 615, rightly points this out. 
'See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 79 seq. Cf. Alti per la storia 

Ferrarese, XXII., 45 seq. The *Procura of Cardinal P. 
Aldobrandini to Duke Pietro Caetani to enroll 3000 infantry 
soldiers and 300 cavalry, is dated November 4, 1597 ; original in 
Gaetani Archives, Rome, I., 12. 

* See the *Relatione in Cod. Barb, supra ; *Avvisi of November 
5, 8 and 12, 1597, Urb. 1065, Vatican Library ; Cod. ital. 109 
(*Ragioni d. chiesa sopra Ferrara, with the text of the monitorum), 
State Library, Munich ; Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli 79 seq. ; Frizzi, 
v., 3 seq. The posting of the monitorium in Rome is *reported 
by Fr. M. Vialardo, November 7, 1597, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 


Aldobrandini, were of no avail. ^ The Venetian ambassador 
in particular worked zealously on behalf of Cesare, while 
certain Cardinals, such as Valiero and Sfondrato, pointed out 
that in view of the Turkish peril a war in Italy must be avoided. 
It is said that Clement VIII. hesitated for a moment in view 
of this great argument, but that Cinzio Aldobrandini removed 
all his scruples. 2 Taking his stand strictly on the legal point 
of view, Clement VIII. declared that as soon as Cesare had 
evacuated the Duchy of Ferrara his arguments could be taken 
into consideration, but that otherwise he would be excom- 
municated as an usurper. The armaments were pushed 
forward with unexpected energy, and at the same time pra3'ers 
were ordered that God would lead Cesare to give way.^ But 
he, for his part, breathed threats and redoubled his warlike 
preparations, as though determined to push the matter to 
extremes. The Cardinals, however, were of a like opinion. 
If the Holy See renounced its manifest rights, and tolerated 
the usurpation of Cesare, the most fatal consequences to its 
dignity and to the existence of the States of the Church were 
inevitable.^ At an audience on December 20th Count Ercole 
Rondinelli, who had been sent by Cesare to Rome, once again 
advanced the claims of his sovereign, but annoyed the 

1 Cf. Frizzi, v., 5. According to *statement of the Urbino 
envoy in the A wise of November 12, 1597, the Ferrara envoy 
Giglioli tried to corrupt the Cardinal with bribes. Urb. 1065, 
p. 718, Vatican Library. 

^ See Capilupi ed. Prinzivalli, 96 seq., loi n. Contarini also 
tells of the opposition of Sfondrato in *Historie Venetiane, I., 
Cod. 6177, State Library, Venice, and Marciana Library, Venice. 
How hard Clement VIIL strove to maintain peace in Italy is 
shown by his efforts to arrange the disputes between Parma and 
Mantua in 1593 and 1596 ; see Luzio, L'Archivio Gonzaga, II., 

* See *Avvisi of December 3 and 6, 1597, Urb. 1065, Vatican 
Library. The importance of getting together an armv promptly 
is brought out in the *Relatione in the Miscell., XV., 37, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

* See Lettres d'Ossat, I., 481. 


Pope greatly by speaking of the right of election by the 

When the canonical process had been completed, the sen- 
tence was published on December 23rd. This stated that as 
Cesare obstinately adhered to his usurpation, he and his 
adherents incurred m^ajor excommunication, and that the 
countries v/hich joined him, after the determined period had 
elapsed, were placed under an interdict. ^ 

Cesare could not conceal his alarm when he received news 
of the excommunication, but a ray of hope remained to him 
in the help of the Spaniards and Venetians. The Venetian 
government, though neutral, favoured his warlike preparations, 
and refused to furnish the Pope with arms and munitions from 
Brescia. It was only with great difficulty that Clement VIII. 
obtained these from Milan. ^ The Spaniards undoubtedly 
would have liked to help Cesare, and to fish in the troubled 
waters. Cesare trusted to such an extent in Philip II., whose 
assistance had been asked b}^ Alfonso II. at the beginning of 
1597,* that he suggested the king as arbitrator, but he hesi- 

1 See Capilupi ed Prinzivalli, 10 j seq. Cf. *Avvisi of December 
24 and 27, 1597, Urb. 1065, loc. cit. 

2 See Bull. X., 389 seq. Arch. stor. ital., XII., xxx. ; Capilupi, 
ed. Prinzivalli, 85 seq., 112 seq., 117 seq. ; Lettres d'Ossat, I., 
491 ; *report of G. C. Foresto, December 24, 1597, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 *" Nel Venetiano havendo [Cesare] ample campo ni assoldare 
genti et di peter cavar arme, il clie fu interdetto da quella Signoria 
a ministri del Papa mandati a Brescia per armi, con gresso 
numero de denari si ceme ance cen grandissima difficelta se ne 
hebbe per via di IVfilano." Report in Cod. Barb, supra, 383, n. 4., 
Vatican Library. 

* Cf. Negeziaziene di Giulio Ottonelli alia Corte di Spagna 
(Scelta di curiesita lett. 27), Bologna, 1863. Ottonelli, who had 
been sent as it would seem to Spain on account of the Turkish 
war, received nothing but premises with regard to the question 
of Ferrara, which were not kept. In a *repert from Madrid, on 
April 10, 1567, publ. p. 31 of the above Negaziazione, it is stated : 
" Qui cammina tutte adagio, il re e veccliio ed ammalate. Questa 
corte con tutta la sua grandezza per mezza morta." 


tated to accept the proposal of the governor of Milan, who 
offered him Spanish garrisons for his fortresses. Philip II., 
in his old age, feared the outbreak of war in Italy, and only 
expressed himself with great caution, in spite of the ill-will 
which he entertained towards Clement VIII. on account of the 
absolution of Henry IV. Nor could Cesare look for help 
from Rudolph II., as the Emperor himself was dependent 
upon the help of the Pope in his war against the Turks. ^ 

While Cesare could only find lukewarm, friends, Clement 
VIII. found a supporter in the King of France, who openly 
and decidedly took his part. As he had done in the case of 
the Italian States and the Emperor, ^ on Novem.ber 6th, 1597, 
Clement VIII. had sent a special envoy to Henry IV. on the 
matter of Ferrara.^ Even before the envoy reached France, 
Henry IV. had made his decision. He realized, with the same 
clearness as his representative in Rome, d'Ossat, what a 
great advantage he could gain for France by adopting a correct 
attitude in this matter. Any war that broke out in Italy could 
not fail to be useful to the King ot France, without his mixing 

^ Cf. Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 104 sea. 

2 The mission of Carlo Conti, Bishop of Ancona, is referred to 
in the *briefs to Rudolph II., the Doge of Venice and the Duke of 
Urbino, November 26, 1597, Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 243 seq., 251-252, 
Papal Secret Archives. The original of the brief to the Doge 
in the State Archives, Venice, Bolle. The instructions to Conti, 
in Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 98 n. i. 

* Besides Lettres d'Ossat, I., 480 seq., the *brief to Henry IV., 
November 6, 1597, concerning the mission of " Petrus Ursinus 
episc. Aversanus " in which it is stated " Agitur enim Dei honor, 
agitur ius et dignitas nostra et huius s. Apostoli Sedis." Arm. 44, 
t. 41, n. 253, Papal Secret Archives. Ibid. 254 seq. to the nobles 
of France ; 256 " duci Parmae " ; 257 " duci Sabaudiae " ; 
258 " duci Memorantii " ; 260 " Lucensibus." It v/as only much 
later that Paolo Emilio Zacchia was sent to PhiHp II. ; cf. besides 
HiNOjosA, 392 seq., the *brief to Philip II., November 23, 1597, 
in which it is stated that the king will perhaps already know 
" quae proxime apud nos Ferrariae acciderunt et quam certa et 
manifesta sint iura huius S. Sedis in ea civitate et ditione optime 
etiam nosti." Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 265, Papal Secret Archives. 


himself up in it, because it would involve the Spaniards, 
Florence and Savoy. If the Pope should then turn to the 
King of France for support, he would reap even greater 
advantages. In this way Henry could easily lead men to 
forget how, on many occasions, he had thought it his duty 
to act against the wishes of the Holy See. If he alone came 
to the assistance of the Pope, he would bind him and his 
successors to eternal gratitude.^ In the clear conviction 
that to support Clement VIII. in the matter of Ferrara would 
be the best course to adopt, as he expressed himself to d'Ossat, 
in order to give new splendour to the fieur-de-lys in Rome, 
and permanently to assure to France its former position at 
the Curia, 2 Henry IV. forgot the former friendly relations of 
France with the Este, and ordered his ambassador in Rome, 
Piney, to offer the Pope the assistance of the kingdom of 
France. He was not only prepared to send an army across 
the Alps, but even in case of need to appear in person with 
the whole of his army and give his assistance.^ 

This declaration made the greatest impression in Rome, 
and nothing else was spoken of. D'Ossat, overcome with joy, 
hoped that his sovereign would once again take up the position 
of Pepin and Charlemagne towards the Church. He reported 
that if the project was carried out, the enemies of France, 
and above all the Spaniards, would be eaten up with envy 
and jealousy ; there could be no better opportunity than 
this to give the lie to the Spanish calumnies that after his 
absolution Henry would show himself the greatest enemy of 
the Church.^ 

But Clement VIII., no matter how valuable the offer of 
assistance from France was, was unwilling, for the sake of 
universal peace, to have French troops appearing in Italy. 
In the case of his not being able to defend his rights by his 
own power, he would have preferred the assistance of the 

1 C/. Lettres d'Gss.'^t, I., 489. 

2 Ihid. I., 490. 

3 See Callegari in Riv. stor., XII., 26. 
■> See Lettres d'Ossat, I., 490 seq. 


Swiss. 1 He therefore breathed more freely when he saw that 
the mere offer of French assistance had been enough to deprive 
Cesare of all help. The Spaniards themselves showed them- 
selves more accommodating to the wishes of the Pope, when 
even in Venice, which at first had been opposed to the acquisi- 
tion of Ferrara by the Holy See, and had forbidden Gian 
Francisco Aldobrandini to pass with his troops or the 
publication of the excommunication, a change had taken 
place. ^ 

At Ferrara the reaction showed itself in a way that no one 
could have dared to hope for.^ Not only was there a display 
of the discontent which had been aroused by the frequently 
oppressive government of Alfonso II., but Cesare himself 
began to hesitate. He had hardly assumed the reigns of 
government when he showed himself unfit to cope with the 
complicated situation, owing to the fact that the dead duke 
had deliberately excluded him from all share in the govern- 
ment. In consequence of this, he only had a superficial 
knowledge of many of the members of the supreme council,'^ 
while to those he knew best he had, almost without exception, 
entrusted missions abroad.^ Undecided by nature, without 
the necessary money, and quite inexperienced in military 
matters, Cesare saw his adherents vanish, both among the 
upper and the lower classes. The people openly expressed 
the hope that under the milder government of the Church 
they would be less oppressed by taxes than heretofore.^ To 

1 See the letter of P. Aldobrandini of November 29, 1597, in 
Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 102 n. i. 

2 See ibid. 104, 113. A *brief to "Orator regis cath. apud. 
Caesarem," January 10, 1598, thanks him for his support in the 
question of Ferrara (Arm. 44, t. 42, n. 2, Papal Secret Archives). 
For the opposition of Venice cf. Horvat, 132. 

^ See Lettres d'Ossat, I., 494. 

* See Nice. Contarini in Ranke, II.*, 180. 

5 Cf. supra, p. 385, n. 5. 

« See the ^Relatione in Cod. Barb, cited supra, p. 383, n. 4, 
Vatican Library. Callegari in Riv. stor., XII., 34 ; Lettres 
d'Ossat, I., 495 ; Ballardtni in Arch. stor. Hal., 5th ser., 


all this had to be added the profound impression made by the 
Papal excommunication. Of the friendly governments in 
Italy, not one dreamed of giving any effective assistance. 
They restricted themselves to giving good ad\ice, because 
none of the states wished to risk a serious conflict with the 
Hoty See. 

Cesare had taken all possible precautions that the bull of 
excommunication, which had been sent to all the bishops of 
Italy, ^ should not be known at Ferrara. In spite of this the 
Archbishop of Bologna succeeded in finding a courageous man 
who successfully conveyed the document to Ferrara sewn 
in his clothes, who handed it to the bishop there. ^ On the 
following day, December 31st, the obsequies of one of the 
canons took place ; the church was draped in black and filled 
with a large crowd of the faithful. After the function the 
bishop mounted the pulpit. He spoke of death, but much 
worse than the death of the body, he suddenly said, is the 
destruction of the soul. By excommunication both are lost, 
and Cesare d'Este has incurred this penalty. He then had 
the Papal sentence read. The impression made was tremend- 
ous, and the fear of the interdict was so great that many of 
those present broke out into sobs, and among them the 

XXXVIII., 341 seq. For the burden of the taxes under 
Alfonso II. see Brosch, I., 314. 

1 See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 117. Cf. Carte Stvozz., I., 2, 
257 seq. Venice had tried to prevent the promulgation of the 
bull ; see Arch, stor., XII., xxxi. 

^ The name is given differently ; see Frizzi, V., 9 seq., and the 
♦Relatione in Cod. Barb, supra, p. 383, n. 4, Vatican Library. 
Cf. Ranke, II. 8, 181, and Rta. stor., XII., 49. 

^ *La mattina sequente, che fu I'ultimo di Decembre, giornata 
anco della partenza della sig. duchessa d'Urbino con I'occasione 
delle esequie d'un canonico, donde la chiesa era di negro man to 
parata, fece un sermone discorrendo sopra la morte e quanto fosse 
grave la perdita del corpo e maggiore dell'anima, soggiunse poi 
che con la scomunica il corpo e I'anima si perdeva e manifesto 
come dalla S.S*^ di S^*' era stato dichiarato escomunicato Don 


The news of the excommunication and interdict at once 
spread through the city, and it was obvious that the majority 
of the citizens had no intention of running the risk of incurring 
material and spiritual destruction in order to adhere to Cesare. 
Count Francesco Villa was sent to the Pope as the envoy of 
the city.^ The inhabitants hastened to approach the sacra- 
ments in the fear lest, should their envoy accomplish nothing 
in Rome, they might be deprived for some time of this 
spiritual consolation.'^ 

Clement VIII., to the great surprise of everyone, had in a 
very short time raised a considerable army for those times, 
of more than 20,000 infantry and 3000 horsemen.^ This was 
already encamped near Faenza, under the supreme command 
of Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini. The city of Ferrara, 
although it was well defended by its low position in marshy 
territory, was in need of the munitions of war, and even more 
of money. No power took any serious steps to help Cesare, 
while the attitude of Spain was such as to cause Cesare to fear 
the loss of the Imperial fiefs of Reggio and Modena.*. The 
consequences that this would entail for the Venetians were 
so dangerous that they preferred to see Ferrara occupied by 
the Pope.^ 

Cesare was bound to realize that in these circumstances 

Cesare e subito ordinando che si leggesse ad alta voce tutta la 
bolla e letta si affigesse alia porta del duomo. Resto il popolo 
tanto attonito che vedendosi fra poco tempo come secclii tronchi 
dover restare tagliati daR'arbore della spiritual vita e repudiati 
dal grembo di s. chiesa mandava fiiori lacrime, gemiti e sospiri 
cosi gravi che il prelate piangendo anco con loro dirottamente 
empivano la chiesa di singulti e pianti. *Relatione in Cod. Barb. 
supra, p. 383, n, 4, Vatican Library. 

1 See the *Relatione in Cod. Barb. loc. cit. ; Frizzi, V., 10 ; 
Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 123. 

2 See *Relatione in Cod. Barb. loc. cit. 

8 See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 79 seq., 87 n. i ; cf. Corresp. de 
Frangipani, L, 125. 

* See Lettres d'Ossat. L, 495 seq. 

' See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 140 seq^ 


it would be madness to attempt the fortunes of war, while 
his confessor, the Jesuit Bartolomeo Palmio, advised him 
not to push things to that point. ^ In order to bring about 
an agreement with the Pope, Cesare had recourse to the sister 
of Alfonso II. ; the old Duchess Lucrezia of Urbino had 
always been his enemy, but she was on excellent terms with 
Cardinal Aldobrandini.- Armed with full powers, Lucrezia 
went on December 31st to Faenza, and on January 12th, 
1598, she there, in Cesare's name, came to an agreement with 
the legate Aldobrandini.^ By this Cesare restored the Duchy 
of Ferrara to the Church, together with Cento and Pieve di 
Cento, and the fiefs in Romagna. He was accordingly 
absolved from the excommunication, together with his 
adherents. He retained the allodial estates, the archives, 
the art collections, the library, and half the artillery.^ 
Clement VIII. was on a visit to Palo on the sea^ when he 
received the news of the agreement come to at Faenza, and 
his joy was as great as it was justified. Without his arm}- 

^ See ibid. 128. For Palmio cf. Ricci, II., 117; Balduzzi 
{Atti d. Romagna, 3rd seq., IX., 83) thinks that Cesare even began 
at last to doubt the legitimacy of his claims. 

2 For this princess see Campori, Luigi e Lucrezia d'Este, 
Turin, 1888. Cf. Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 123 se^., 127 seq. 
An *Elogio to Lucrezia, dated 159S, " prid. Cal. Febr." in Arm. 44, 
t. 42, n. 23, Papal Secret Archives. Lucrezia died on February 
12, 1598, before the conferring of the title of Duchess of Bertinoro, 
which had been promised to her, had taken place. She made 
Cardinal Aldobrandini her general heir ; see Campori, loc. cit. 

' By a *brief of January 10, 1598, Cardinal Aldobrandini was 
expressly authorized to make the negotiations. Arm. 44, t, 42, 
n. I, Papal Secret Archives. 

* C/. Theiner, Cod. dipl., III., 554 seq. ; Balduzzi in Atti e 
Mem. p. la prov. di Romagna, 3rd ser., IX. (1891), 94 seq. G. 
Ballardini in Arch. stov. ital., 5th ser., XXXVIII. , 339 seq. ; 
ibid. 355 seq., 409 seq. For the commemorative inscriptions at 
Faenza, cf. also Montanari, Guida stor. di Faenza, F. 1882, 
59 seq. 

^ Cf. *Avvisi of January 14, 21 and 24, 1598, Urb. 1066, Vatican, 


having fired a single shot, or lost a single man, he had succeeded 
in enforcing his rights, and in recovering for the Church a 
duchy, the holders of which had hitherto often opposed the 
interests of their overlord. This was a matter of substantial 
importance^ for the political position and the liberty of action 
of the Holy See. 

When he had returned to Rome, Clement VIII. had a mass 
of thanksgiving celebrated in St. Peter's, and reported the 
matter to the Cardinals appointed for the affairs of Ferrara.^ 
On the following day the treaty was read in consistory and 
approved. Cardinal Aldobrandini was given the legation of 
Ferrara.^ On January 29th the nephew made his entry into 
Ferrara, whence Cesare had departed on the previous day.^ 
The first official act of Aldobrandini was to reduce the taxes, 
and make other concessions. In this way he won over the 

1 See DoLFiN, Relazione, 454; Atti p. la storia di Ferrara, 
XXII., 68 ; Brosch, I., 320 seq. Cf. the Orazione della signora 
Isabella Cervoni da Colle a P. Clemente VIII. sopra I'impresa di 
Ferrara con una can zona della medesima a principi christiani, 
Bologna, 1598. This rare work (copy in Aldobrandini Archives, 
Rome) treats in detail of the advantages of the undertaking 
against Ferrara. This " Orazione " is also in manuscript in 
Vat. 5566, Vatican Library. 

* See letter of C. Aldobrandini, February 4, 1598, in Capilupi, 
ed. Prinzivalli, 145 n. 

^ See *Acta consist. Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, Vatican Library ; 
Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 137 seq. The ratification of the treaty 
concluded by Cardinal Aldobrandini, dated January 19, 1598, in 
Bull. X., 417 seq. Many *lettcrs from Card. Aldobrandini to 
Clement VIII., to Cardinals, princes and nuncios concerning the 
recuperatione di Ferrara, in Barb. 5859-64, Vatican Library. 
Cf. also Barb. 5365, ibid. 

* See Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 144 seq. ; Ballardini, loc. cit., 
343 seq. A *Sonnet on the handing over of Ferrara by Cesare, 
beginning with the words " Cesare quel che venne e vide e vinse " 
in Carte Strozz., CXCVIIL, p. 502, State Archives, Florence. 
Many satires from the manuscripts in the Library of St. Mark's, 
Venice, in Pilot, Cesare d'Este e la satira, in the Aieneo Veneto, 
XXX., 2 (1907). 


populace, only the aristocracy still showing themselves to a 
great extent attached to the House of Este/ which was 
connected with the duchy by such ancient ties. Just as 
Aldobrandini took possession of Ferrara in the name of the 
Holy See, so did Cardinal Bandini of Comacchio, and the vice- 
legate of Bologna of Cento and Pieve di Cento. The Pope 
informed all the ambassadors of this on February 17th, 1598, 
and the foreign powers through the nuncios. ^ Almost all the 
princes hastened to send their congratulations. '^ In March 
the Pope received in the Hall of Constantine the oath of 
fealty of the four envoys from Ferrara.^ He was then 
occupied with his preparations for his journey to the nevv'ly 
acquired province.^ 

Not only the Romans, but also the ambassadors and 
Cardinals, Gian Francesco Aldobrandini and his physicians, 
advised him, especially on the grounds of the enormous cost, 
to give up this journey and remain in Rome.^ But neither 
for this reason, nor on account of his gout, could the Pope 
be induced to abandon his plan, which he thought necessary' 
in the interests of the States of the Church. Cardinal Pietro 

^ See Capilupi, ed. PrinzivaDi, 148 seq., 152 seq. ; Frizzi, V., 
19 seq. 

2 See the *report of Led. Cremaschi, February 7, 1598, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and the letter of Cinzio Aldobrandini in 
Carte Strozz., I., 2, 264. 

=* See *Brevia, Arm. 44, t. 42, p. 6, 13, 21-38, 45, 48, 50, 52, 56, 
71, 83, 84, 100, 104, 122, 129, 140, 150, Papal Secret Archives. 
The originals of the briefs of February 7, 1598, to the Duke of 
Mantua in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and to Venice in State 
Arcliives, Venice. 

^ Theiner, Cod. dipl., III., 571 seq. Renato Cato delivered 
the Latin discourse before the Pope ; cf. *report of L. Cremaschi, 
March 21, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

^ See Lettres d'Ossat, I., 498 ; Frizzi, V., 22. 

® Cf. *Avviso of April 8, 1598, Urb. 1066, Vatican Library ; 
Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 153. According to the *report of 
L. Cremaschi, Rome, March 7, 1598, Venice tried in every possible 
way to prevent the journey. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

' See *Avviso of March 14, 1598, Urb, 1066, loc, cit. 


Aldobrandini, too, was in favour of the journey ; it would 
be good for the Pope's liealth and for the city of Ferrara, 
which had suffered so much from the burdens imposed on it 
by the prodigal Duke Alfonso.^ The Cardinals at length 
agreed to 150,000 scudi being taken from the treasure in the 
Castle of St. Angelo for the journey.^ On April 3rd Cardinal 
d'Aragona was appointed legate for the city of Rome during 
the absence of the Pope from the City, while other important 
provisions were made, especially for the eventuality of a 

After Clement VIII. had celebrated mass at the tomb of 
the Princes of the Apostles on April 13th, he set out on his 
journey.* In his retinue were Cardinals Baronius, Monte, 
Arigoni and Cinzio Aldobrandini ; others joined him after- 
wards. The officials of the Rota, and all the court, made the 
journey at the same time. It is no wonder that the treasurer 
was in despair.^ Clement VIII. spent the first night at 
Castelnuovo, the second at Civita Castellana, and then at 
Narni, where he urged the completion of the building of the 

^ See letter of Aldobrandini, February 5, 1598, in Atti p. la 
storia di Ferrara, XXII., 76. 
2 Cf. supra, p. 381. 

* Bull. X., 436 seq., 440 seq., 445 seq. 

* Cf. besides the summarized information given by Bentivoglio 
(Memorie, 18 seq.) the exhaustive description of Capilupi, ed. 
Prinzivalli, 160 seq., and the following still unpublished reports : 
I. Matteo Argenti, *Giornale del viaggio di Clemente VIII. per 
Ferrara, Barb. lat. 4829, and *Diario de luoghi che passa 
Clemente VIII. per andare a Ferrara, Barb. lat. 4834, Vatican 
Library. 2. I. P. Mucantii *" Iter Clementis VIII. Ferrariense," 
Barb. lat. 2847, also in the Corsini Library, Rome, and State 
Archives, Modena, printed in part in the work of Gatticus (not 
published) Acta caerem., II., 193 seq. (copy in Vatican Library). 
Cf. also *Diarium Adami Klicishii miiitis s. Petri ab introitu suo 
in Italiam " for the years 1 594-1 598, Barb. 2259, Vatican Library. 
See also *Avvisi in Urb. 1066, which are used in part both by 
Prinzivalli, 160 seq., and Argenti. The ^register of the 
expenses of the journey in the State Archives, Rome. 

^ See Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 33. 


cathedral.^ His reception at Spoleto was very magnificent. 
Thence he went by way of Fohgno,^ Camerino,^ Macerata 
and Loreto, where he made costly gifts to the Holy House, 
and, surrounded by fifteen Cardinals, gave the blessing to 
the people.* At Loreto he was joined by Cardinal Pietro 
Aldobrandini, who went with the Pope to Ancona, where the 
feast of the Ascension was kept. Here too his welcome was 
very magnificent.^ The Pope took up his abode in the bishop's 
palace, high above the city, and adjoining the cathedral, where 
Pius II. had died on his crusade. At Pesaro the Duke of 
TJrbino paid homage to the Pope.^ On May 2nd Clement VIII. 
visited Fano, his native city,' and then at Rimini received 
Cesare de'Este, Duke of Modena and Reggio. He conversed 
with him for an hour, and entertained him at his table. '^ 
After a visit to Ravenna,^ he continued his journey by 
Bagnacavallo^" and Lugo^^ to Ferrara. Maj^ Sth^^ j^^d been 
appointed for the solemn entry, at which an immense throng 
had assembled, including many strangers from Lombardy, 
Venice and Bologna. Clement VIII. was received at the 
Porta S. Giorgio by the bishop and clergy, and the magistrates 
delivered the keys of the city. The Pope then put on the 

^ See *Avviso of April 24, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. 

2 Cf. Faloci Pulignani, I priori d. cattedrale di Foligno, F. 
1914, 276 seq. 

^ See *Cod. A. E. XL, 74, p. 144 of the Library of S. Pietro in 
Vincoli, Rome. Cf. Lammer, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 45 seq. 

* See Argenti in Prinzivalli, 166, n. i. 

* See Cascioli, Mem. stor. di Poli, Rome, 1896, 162 seqq. 
« *Avviso of May 9, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. 

' Cf. L. Masetti, Accoglienze fatte in Fano a P. Clemente VIIL, 
Pesaro, 1881. 

^ See Argenti in Prinzivalli, 171. 

^ See Bentivoglio., Memorie, 19. 

1° See Balduzzi, loc. cit., 91 seq. 

1^ Cf. Vine. Milani Lugensis In adventu S.D.N.D. dementis VIIL 
P.M. oratio Lugi habita 1598 Cal. Mail, Bononiae, 1598. 

^* Not on the 9th, as Balduzzi states {loc. cit., 92). The *Avviso 
of May 13, 1598 (Urb. 1066, loc. cit.) expressly says that the 
Pope made his entry on the Friday, and the Friday fell on the 8th. 


pontifical vestments and mounted the sedia gestatoria, above 
which a baldacchino was carried. In his retinue there were 
eighteen Cardinals, fifteen prelates, many dignitaries of the 
court, the Swiss Guard, and the ambassadors of France, Venice 
and Savoy. ^ The Blessed Sacrament, at the entry and 
throughout the journey, was carried in a precious portable 
tabernacle, on a white mule.^ The streets through which the 
cortege passed were adorned with tapestries, inscriptions 
and triumphal arches. Clement VIII. went first to the 
cathedral, and then to the Castello, the former palace of the 
Este dukes, where he took up his abode. 

The first and the most pressing care of Clement VIII., 
was to reorganize the government. For this purpose he set 

^ For the entry, the day of which is often wrongly given, even 
in Capilupi, 174, cf. the *Avvisi of May 9, 13 and 16, 1598, 
Urb. 1066, loc. cit. ; Pregildo Piazza, *letter from Ferrara, 
May II, 1598, to sig. N. Fozza, Coll. Antonelli, n. 669, Library, 
Ferrara ; Rocca (next note) ; Gatticus, II., 193 ; Descrittione de 
gli apparati fatti in Bologna per la venuta di N.S.P. Clemente VI 1 1. 
. . . co' disegni degli archi, statue et pitture, Bologna, V. Benacci, 
1598 and 1599. The first edition, unknown to Brunet and 
Cicognara, is very rare. The text which describes the plates, 
includes, with the title, eight pages. See also Vero disegno 
dell'ordine tenuto da Clemente VI 1 1, nel fel. ingresso di S.S*^ 
nella citta di Ferrara, 1598, Antonio Tempesta sculp. A fresco 
in the Palazzo Antici-Mattei in Rome, also shows the entry of 
the Pope into Ferrara ; it is of special interest for the costumes. 
The inscription is only partly preserved in Capilupi, ed. Prinzi- 
valli, 173 n. The Cod. germ. 3993 of the State Library, Munich, 
contains *" Pompa " and entry of Pope Clement VII I. , 1598, 
into Ferrara, German translation by A. Rocca, with an anti-papal 
introduction by Girolao Parco. 

2 See Ang. Rocca (ord. S. Agost.), De ss. Christi corpore rom. 
pontificibus iter conficientibus praeferendo commentarius anti- 
quiss. ritus causam et originem, variasque ss. pontificum ss. 
secum hostiam in itinere deferentium profectiones itinerarium 
societatis ss. sacramenti Clemente VIII. Ferrariam, proficiscente, 
Rome, 1599. Cf. Lettres d'Ossat, II., iii ; Baumgarten, 
Neue Kunde, 33. 


up a commanal council, which was cleverly divided into three 
sections, nobles, burghers and artisans. Without restricting 
the supreme authority of the Cardinal, he gave this new 
council, which was to be elected every three years, certain 
rights and powers, such as the provision of food, the regulation 
of the rivers, the appointment of the judges and the podesta, 
and even of the professors of the university, powers which the 
Este had reserved to themselves. The Pope condoned many 
purely fiscal debts, and v/on over citizens of importance by 
conferring on them ecclesiastical dignities. ^ The inhabitants 
of Ferrara were delighted by the confirmation of all their 
ancient privileges and by the labours of the legate, Aldo- 
brandini, to restore the finances, which had been seriously 
damaged by the Este.^ On the other hand great discontent 
was aroused by the construction of a fortress, to make space 
for which many houses, and some churches and palaces had 
to be destroyed, among them the celebrated Belvedere, so 
much sung by the poets. ^ Later on Ferrara, like Bologna, 
v/as given the right to have its own ambassador in Rome,'* 
as well as a tribunal of its own for the settlement of causes.^ 
During the stay of Clement VIII. at Ferarra, which lasted 

^ See Bull. X., 449 seq. ; Frizzi, V., 25 seq. ; Contarini in 
Ranke, II.*, 183, n. I. 

2 See Frizzi, V., 27 seq. 

^ See besides Frizzi, V., 37 seq., Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 184, 
and the *Avvisi of July 25 and 28, and August i, 1598, Urb. 1066, 
loc. cit. Frizzi [loc. cit.) rejects on the strength of the Acta in 
the Communal Archives, Ferrara, the suggestion that the pro- 
prietors of the demolished houses were not indemnified, as 
Brosch (I., 321) claims. The number of 4000 houses mentioned 
by Brosch is a huge exaggeration ; see Pardi in Atti d. Deput. 
per Ferrara, XX. (1911), 8. 

« Brief of March i, 1599, Bull. X., 4S1 seq. Cf. Cancellieri, 
Possessi, 209 seq., 281 ; Moroni, V., 302, XXIV., 152. The 
♦reports of the Ferrara envoys in Rome, preserved to 179&, are 
in the Communal Archives, Ferrara ; ibid, the greater part of 
the correspondence of the Cardinal legate. 

5 See Bull. X., 511 seq. Cf. Moroni, XXIV., 152 seq. 


for more than six months, the saying " ubi pontifex ibi Roma " 
was fully confirmed. Envoys came from all parts, and 
princes and princesses, some to express their devotion to the 
vicar of Christ, and offer him their congratulations, and 
some on private business. The first to come, on May 8th, 
was the ambassador of the Emperor, and on the following 
day the Archduke Ferdinand, on pilgrimage to Loreto, who 
was received by the Pope as a son by his father. ^ There 
followed the envoys of Lucca, ^ and at the beginning of June 
the four representatives of the Republic of St. Mark, who were 
received with special courtesy. At their farewell audience 
the Pope jokingly said to them that he still hoped to celebrate 
holy mass in Santa Sofia at Constantinople.^ At the same 
time there came from Mantua Duke Vincenzo, his consort 
Eleanora and his sister Margherita, the mother of Alfonso II. 
They were engaged in a dispute with Cesare d'Este over a 
matter of inheritance. On May 29th there also appeared in 
Ferrara* Ferrante Gonzaga, Prince of Guastalla. On June 
19th the Pope received Federigo Pico, Prince of Mirandola.^ 
At the end of June there came the Duke of Parma, Ranuccio 

^ See *Avviso of May 20, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. Cf. *reports 
of L. Cremaschi, Ferrara, May 11 and 15, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. See also Hurter, III., 411 seqq. ; Stieve, IV., 307; 
Archiv. f. osterr. Gesch., LXXXVI., 325 seq. For the envoy 
sent by the Archduke Maximilian to Ferrara see Hirn, 
Maximilian, I., 69. 

* See *Avviso of May 27, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. 

' See Al. P. Clemen te VIII. Ambasceria Veneta straordinaria 
in Ferrara nell'a. 1598, ed. R. Fulin, Venice, 1865. Cf. also 
*Avvisi of June 3 and 6, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. For Cesare 
Cremonino, who came aa,the envoy of Cento, and his successful 
negotiations see Sighinolfi in Atti d. Romagna, 3rd ser., XXV. 
(1907), 423 seq. 

* See the *Avvisi of May 30, and June 6, 1598, Urb. 1066, 
loc. cit. Cf. Narrazione della solenne entrata fatta in Ferrara 
del ser. duca di Mantova e degli ill. ambasc. di Venezia, Rome, 

^ *Avviso of June 20, 1598, loc. cit. 

VOL. XXIV. 26 


Farnese, to pay his homage.^ He rivalled in pomp the Dake 
of Mantua, who appeared with a retinue of 1200 persons. 
Lastly there came the governor of Milan, who was treated 
by the Pope with a like honour as the afore-mentioned 

At the end of September Clement VIII. undertook an 
expedition to Comacchio.^ Everyone attempted to dissuade 
him from this, partly on the ground of the expense, and partly 
not to offend Venice, but he would not be moved from his 
purpose.^ A month later there began the preparations for 
the marriage of the Archduchess Margaret of Styria to 
Philip III., who was represented by the Duke of Sessa.^ The 
marriage of the Archduke Albert to the Infante Isabella 
was to take place at the same time ;® the Pope wished to bless 
both these marriages in person. The future Queen of Spain 
made her solemn entry on November 13th, mounted on a 
white palfrey, and accompanied by nineteen Cardinals, and 
numerous archbishops, prelates and ambassadors.' After 

1 See Descrizione del viaggio fatto dal duca Ranuccio Farnese 
a Ferrara per visitare P. Clemente VIII., Ferrara, 1598. Cf. 
*report of L. Cremaschi, June 30, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. *Avviso of July 15, 1598, loc. cit. 

* See, besides *Avviso of August 29, 1598, loc. cit. Bentivoglio, 
Memorie, 23-26. Cf. also Possevino, Gonzaga, 824. 

* See *Avvisi of September 26 and 30, 1598, loc. cit. 

* Cf. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 30. 

^ See *Avvisi of October 7, 10, 24 and 31, and November 4, 
7 and II, 1598, loc. cit. The principal hall of the palace was 
decorated like the Sala Regia. The expenses of the reception 
of the queen given by Orbaan in Arch. Rom., XXXVI., 119 seq. 

* The Archduke Albert put aside his sacerdotal dress on July 13, 
1598 ; he had never received major orders ; see Archiv. f. osterr. 
Gesch., LXXXVL, 328, 333. For his laying aside of the 
cardinalitial dignity see the *brief addressed to him, July 31, 
1598, Arm. 44, t. 42, n. 212, Papal Secret Archives. 

' See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, Vatican Library ; 
*Avviso of November 14, 1598, Urb. 1066, ibid. ; *report of 
L. Cremaschi, November 14, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; 
La fel. entrata della ser. Regina di Spagna D. Margarita d'Austria 


she had assisted at the Pope's mass on the following day, 
together with the Archduke Albert, who had previously 
renounced his cardinalate,^ on the 15th both marriages were 
blessed by Clement VIII., after which the Golden Rose was 
conferred on Margaret.^ The festivities which took place 
on the occasion recalled the most splendid days which Ferrara 
had witnessed in the time of the Este.^ Margaret left the 
city on November i8th, accompanied by Cardinal Aldo- 
brandini as far as the frontier of the States of the Church. 
After this the Pope began to prepare for his return journey, 
and on November 20th Cardinal Giovanni Francesco di 
S. Giorgio di Blandrata assumed the office of pro-legate. 
Giglioli was appointed ambassador of Ferrara at the Curia, 
and it was resolved to set up a bronze statue of Clement VIII. 

nella citta di Ferrara, Ferrara, 1598 ; Bentivoglio, Memorie, 
29 seq. 

^ The laying aside of the purple took place at a secret consistory : 
" Ferrariae in CasteUo die ult. lulii " : *Dixit 'S>^^ Sua ipsum 
cardinalem ac Philippum Hisp. regem summopere urgere pro 
admissione huius modi resignationis causamque ab ipso rege 
adduci optimam, nempe quia iudicat expedire conservationi 
relig. oath." Cod. 75, p. 254 seq. of the Library of S. Pietro in 
Vincoli, Rome. 

^ See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, Vatican Library ; 
*Avviso of November 18, 1598, Urb. 1066, ibid. ; Relazione di 
Paolo Mucante dell'entrata solenne fatta in Ferrara per la ser. 
D. Margherita d'Austria Regina di Spagna e del consistorio 
publico . . . con minuto ragguaglio della messa pontificale da 
S.B. e delle ceremonie delli sposalizii etc., Rome, 1598. Cf. also 
Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 184 seq. ; Bentivoglio, Memorie, 
31 seq. 

* Cf. *Avviso of November 18, 1598, according to which 
maschere were also allowed " havendo nome questi Ferraresi di 
fare cosa vaga in questa materia, massime che queste dame in 
maschera fanno molto bella niostra." The ladies of Comacchio 
performed dances in the moats around the castello, which greatly 
diverted the queen. On November 17 the " tragedia di 
Holoferne " was performed before the queen (Urb. 1066, loc. cit.). 
Cf. also the *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. 


The Pope granted further favours to the Ferrarese, and 
promised them to make the Po navigable ; he showed himself 
so magnanimous that the representatives of the city left 
his audience chamber with tears of joy in their eyes.^ On 
November 26th Clement VIII., kneeling before the Blessed 
Sacrament in the cathedral, recommended the new possession 
to the protection of God in a touching prayer, and then set out 
upon his return journey. ^ 

He went first from Ferrara to Bologna, where he was 
received with great honour. Guido Reni has preserved in 
an etching the decorations of the festivities. Clement VIII. 
remained in Bologna for three days ; he said mass at 
S. Petronio, and visited the university, where he had once 
made his studies.^ The return to Rome, where the Pope 
was anxiously awaited, was hastened as much as possible, 
and to that end the retinue was reduced.'^ On December ist 
Clement VIII. reached Imola, and on the 2nd honoured 
Faenza and Forlimpopoli^ with his presence ; on the 3rd he 
met Cardinal Aldobrandini at Meldola ; on the 4th Cesena 
we reached, and on the 5th Rimini, where, on the following 
day, the Second Sunday in Advent, he said mass in the 
cathedral. From Rimini he went to Cattolica, on the 7th 
by Pesaro to Fano, on the 8th to Sinigaglia, on the gth to 
Ancona, and on the loth to Loreto. After having stayed 

^ See *Avvisi of November 21 and December 5, 1598, Urb. 
1066, loc. cit. 

* The *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. gives this beautiful prayer. 
3 See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. ; *Avvisi of December 5 

and 12, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. ; Bellentani, I papi a Bologna, 
B., 1857, 27 seq. For the festival decorations see Bohn, G. Reni, 
3 seq., 30, and Jahrb. d. Kunstsamml. d. osterr. Kaiserhauses, 
XXVI., 137. Cf. also Fr.\ti, Opere di bibliografia Bolognese, I. 
(1888), 419. 

* See *Avviso of December 12, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. We 
have details of the return journey in the *Diarium P. Alaleonis, 
Barb. 2815, ibid. Cf. also Lettres d'Ossat, I., 610, 612 seq., 614. 

5 C/. Ballardini in Arch. stor. ital., 5th ser., XXXVIII., 
362 seq., 366 seq. 


there for several days, and having ordained Cardinals Pietro 
Aldobrandini and Bartolomeo Cesi priests, on December 14th 
the journey was continued by way of Foligno, Spoleto, Narni 
and Civita Castellana. On the 19th the Pope reached Rome, 
where the whole of the clergy went to meet him at the Porta 
del Popolo. Accompanied by them he went in procession, 
through richly decorated streets, to St. Peter's. The people 
were filled with exultation ; the Pope looked very well, and 
had falsified the prophecies of the astrologers that he would 
die on the journey. ^ On the following days the audiences 
at the Vatican were very numerous, and all flocked to con- 
gratulate him on the acquisition of Ferrara, which was cele- 
brated by many poets and orators. ^ It was resolved to set 

1 See *Avvisi of December 23 and 26, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. ; 
Odoardo Magliano, L'ordine tenuto nel ricevere il SS. 
Sacramento nell'entrare in Roma con la processione at apparati 
delle strade da S. Maria del Popolo a S. Pietro, Rome, 1598 ; 
*report of L. Cremaschi, December 25, 1598, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. Commemorative inscription see Capilupi, ed. Prinzi- 
valli, 215 seq. Clement VIII. had expressed the wish that there 
should be no expense to celebrate his return (see the *brief to 
Cardinal d'Aragona, December 9, 1598) as he already knew the 
devotion of the city : " Romae enim aetatem egimus." Arm. 
44, t. 42, n. 370, Papal Secret Archives. 

* los. Castalionis, Expeditio Ferrariensis et Ferraria recepta, 
Rome, 1598 ; G. B. Genari, Rime nella venuta di Clemente VIII. 
a Ferrara, Ferrara, 1598 ; los. Comarini, In S.D.N. Clementis 
VIII. P.O.M. Ferrariam Bononiam, Romamque adventu. 
Carmina, Ferrara, 1599; Giov. Paolo Braccino (of Ferrara), 
Rime a diversi nella venuta di Clemente VIII. (Aldobrandini) 
col sacro coUegio et Romana Corte alia nobiliss. citta di Ferrara, 
etc., Ferrara, 1601 ; D. NizzoLi, Viaggio di S.S. Clemente VIII. 
a Ferrara in ottava rima, s. /. et a. ; Ottavio Micheli da Lucca, 
♦Ferrara recuperata in ottava rima (six canti), Vat. 5529, Vatican 
Library ; Fab. Patritius, Oratione a N.S. Clemente VIII. 
neH'allegrezza dell'acquisto di Ferrara, Venice, 1598. Other 
commemorative discourses in Capilupi, ed. Prinzivalli, 214 seq. 
For commemorative coins see Bonanni, I., and Agnelli, F'errara, 
Bergamo, 1906, 99, 


lip a commemorative inscription in honour of Clement VIII. 
at the Capitol.^ 

In the midst of these days of jubilation, there occurred a 
terrible disaster, owing to which the most fortunate year of 
the pontificate of the Aldobrandini Pope ended in sorrow.^ 
The Eternal City was afflicted by an inundation, which far 
surpassed all previous ones. On December 21st torrential 
rains had fallen, owing to which the yellow and muddy waters 
of the Tiber were swollen in the most alarming way. On 

1 See NovAEs, IX., 38. The event was also celebrated in 
inscriptions, e.^. at the Villa Aldobrandini (see infra, pp. 496 seqq.), 
the castello at Spoleto, and the Palazzo del Podesta at Faenza. 
The banner with the device : " Ferrara ricuperata " is preserved 
at the Villa Aldobrandini at Anzio. 

2 In a *note in Cod. Barb. lat. 5259, p. 132, Vatican Library, 
it is stated of the year 1598 : Anno celebre e memorabile per la 
christianita, ma particolarmente per la riputatione e felicita della 
Sede Apost. e ni Clemente VIII. poiche in esso non solo ricupero 
e ridusse sotto il dominio ecclesiastico Ferrara, et uno stato cosi 
grande suo, ma nell'istesso anno si rihebbe dalle mani de'turchi 
Giaverino pochi anni avanti da loro per forza occupato. Stabilissi 
la pace con I'autorita del medesimo Pontefice per mezzo del suo 
legato tra la corona di Francia e quella di Spagna dopo dieci anni 
di guerra, anzi si potrebbe dire cento. Quietossi con I'istessa pace 
il regno di Francia lacerato altretanto tempo dalle guerre civili, 
et essendo morto Fllippo 2° Re di Spagna si congiunsero in 
matrimonio Filippo 3. suo figliuolo a Margherita d'Austria, 
facendosi solennita delle nozze in Ferrara con grandissima pompa 
degna di tanti principi per mano dell'istesso Pontefice ; ne questo 
sponsalitio fu solo ; poiche seco anche si celebro quelle dell' 
arciduca Alberto con I'infanta Donna Isabella di Spagna. Ne fu 
cosa di poca consideratione il muoversi il Papa con tutta la corte 
di Roma et andare a Ferrara con decoro ecclesiastico e pontificio, 
entrandovi solennissimamente, attioni, che bastarebbono ad 
illustrare un secolo, e far memorabili quattro pontificati. Ne 
poteva quest'anno esser piu felice per quel Pontefice, se questa 
ielicita non fosse stata alquanto temperata dall'innondatione, 
che fece il Tevere, nel suo ritorno a Roma, che non solo li rec6 
non poco disturbo, bench e in esso anche havesse occasione di 
mostrare la sua pieta, et il card. Aldobrandini la sua dilJgenza, 


December 23rd the river began to overflow at certain points. 
At first no great fears were entertained, but the waters rose 
from lioiir to hour with alarming persistence ; they passed 
the floodmarks of 1557, and at last even those of 1530 by 
two palms. It was estimated that the level of the water 
had risen by ten metres. ^ Almost the whole city suffered 
in a terrible degree from the stench, which in the poetry of 
Horace was attributed to the vengeance of the Tiber god.^ 
Only the hills and some of the higher parts of the cit}^ were 
spared.^ With bewildering force the waters destroyed many 
houses, especially in the Borgo, on the island of S. Bartolomeo, 
and in the Ripetta. In many other cases the foundations 
were so undermined that later on they had to be supported 

^ C/. v. MoLTKE, Wanderbuch^, Berlin, 1890, 61. 

* Already on February 2nd, 1598, there had been an inundation 
which had caused damage of 200,000 scudi (see *Avviso of 
February 4, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit.) and another on March i 
(*Avviso of ]\Iarch 7, 1598, ibid.). 

* Cf. Lettres d'Ossat, V., 5 seq. ; report of the procurator of 
the Anima in Schmidlin, Anima, 442 seq. ; *Avviso of December 
30, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. ; *letter of Carpino Carpini, Rome, 
December 30, 1598, in Vat. 8259, p. 342 seq. Vatican Library ; 
Lettera di Maurizio Cataneo in Idea del Segretario, Venice, 1606, 
37 seq. ; *letter of L. Cremaschi, December 26, 1598, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua ; *report of M. Vialardo to the Archduke 
Ferdinand, January 2, 1599, State Archives, Vienna. Two 
*reports in Inform, polit., XVI., n. 15-16, State Library, Berlin. 
See also Juvencius, V., 291 seq. ; Possevino, Gonzaga, 824 seq. ; 
Grottanelli, Ducato di Castro, 21 seq. ; Lanciani, Scavi, II.. 
27 ; A. Pilot in Riv. di Roma, 1909. Contemporary accounts in 
Archivio, V., 3 (1879), 300 seq. of Gori ; Bertolotti, Art. 
Subalp., 144 seq. Of other reports mention may be made of : 
the Relatione de la spaventevole inondatione fatta dal Tevere 
nella citta di Roma e suoi contorni alii 23 decembre 1598, Milan, 
1599 (copy in the Library of J. v. Gorres, afterwards in the 
possession of Fraulein Sofia Gorres at Vienna). J. Castiglione, 
Trattato dell'inondatione del Tevere, Rome, 1599, 5 seq., 44 seq., 
73 seq. ; M. Cognatus, De Tiberis inundatione, Rome, 1599. 
For the inundation cf. also Miscell. d. stor. Hal., IV., 687. 


by girders and beams, and new sub-structures ; older buildings, 
such as the professed house of the Jesuits, had to be rebuilt 
owing to the damage they had sustained.^ The two outer 
arches of the Ponte Palatino, restored by Gregory XIII., 
fell before the raging waters, so that the medieval name of 
Ponte S. Maria was changed to that of Ponte Rotto.^ The 
Ponte S. Angelo and the Ponte Molle were also damaged, 
and all the little shops of objects of devotion near the Ponte 
S. Angelo were destroyed ; three salt stores belonging to the 
Apostolic Camera, and nine out of the twenty corn mills on 
the Tiber — according to other accounts as many as twelve — 
were carried away with all their inhabitants. Two broke 
into pieces at the Ponte Sisto. 

In a state of indescribable confusion there floated through 
the streets of Rome bales of merchandize, bundles of hay, 
doors, books, furniture and domestic utensils. The waters, 
which flowed with bewildering speed, frequently changed their 
course, and a terrible state of panic prevailed. At the terrified 
cry of " the floods " the people rushed out of their houses, 
and in the lack of sufficient boats, sought safety, amid terrible 
scenes, in the higher ground, at the Castle of St. Angelo, and 
in the larger houses. Others took refuge on the roofs. If 
the city had been carried by assault by an enemy, the terror 
and confusion could not have been greater. The terrible 
height to which the water reached may be seen with alarming 
clearness by the marks which are still to be seen to-day on 
the facade of the Minerva and in other places.^ The inunda- 
tion broke with such lightning speed that the greater number 
of the inhabitants were unable to provide themselves with 

^ See JuvENCius, V., 292, where there are particulars of the 
new building erected by Card. O. Farnese. 

2 As the last trace of the bridge there is still preserved a single 
arch in the middle of the river. 

* See the illustrations in Pastor, Rom zu Ende der Renaissance, 
29. List of the marks showing the height of the water in 
Inventario, I., 86, 99, 165, 237, 305, 467. Inscription relating to 
the inundation of the Tiber at S. Giovanni de' Fiorentini, in 
ToTTi, 244. 


food or the barest necessaries, and the Imperial ambassador 
reported that even Cardinals Madruzzo and Sforza nearly 
died of starvation.^ 

The damage done in the churches was terrible. " After 
the fatal floods — thus the procurator of the Anima describes 
the state of the German national church — had beaten strongly 
and for a long time against the walls of our church, throwing 
against them roofs, timbers from mills and ships and all 
manner of things that they had carried away with them from 
all parts, but in vain, because the architectural strength had 
defied their efforts, they began to rage in the interior of the 
church ; they overthrew all the tombs, scattered bodies, 
ashes, filth, mingling them with the water in the wells, the 
drinking water, earth and air, as they would ; they ruined 
the stalls in the choir, and in the sacristy, as well as the images 
of Our Lady which were near the altars ; as the doors could 
not be torn from their hinges, they were broken, crushed 
and to a great extent demolished ; the hangings which had 
been attached to the pillars and other places as decoration 
for the feast of the Nativity (for the water began to rise on the 
vigil of the Nativity) were discoloured and spoiled to half 
their height by filthy water ; almost all the marble monuments 
and inscriptions were damaged, among them those of the 
Duke of Cleves and of Pope Adrian VI. of holy memory." ^ 

The Romans passed a terrible vigil of the Nativity ; no one 
slept, lights were burning in all the windows, and the rising 
of the water was anxiously watched. At last a slight sub- 
sidence of the flood could be detected. In spite of this on 
the following day the churches were still so immersed in water 

1 See the *report of Vialardo, January 2, 1599, State Archives, 

2 ScHMiDLiN, Anima, 443. The report, as far as the churches 
are concerned, is confirmed by the *letter of Carpino Carpini in 
Vat. 8259, p. 342 seq. (Vatican Library), who says : " Non vi si 
puo troppo dimorare per il gran fettore e puzza che rendono li 
cadaveri delle sepulture sfondate dal acqua." Cf. also Panciroli, 
Tesori nascosti (1600), 429, 538 ; Cavazzi, S. Maria in Via Lata, 
Rome, 1908, 128. 


that mass could hardly be said anywhere. Even the solemn 
Papal mass had to be omitted.^ During the night before 
St. Stephen's day the waters began to disappear, leaving 
everywhere a deep layer of mire, which could only be removed 
with great difficulty. For a long time the basements remained 
filled with water, and the lower floors were uninhabitable on 
account of the water which had penetrated into them.^ It 
is difficult to estimate exactly the number of persons in the 
city and the environs who were taken by surprise and drowned 
by the floods. The estimates vary from 4,000 to 1,400.^ 
Immense loss was caused by the destruction of cattle, grain, 
wine, oil, hay, merchandize and objects of every kind, which 
were stored for the most part in the basements. It was 
estimated that there was a loss of two million gold ducats.'* 

The Pope, who v/as afflicted with the deepest grief at the 
misfortunes of the inhabitants of the capital, and praj'cd 
almost without interruption, did all he could from the first 
to give every help that lay in his pov/er. He had those who 
were in danger rescued by boats, and distributed food and 
money in all the parishes. By his orders Cardinal Aldobran- 
dini supervised the salvage works, in which Cardinals Santori, 
Rusticucci, Sauli, Sfondrato and Sforza also took part, and 
among the aristocracy above all the Marchese Peretti. At 
the hospital of Santo Spirito, Camillus of Lellis, the founder 
of the " Fathers of a good death," laboured all the night with 
six companions in moving the sick to an upper floor. 

It greatly afflicted the Pope when wicked men spread the 
report among the people that the opening of a canal for the 

1 *December 24, 1598, " non fuit Capella propter inundationem 
Tyberis." Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2815, Vatican Library. 

2 See *report of Carpino Carpini, loo. cit. 

3 See ScHMiDLiN, Anima, 442 n. 2. The statement of Reumont 
here given, of 1500 drowned, is probably based on the Relatione 
della spaventevole inondatione, Milan, 1599, which mentions the 
number of 1400. The same number is to be found on the back 
cover of the manuscript n. 43 of the Stiftes Hohenfurth Library 
in Bohemia. 

4 *Avviso of December 30, 1598, Urb. 1066, loc. cit. 


draining of the water from the Velino, which he had permitted, 
had been the cause of the inmidation.^ An examination 
carried out on the spot later on proved the groundlessness of 
these rumours. 2 In another quarter the blame for the 
inundation was attributed to the works of the Florentine 
government, for the draining of the valley of the Chiana. 
When for this reason the Romans began to construct dykes, 
which led to the flooding of some of the neighbouring districts 
of Tuscany, there followed a bitter quarrel with Florence, 
which threatened to develop nito a war.^ 

On January 8th, 1599, Clement VIII. had made a report 
to the Cardinals on the catastrophe,'* and on the 23rd a circular 
was issued to the clergy and people of Rome, exhorting them 
to look upon the inundation as a chastisement for their sins, 
and to appease the anger of God^ by leading a better life 
and b}' doing penance. To this end processions were ordered 
at St. Mar}' Major's and St. Peter's.^ But in order to avert 
the recurrence of such a disaster by human means as well, 
a congregation of six Cardinals was ordered to discuss with 
experts on the subject '^ plans for the regulation of the Tiber. 

^ See ibid. For the works on the Velino, hardly finished in 1601 
cf. *Avviso of July 24, 1596, Urb. 1064, I., loc. cit Carrara, 
La caduta del Velino nella Nera, Rome, 1799 ; Novaes, IX., 39. 

2 Cf. *Avvisi of February 3 and 10, March 3 and 20, and April 3, 
1599. Urb. 1067, Vatican Library. 

' See Reumont, Toskana, I., 365. " Disegni piante relazioni e 
visite con le transazioni fatte per le Chiane 1600 " down to 1658, 
preserved in Cod. Chigi, P. VL, 6, Vatican Library, are by the 
engineer Carlo Rainaldi. 

* See *Acta consist. Cod. Barb. lat. 2871, Vatican Library. 

* See Bull. X., 467 seq. Cf. the letter to the Romans (Papal 
Secret Archives) in App. n. 14. 

" See *Avvisi of January 27 and 30, 1599, Urb. 1067, loc. cit. ; 
*Diarium P. Alaleonis, Barb. 2816, ibid. 

' Among them was Giov. Fontana ; see Bertolotti, Art. 
Subalp., Mantua, 1884 ; Art. Lomb., I., 98 seq., II., 5 seq. The 
Pope had already in 1596 appointed this architect, together with 
Giacomo della Porta and three Venetian architects to regulate 


The congregation ordered that the mire should be cleared 
out of the streets, as if it remained there was reason to fear 
the outbreak of epidemics.^ A very prudent step was the 
prohibition to inhabit the lower floors of the houses for a 
month, for these had suffered especially from the moisture. 
There was also a prohibition of any increase in the price of 
food. 2 The rebuilding works had to be hurried forward, 
all the more so as the jubilee would occur in the following 

In the meantime the plans for the regulation of the Tiber 
were so far advanced that in June it was possible to begin 

the bed of the Tiber ; see Bertolotti, Art. Svizz., Bellinzona, 
1886, II. At that time, as well as now, all manner of plans were 
suggested ; see Paolo Berti, *Ragionamento sul rimedio per 
impedire le inondazioni del Tevere (dated Padua, February 9, 
1601), in Vat. 6357, p. I seq., Vatican Library. Cf. the rare 
work : P. Beni, Discorsi sopra I'inondazione del Tevere, Rome, 
1599- See also Tarquinio Pinaoro, Discorso dell'inondatione del 
Tevere seguita, 1598, in Urb. 861, p. 85 seqq., Vatican Library ; 
Eh RLE, Pianta di Maggi-Maupin-Losi del 1625, Rome, 1915, 
8 seqq. ; Orbaan, Documenti, 121 n. The architect Carlo 
Lombardi was appointed in 1599 as deputy for the clearance of the 
damage caused by the inundation of the Tiber ; see Bertolotti, 
Artisti Svizz., 16. In 1593 he had already been appointed 
" exstimator et mensurator generalis omnium aquarum " ; see 
Bertolotti, Art. Subalp., 43 seq. ; cf. Art. Lomb., I., 96, 218. 

1 Cf. *Avvisi of January 3 and 6, 1599, Urb. 1067, loc. cit. 
In other ways as well steps were taken in order to provide for 
hygienic conditions in Rome as far as possible. Thus steps were 
taken in the heat of the summer to prevent pestilence being 
introduced into the city. As to this see the *report of G. C. 
Foresto, July 3, 1599, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and the *Avvisi 
of July 7 and 28, and August 24, 1599, Urb. 1067, loc. cit. The 
first states that it had been decided at the Capitol to close that 
part of the city which lay open (from the Porta Cavalleggieri to 
the Porta Settimana) so as to be able to place guards everywhere, 
on account of the plague. For an epidemic in the Celimontana 
district in 1601, see Tomassetti, I., 166. 

* See *Avviso of January 13, 1599, Urb. 1067, loo. cit. 


the digging of a new channel across the Prati near Ponte 
Molle. It was feared, however, that this would not 
provide a reall}^ radical remedy, and that the enormous 
cost of 200,000 scudi would be money thrown away.^ 
This plan was therefore abandoned, and it was decided 
to effect another deviation of the Tiber near Orte, the 
cost of which was estimated at 150,000 scudi. ^ In 
December 1600 and January 1601 there were fresh 
inundations, though less serious ones ;^ but the plans so 
far adopted were proved to be impracticable.^ Even 
though it had been possible to provide the money, there were 
at that time no technical means equal to so difficult a task, 
and one on which the efforts of the Roman Emperors had 
already failed.^ 

The question of the regulation of floods also caused 
Clement VIII. anxiety in the case of Ferrara. The Pope 
intended to make one arm of the Po navigable, namely the 
Po di Primaro, and to make its right bank cultivateable ; also 
to regulate the Reno and drain the marshes of the Romagna. 
The discussions® on this subject begun at Ferrara were con- 
tinued in the following years. To the intrinsic difficulties 
of the matter itself were added serious disagreements with 

1 See *Avvisi of May 29, June 5 and 26, 1599, ibid. The two 
first in Orbaan, Documenti, 121 n. 

2 See *Avviso of November 27, 1599, LTrb. 1067, loc. cit. 

* See *Avvisi of December 23, 1600, and January 3, 1601, 
Urb. 1068 and 1069, loc. cit. 

* See *Avvisi of January 3, 19 and 23, 1602, Urb. 1070, loc. cit. 
Cf. also Bertolotti, Giornalisti, astrologi e negromanti in Roma, 
Florence, 1878, 14 seq. 

^ J. Castiglione (Trattato dell'inondatione del Tevere, Rome, 
1599. 71) foretold this. 

* See *Avvisi of August 15 and 29, and December 5, 1599, 
Urb. 1067, loc. cit. Cf. *" Nota delle misure prese a Ferrara e 
suo territorio insieme con il livello per servizio della dissecatione 
di paludi et navigatione del Po di Ferrara — quali sono prese per 
ordine di Clemente VIII. 1598," Barb. lat. .^379, p. 115 seq., 
Vatican Library. 


Venice/ but Clement VIII. would not abandon his plan for 
that reason ; but it had not even begun to be carried out when 
he died.^ Among the engineers to whom the problem was 
entrusted was Giovanni Fontana.^ 

^ See the *briefs to the Doge, December 4, 1599, January 29, 
May 27 and July 15, 1600, Arm. 44, t. 43, n. 418, and t. 44, n. 59, 
143. 193. Papal Secret Archives (originals partly in State Archives, 
Venice) ; Dolfin, Relazione, 501 ; Venier, Relazione, 23 seq. 
Cf. *report of G. C. Foresto, March 25, 1600, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. See also *" Relazione della visita degli rev. Monsignore 
Barberini, chierico di camera e di Msg. Agucchia, maggiordomo 
del ill. e rev. card. Aldobiandini sul Polesine d'Ariano d'ordine 
del Papa per vedere, informarli e considerare il taglio del Po, che 
intendevano i sig^^ Venetiani, 1599." Barb. lat. 4351, pp. 1-17, 
Vatican Library. Ibid. 4343, pp. 154-273, *Negotiato del taglio 
del Po tra la S. Sede e Venezia sotto Clemente VIII. 1599, with 
original letter of Maffeo Barberini, Barb. lat. 5853 {ibid.) contains 
*43 letters of Cardinals (especially Blandrata) and prelates 
concerning the " negotio del taglio del Po disegnato da Venetiani 
1598 sq. e ridotto a perfettura." 

2 Cf. Frizzi, v., 28 seq., 43 seq., 50. Many *documents per- 
taining to this in Barb. lat. 4351, 4356, 4377, 4383, Vatican 
Library. An anonymous *letter to the Duke of Mantua, Rome, 
August 14, 1604, says : " II Papa ha sborsato 20,000 ducati per 
far prova se I'ingegno del venuto di Fiandra e a proposito per lo 
negotio del Po, del Rone e delle lagune di Romagna." Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

^ Barb. lat. 4351 contains, p. 48 seq. : *Discorso e giudizio 
sopra il taglio del Po, signed by Giov. Rossi, Giov. Fontana and 
Bartol. Crescenzio ; p. 64 seq. : *Discorso di Giov. Fontana sopra 
il ritomare la navigatione a Ferrara, far la disseccatione di tanti 
terreni, che sono impaludati et di ritornarli nel stato che erano 
40 anni sono, scritto a Roma 28 luglio 1600 e presentato al Cardinal 
Marcello ; p. 74 seq. : *Opinion of Giov. Fontana for Clement VIII. 
concerning the " disseccatione et navigatione di Ferrara, Bologna 
et Romagna 1601 " (Vatican Library). *Documents concerning 
the measures taken against the overflowing of Lake Trasimeno, 
on which occasion Matleo Barberini acted as the Pope's com- 
missary, in Barb. lat. 4353. There too an original *brief of 
Clement VIII. to M. Barberini, June 13, 1602, Vatican Library. 


In spite of the constant proofs of his favour which 
Clement VIII. continued to show Ferrara to the end of his 
pontificate/ the city greatly resented being deprived of its 
former brilliant court. Thousands of those who belonged 
there emigrated to Modena, while many of those who remained 
brooded regretfully over bye-gone days. " Thus passes the 
glory of the world " — wrote an aged retainer of the ducal 
house — " now there is no longer any duke in Ferrara, nor 
princesses, nor music nor singers."^ Even though the city 
could not lose the stamp of a princely capital, it fell more and 
more into that silence which to-day still powerfully affects 
the wayfarer through its broad streets and its deserted piazzas. 
The diminution in the population of the city, however, has 
been enormously exaggerated by local chroniclers ; according 
to careful research it did not amount to more than 1800 
persons.^ Moreover a decrease of population was to be seen 
everywhere, not excepting Rome itself.'* 

This was all the more painful to Clement VIII. in that he 
did all he could to promote the welfare of his people. The 
greater part of what he did, however, in this matter has been 
forgotten and left unrecorded.^ But in spite of this it is 

1 See Frizzi, V., 40 seq. Cf. Theiner, Cod. dipl.. III., 573 ; 
Moroni, XXIV., 153 ; Bull. X., 591 seq., 592 seq., 761 seq., 873. 

* *Cronaca di Ferrara, MS. in the Albani Library, in Ranke, 
Piipste, II.*, i8.f seq. The manuscripts of the Albani Library 
were destroyed in 1857. 

^ See G. Pardi, Sulla Popolazione del Ferrarese dope la devolu- 
zione, Ferrara, 1911. How much this is exaggerated is clear 
from the fact that according to AgnelU (Ode Carducciane alia 
citta di Ferrara, Bologna, 1899, 34), 20,000 Ferraresi emigrated 
with the duke. 

* Cf. G. Beloch, La popolazione d'ltaha nei sec. XVI., XVII. a 
XVIII., Rome, 1888, 38. Rome had in 1600 : 109,729 
inhabitants ; in 1601 : 101,546 ; in 1602 : 99,312 ; in 1603 : 
104,878 ; in 1604 : 99,293 ; in 1605 : 99,647 ; see Castiglione, 
Delia popolazione di Roma, Rome, 1878, 167 ; Studi e docum., 
XII., 170. 

^ Donato in 1592 reports a plan for establishing a single coinage 
for the whole of ItaJv, in Baschei, 208. The constitution of 


known that from the first years of his reign he interested 
himself, as Sixtus V. had already done, in the revival of the 
silk industry. 1 He devoted his attention to improving the 
harbours of Terracina and Civitavecchia.^ If in spite of 
these and other praiseworthy efforts he was unable to prevent 
the decadence of the Papal States, this was not only the 
result of repeated bad harvests, scarcity, the scourge of the 
bandits and the burden of taxes, ^ but other factors as well 
must be taken into account, which are clearly pointed out 
by the Venetian ambassador, Paruta. The provinces of the 
States of the Church M'ere governed in part by legates, and 
in part by presidents ; the larger cities had governors and 
the smaller ones a podesta. Once the offices of president 
and governor had been attainable by laymen ; thus the father 
of Clement VIII. had held the office of governor of Fano. 
But gradually, especially in the time of Sixtus V., laymen 
disappeared from the administration in such a way that they 
only held the office of podesta ; all other offices were only 
granted to ecclesiastics, into whose hands the whole juridical, 
financial and political administration fell.* But how difficult 
it was bound to be, even with the best will, for those who 
had been educated for ecclesiastical purposes, to adapt them- 

July II, 1595 : " Officinae omnes monetariae status ecclesiastici, 
Roniana excepta, supprimantiir," in Bull. X., 202 seq. For the 
coinage of Clement VIll. see Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 34 ; 
Serafini, I., 106 seq. ; Martinori, 7 seqq. Ibid. 35 seqq., 
concerning the medals of Clement VIII. For measures for 
keeping away the plague from the Papal States see *Editti, V., 61, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

1 See the Bando of October 30, 1592, in Cuns, 211, and the 
*Avviso of November 14, 1592 : " N.S. per introduttione dell'arte 
della seta in Roma a beneficio della poverta vuole, che in ogni 
rubbio di terra di questo stato si sementi un arbore Celso o More 
sotto pena 10 so. a transgressor i, et che non si possino estrahere 
sete da questo." Urb. 1066, II., Vatican Library. 

2 Cf. infra, p. 

* Cf. Paruia, Relazione, 394. 

* See ibid. 419 seq. Cf. Reumont, III., 2, ^Sj seq. 


selves to matteis that were entire!}- foreign to their vocation. 
The very mixed duties of administration also occasioned the 
disadvantage that it opened out a profound gulf between 
laity and clergy, and that the laity were filled with a jealousy 
of the ecclesiastics that often degenerated into definite aver- 
sion. Paruta says that he had often remarked, not without 
amazement and disgust, how even prelates who were leading 
lives that were very far from priestly, were held in high 
esteem and rewarded, so long as they defended the privileges 
of the clergy against the laity, and how sometimes a prelate 
was blamed because he favoured the laity. He had often 
heard people of eminence say, that it seemed as though the 
clergy and laity did not belong to the same flock, and were 
not to be found in the same Church.^ Another disadvantage 
arose from the fact that a new Pope hardly ever carried on 
in the civil government the system of his predecessor. ^ This 
was connected with the disastrous custom by which, at every 
change in the pontificate, all the more important offices were 
filled by new individuals. Thus men of proved experience, 
who might have been of the greatest use, lost their office. 
Too often they were replaced by others who, though in them- 
selves they were good and learned, had no experience of the 
matters they were called upon to administer.^ This system 
of change among the officials was all the more felt in that the 
pontificates of the Popes, compared with the reigns of secular 
princes, were for the most part ver}^ short ; the pontificate 
of a Pope was on an average nine years in duration. Of the 
sixteen Popes of the XVIth century, only two, Paul III. and 
Gregory XIII. had been granted a longer reign (15 years in 
one case and 12 in the other) ; six had reigned for less than a 
year.'* Compared with the sixteen Popes whom the Church 
had had during the XVIth century, Germany had had five 

1 Paruta, Relazione, 375. 

* C/. DoLLiNGER, Kirche u. Kirchen, 537. 
8 See Paruta, Relazione, ^yzo seq. 

* Cf. DoLLiNGER, loc. cU. 539, and Prince Z. V. LoBKOwrrz, 
Statistik der Papste, Freiburg, 1905. 

VOL. XXIV. 27 


Emperors, France seven kings, Spain four, and England fivt 
kings or queens. 

Unsatisfactory conditions prevailed among the aristocracy 
of the States of the Church, for they sought to maintain them- 
selves in their abnormal position, even after the aristocracy 
of other European states had become entirely subject to the 
power of the sovereign. They looked upon any serious 
enforcement of the laws as an infringement of their own 
rights, and therefore complained bitterly of the government 
of the Popes. ^ In reality the great days of the aristocracy 
had passed away even in the Papal States, and if in the treatj' 
of peace concluded at Vervins in 1598 between Spain and 
France, the Colonna and Orsini had participated, although 
neither of these two houses had taken part in the war, this 
was only an echo of bye-gone days, and an act of courtesy 
towards the ancient representatives of the Guelph and 
Ghibelline princes.^ 

The number of the nobility in the States of the Church 
who devoted themselves to a military career had declined, 
together with the wealth and importance of the aristocratic 
families in general.^ In spite of this the new families of the 
nephews of the Popes looked upon it as desirable to enter 
into matrimonial alliances with the ancient aristocracy, as 
had recently been seen in the time of Sixtus V., whose grand- 
nephews had formed such alliances with the houses of Colonna 
and Orsini.'* The nearest approach to these celebrated 
families were the Conti and Savelli ; the rest of the Roman 
aristocracy were for the most part of quite recent date, and 
v> ere composed to a great extent of those who had made their 
fortunes in the Eternal City.^ Clement VIII. too was very 
free in conferring titles, so that in the course of a few years 
the dignity of duke had been granted four times. 

1 See Paruta, Relazione, 396. 

* See Reumont, Beitrage, V., g6. 

^ See Paruta, Relazione, 396 seq. ; Reumont, TIL, 2, 596. 

* Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 70. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 395. 


While men strove after high-sounding titles and a greater 
degree of magnificence, and disputes over rank often gave rise 
to grave scandals, financial conditions were going from bad to 
worse. Like everywhere else, so in Rome pomp and luxury 
had increased. Since the barons wished to live like princes, 
very often their large revenues proved insufficient ; in 1595 
they were all more or less in a state of debt. The nephew of 
the victor of Lepanto was obliged, in order to paj^ his debts, to 
found a Monte of 150,000 scudi in 1587, the " loughi " of which 
had to pay six per cent. ; 9000 scudi had to be set aside for 
the payment of interest, and after three years another 9000 
for the extinction of the capital, and since the revenues of 
Nettuno and Paliano were not sufficient for this, Nettuno 
was sold for 400,000 scudi to the Apostolic Camera.^ Other 
nobles too were forced to sell castles, lands and jurisdictions. 
Thus Virginio Orsini sold the territory of Matrice to the 
brother of Cardinal Montalto for 130,000 scudi. ^ 

The barons who had established Monti very often did not 
pay the interest, and this fact determined Clement VIII. to 
publish in 1596 the so-called " bull of the barons," which 
ordered, to satisfy the creditors of the Monti, the sale of 
allodial properties and jurisdictions without consideration for 
entail or for primogeniture. ^ The sale was secured by this 
measure, which at first seemed very hard.* It was in virtue 
of this bull that the Apostolic Camera acquired Castel Gandolfo 
from the SavelU.^ 

^ See Coppi, Memorie Colonnesi, passim. Cf. Parcjta, Dispacci, 

II., 435. 

* See Paruta, Relazione, 396. 

3 The text of the bull, dated June 25, 1596, in Bull, X., 270 seq. 
Cf. B. Capogrossi GtTARNA, I titoli delle provincie pontificie nella 
seconda nieta del sec. XVII., Rome, 1893, 5 ; tAXiNELLi de 
Fatin ELLIS, Observationes ad constitutionem XLI. Clementis P. 
VIII. nuncupatam BuUani Baronum, Rome, 171.^. 

* See the *report of L. Arrigoni, July 13, 1596, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. Dolfin, Relazione, 454. 

* The cost of acquiring this was, according to the *Avviso of 
December 7, 1596, the sum of 150,000 scudi. Urb. 1064, II., 
Vatican Library. 


But the contracting of debts by the barons did not cease 
because of this. In 1600 the Sermoneta had 24,000 scudi 
of revenue as against 300,000 of debts. The heaviest burden 
of debt at that time lay upon the family of the Montalto.^ 

Many of the nobles gave great scandal, not only by their 
exaggerated prodigality, but also by their ill-regulated and 
immoral lives. A terrible example of this state of affairs, 
which was made worse by the abuse prevalent in Florence 
and other places, of punishing deeds of blood by pecuniary 
penalties, was given by the notorious story of the Cenci.^ 

1 See the " Nota della entrata di inolti signori e duchi Romani " 
of the time of Clement VIII. in Ranke, Papste, III.*, 109,* 
who however here as in many other cases, does not Scty where he 
found the manuscript. I have sought for it vainly in the Roman 
libraries. In 1605 Clement had to grant the Farnese permission 
to estabhsh a Monte of 750,000 scudi, which was to pay 5^°/) 
interest ; see Gkotx.^nelli, II ducato di Castro, 32. 

" *Of decisive importance for throwing light upon the legend 
of the Cenci, by wliich even Muratori allowed himself to be 
deceived, have been the diligent archival researches of A. 
Bertolotti (Fr. Cenci e la sua famiglia, Florence, 1877 ; 2nd ed. 
enlarged, ibid. 1879). On this is based the spirited article by 
A. Geffroy in Etudes Ital., Paris, 1898. Bertolotti, however, 
goes too far when in his final conclusions he presents Francesco 
Cenci as a father of a family jealous of the honour of his house. 
This weak part of his account is attacked by Labruzzi di Nexima 
in Niiova Antologia, 2, Ser. XIV. (1879), 418 seqq., against whom 
Bertolotti wrote in the Riv. Enropea, XIII. (1879), 51 sea. 
Bertolotti there skilfully defends the authenticity of his documents 
but his conclusions nevertheless remain rather hazardous. With 
regard to the attacks of Labruzzi on Clement VIII., even a writer 
as anti-Papal as Brosch says that it would be wrong to speak of 
the " excessive benignity " of Clement VIII., but that the charge 
that the Pope and the Aldobrandini drew advantage from the 
confiscation of the property of the Cenci " is unfounded." " We 
must also admit," Bkosch goes on to say {Hist. Zeitschr., XLV., 
177 seq.), " that the confiscation was legitimate, and was almost 
always done in such cases, ^^'e may also look upon it as an act 
of extraordinary kindness when Clement assigned to the widow 
of one of tl:e condemned, Giacomo the brother of Beatrice, a sum 


This noble family, whose dark palace stood not far from the 
Tiber, close to the Ghetto, and near the church of S. Tommaso 
dei Cenci,^ had become degenerate in the second half of the 
XVIth century. Christofero Cenci, a cleric of the Camera, 
and holding a canonry at St. Peter's, but not a priest, for he 
had only the four minor orders, abused his office of general 
treasurer of the Apostolic Camera under Pius IV. in order to 
enrich himself unduly. Being near to death, and tortured 
by remorse of conscience, in 1562 he reisgned his offices and 
married his mistress Beatrice Arias. ^ We can hardly feel 

of 100 scudi a month for her support, or when he handed over to 
the sons of the said Giac&mo a capital sum of 80,000 scudi out of 
the confiscated property." Recently Rinieri (B. Cenci secondo 
i costituti del suo processo, Siena, 1909) has gone j>rofoundly into 
the matter. Sometimes he rightly finds fault with the faulty 
editing of the documents by Bertolotti (]). 26 seq.) though he 
rightly looks upon the work of that scholar as very valuable. 
Rinieri has found in Maiocchi (La pretesa illibatezza di B. Cenci : 
Riv. d. scienze stor., VIL, 4 (1910) a defender against the attacks 
of Vecchini in La £e«em//Mra, X., 1 (1910). Cheldowski (Rom. 
Die Menschen des Barock, IL, Munich, 191 2) although he is not 
altogether in agreement with Rinieri, calls the latter 's book 
" the best account of the trial of the Cenci " (p. 80). At the end 
he remarks : " Thanks to criticism European literature has lost 
a tragic story. Beatrice Cenci was a common criminal, and not 
a tragic heroine." Tlie large work t)y Corrardo Ricci, enriched 
with many illustrations (Beatrice Cenci ; L II parricidio, II. 
II supplizio, Milan, 1923) says little that is substantially new, 
but gives the whole material as completely as possible. Rinieri 
in CAv. Cdtt., 1924, I., 33 seqq. has rightly protested against .some 
of the conclusions of Ricci. Other critical observations have 
been made t>y Baron v. Bii.dt in the Swedish periodical Dag ens 
Nyhetten of March 30 a.nd April 6, 1924. 

^ Cf. Siudi e docum., 1881, 155 seqq. The tower of the Cenci 
was destroyed in regulating the Tiber ; see Sabatini, La torre 
dei Cenci e la leggenda di Beatrice, Rome, 1906. Civilta Catt., 
1925, September 19, 500 seq. 

*That Cristoforo Cenci, though late, reformed and came to a 
better state of mind, is proved bv his restoration of the church of 
S. Tommaso dei Cenci ; cf. tor this Armellini, 573. 


surprised that the son of this couple, Francesco, who was born 
in 1549, soon developed the worst qualities, great immorality 
and a brutal disposition. As a young man he was twice 
imprisoned for deeds of blood, but recovered his liberty, as 
was common enough in the justice of that time, in return 
for the paym.ent of a large sum. In 1572 he was exiled 
for six months from the Papal States, for ill-treating 
his servants.^ 

The many sons whom Francesco Cenci had by his marriage, 
contracted while he was still very young, with Ersilia Santa 
Croce, inherited almost all the vices of their father, who was 
as brutal as he was sensual, and whose depravity increased 
as the years went by. Although Francesco, after the death 
of his first wife, contracted a second marriage in 1593 with 
Lucrezia Petroni, he had not the least idea of changing his 
dissolute manner of life. A criminal process brought against 
him in the following year for sodomy united to acts of violence, 
ended with the payment of a sum of 100,000 scudi, and his 
confinement to his own house. ^ 

Owing to the payment of such enormous fines, Francesco 
found himself in such financial straights that he could no 
longer maintain himself in Rome. He therefore retired in 
1597 to Rocca Petrella,^ a castle belonging to the Colonna 
on the road from Rieti to Avezzano, but situated in Neapolitan 
territory. He took with him his two sons Paolo and Bernardo ; 
his wife and daughter Beatrice had alread}' been sent by him 
to Petrella in 1595. The other sons remained in Rome ; 
the eldest, Giacomo, had married against his father's wishes, 
and so had been disinherited by him. As thoroughly degen- 
erate as Giacomo, who had forged his father's signature to a 
document for 13,000 scudi, were the two other sons : 

1 See Bertolotti, 16 seq., 20 seq. 

'^ See ibid. 53 seq., 414 seq. 

* Francesco Cenci intended to go to Florence as early as 1594 ; 
see the periodical Roma, 1926, 241 seq. The castle, now a ruin, 
is not far from the river Salto and may be reached by carriage 
from Rieti in three hours. Cf. Gqri, Archivio, 1877. 


Christoforo, who fell in a duel in 1595,^ and Rocco, who was 
assassinated in Trastevere in 1598 in some amorous adventure. 

Even in the solitude of Rocca Petrella terrible domestic 
conditions prevailed ; quarrels and altercations were the 
order of the day. In the autumn of 1598, the two sons of 
Francesco made their escape ; the castellan of the castle 
Olimpio Calvetti had facilitated their flight. Francesco's 
rage increased when he then discovered that his twenty-one 
year old daughter, Beatrice, was in love with Calvetti, a 
married man. The castellan was ejected, and Beatrice was 
punished with brutal cruelty and kept under strict surveil- 
lance, as was also her step-mother. But in spite of this 
Beatrice found opportunities for continuing her relations with 
her lover, and of planning with him and her brother Giacomo, 
who was also burning with the desire for revenge, the murder 
of her father. The horrible deed, to which Lucrezia also 
consented, was carried out on September 9th, 1598, by 
Calvetti and another assassin. 

The authors of the murder were unsuccessful in concealing 
the traces of their deed, which was discovered. Beatrice, 
Lucrezia, Giacomo and Bernardo Cenci were arrested. ^ The 
imprisonment of the accused was not unduly rigorous, as 
was asserted later on ; they were able to provide themselves 
with food and to take counsel with their defenders.^ The 
trial commenced on January 14th, 1599, in the course of which, 
as it was a case of homicide, torture was employed in accord- 
ance with the law of the time.^ It is clear from the minutes, 
that Beatrice and Giacomo were the principal culprits ; 
Lucrezia had at first vainly tried to dissuade them, and had 
at last given her consent.^ The death sentence which was 

1 Cf. Bruzzone in Fanfulla della Domenica, V. (1883), n. 23. 

* C/. RiNiERi, 143 seq., 171 seq., 209 seq. 

3 See Bertolotti, 113 seq., 147 seq., 165, 280, 283, 289. 

* Cf. G. Sabatini, La teoria delle prove nel diritto giudiziario, 
Catanzaro, 1909; Prinzivalli in Giorn. Arcadico, I. (1910), 84. 

* RiNiERi (341 seq., 401 seq.) publishes the authentic summaries 
of the trial, of which one was the deposition of the prosecution, 
the other of the defence. For the fate of the minutes of the 
trial used by Giuseppe Spezzi see Rinieri, 59 seq. 


pronounced on September nth, 1599, at the conclusion of 
the trial, was deserved by all three. ^ Bernardo, who was 
still a minor, was only guilty in that he had not denounced 
the crime, and his punishment was commuted to that of the 
galleys, though he had to assist at the execution of his relatives. 
This took place on September nth on the gibbet near the 
Ponte S. Angelo, now the Piazza S. Angelo. Lucrezia and 
Beatrice were beheaded ; Giacomo was brained and quartered. ^ 
Baldassare Paolucci, the agent of the Duke of Mantua, 
attests that the tragic fate of the young Beatrice Cenci aroused 
general compassion in Rome. She died with great courage, 
and left a number of pious bequests. The public had no real 
idea of the terrible facts which the trial had brought to light. 
If the publicity of judicial trials which we have to-day had 
then existed, the populace would have stoned the members 
of this degenerate family even before the execution, instead of 
paying honour to the corpse^ of the parricide, when it was 
taken to S. Pietro in Montorio. As no one had any knowledge 
of the facts of the trial, it came about that in course of time 
Beatrice was transformed from a criminal into a martyr. 
It was stated that she had been driven into committing her 
crime in order to defend her honour against the infamous 
assault of her father. This view easily gained credence 
owing to the notorious depravity of Francesco, and gradually 
Beatrice came to be venerated as a second Roman Lucrezia. 
This idea was borne out by the delightful portrait of a girl, 
attributed to Guido Reni, with her yellow hair, and her head 
covered by a white veil like a turban, which is preserved in 
the Borghese Galler3^ The tender and profound melancholy 
which fills the eyes of the person represented in the picture, 
has contributed not a little to the popularity of the legend 

1 See Bertolotti, 150, 431 seq. Cf. Rinieri, 311 seq. 

2 See Bertolotti, 135 seq. ; Rinieri, 316 seq. Cf. Cesnola, 
i manoscritti ital. di Londra (1890), 172 seqq. 

* See the review of the works of Bertolotti by Ferd. v. 
Hellwald under the title " The truth of the fable of the Cenci " 
in the supplernent attached to Allg. Zeitung, 1899, n. 297. 


of the Cenci. In reality the painting can hardly be the work 
of Guido Reni, who only came to Rome in 1602, while the 
tradition that the person represented is Beatrice is very 
uncertain.^ From the trial it is clear, beyond all possibility 
of doubt, that the unhappy girl has been made into a sj^mbol 
of outraged innocence without any reasonable grounds. 
The defender of Beatrice, the celebrated Prospero Farinaccio,'^ 
put forward in defence of his client a crime on the part of 
her father, who tried to lead his daughter into incest, but he 
gave no proofs. Nor did Beatrice herself nor her brothers 
appeal to any such crime on the part of Francesco ; on the 
contrary it is clear from the minutes of the trial that not only 
was there immoral intercourse between the girl and the 
castellan of Petrella, the murderer of Cenci, but also that 
Beatrice co-operated in the killing of her father. ^ 

Recent research has also destroyed that other part of the 
legend of the Cenci, which made the execution an act of 
judicial homicide, which had no other purpose than to secure 

1 Bertolotti (143 seq.) rejects it as quite false, pointing out 
that Guido Reni did not come to Rome until 1602, and that in 
1623 the picture was not yet in the possession of the Barberini, 
nor above all in that of the Colonna, from whom a great part of 
the pictures of the Barberini came, though this does not afford 
definite proof ; see Reumont iu Goft. Gel. Anz., 1880, n. 9. Cf. 
also M. Crawford in The Ceniury Magazine, 1908 ; Rodani, 
65 seq ; Krauss-Sauer, III., 790 ; Bohn, G. Reni, 35 se^., 40 ; 
Jahrb. der Kiinstsaniml. des ostery. Kaisevhauses, XX\T., 174. 

* For the portrait of Farinaccio painted by tlie Ca\ahere 
d'Arpino, see Artioli in Italia modevna, III. (Rome, 1905), 
233 seq. ; Prinzivalli in Giorn. Arcadico, I. (1910), 88 seq. 
For Farinaccio see the periodical Roma, 1926, 243 seq. 

3 Rinieri maintains that the idea of Francesco having made an 
attack upon his daughter's honour must be entirely rejected ; 
Vecchini defends the opposite view, and denies that Beatrice liad 
a son by Calvetti. The decision of this question is riot of any 
importance for the principal issue ; see Prinzivalli, loc. cit. 90. 
Brosch (Kirchenstaat, 1., 311) says that even if the attempt of 
Francesco had really taken place this woukl not lustify the 


the enrichment of the Aldobrandini by the confiscation of 
the family inheritance. The confiscation of property which 
followed upon condemnation to death, and the effects of which 
Clement VIII. and his successors sought to narrow down by 
successive acts of grace, was no exceptional case, but was in 
complete accordance with the penal laws of those days. The 
State Archives of Rome contain hundreds of examples.^ 
Fundamentally, this law, in the case of homicide among 
relatives — in which very often the desire to obtain property 
was the principal motive of the crime — was very reason- 
able. ^ It is therefore absurd to say that Clement Xlll. 
condemned the Cenci to the gibbet in order to give their 
possessions to the Aldobrandini.^ Thus in this respect 
as well the legend of the Cenci, which was afterwards often 
made use of against the government of the Popes, falls to 
the ground.'* 

If Clement VIII. allowed free course to the full rigour of 
justice in the case of the Cenci, he was led to do so by the 
frequent repetition of such crimes, especially among the 
aristocracy. Thus, about that time, a member of another 

1 See Bertolotti, 32^. Against Ricci cf. Riniert in Ctv. catt., 
1924, 1., 38 seq. 

* So Heelwald (loo. cit.) and Rodani (44) are unanimous in 

2 See besides Rodani, 45 seq., above all Rinieri, 329 seq., and 
Chledowski, II., 90. For the much discussed property of the 
("enci, Terranuova, on the Via Labicana, which was for a long 
time offered for sale, and was at last bought by Gian Francesco 
Aldobrandini for a comparatively high price, see Tomassetti, I., 
276, and Orbaan, Documenti, 58 n. 

* For Baronius and the condemnation of B. Cenci see A. Lauri, 
II cardinal Baronio e il processo di B. Cenci, in Arte e storia, 
XXXII. (1913). Hellwald {loc. cit.) says : " There can hardly 
be any other episode which has so unfairly filled so great a place 
in history, literature and art, and of which Guerazzi has made 
use to undermine the prestige of the civil power of the Popes,, 
or therefore in politics, than what we may (:;aU the fable of thQ 


family belonging to the Roman aristocracy, Paolo Santa 
Croce, through greed of money, killed his own mother. The 
assassin escaped punishment by flight, but his brother Onofrio 
was later on (January, 1604)^ beheaded at the Ponte S. 
Angelo for having incited him to the crime. The same penalty 
had been inflicted in 1592 upon a certain Troilo Savelli, who 
had become a criminal in his early youth. ^ There was also 
a horrible tragedy in the house of the Massimi during the 
pontificate of Clement VIII. Lelio de' Massimi, Marchese 
di Prassedi, had in his old age become betrothed to a Sicilian 
lady of doubtful fame. His four sons killed their step-mother 
by shooting her. They took to flight, but all perished within 
a short time ; the second, Marcantonio, who wished to become 
the head of the house, got rid of his brother Luca by poison ; 
he was condemned to death, and died repentant on January 
i6th, 1599 ; the third lost his life in the Turkish wars, while 
the fourth was murdered by a jealous rival. ^ 

In spite of the rigour of justice, crimes continued in the 

^ Cf. Fr. Isoldi in Studi stor., XIX. (1910), 227 seq., who puts 
full faith in the absolutely uncritical statements of Ameyden ; 
Isoldi could not even be sure of the date of the execution ; this 
is clear from the *report of L. Arrigoni, January 31, 1604, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. The Relazione which Gori [Archivio, I., 
358 seq.) published, gives i6ci ! 

2 C/. Cancellieki, Mercato, 286, and Possessi, 214. For the 
large number of executions in the year 1591 sec Arch. d. Soc. 
Rom., XXXIX., 443 seq. 

3 The cases cited are related and to a great extent embroidered 
at will in the Italian manuscripts of the XVI Ith century. Le 
Bret (Magazin, IV., 58 seq., 63 seq., 93 seq.), has translated them 
from the latter with all their original errors. More trustworthy 
data in Grottanelli, II ducato di Castro, 28-29. Cf. Arch. d. 
Soc. Rom., XXXIX., 444 seq. An Italian broadsheet appeared 
concerning the execution of Savelli, which was translated : 
Discours sur la mort de Troile Savelli, Paris, 1598. An authentic 
description of the trials should now be given from the acta of the 
Archivio Criminalc, now in the State Archives, Rome. Cf. also 
F. Crispolti, Un giuri d'onore a Roma nel sec. XVT., in the 
periodical Roma, 1922, 221 seq. 


city, as we are told in a report from Rome of January, 1604.^ 
Clement VIII. also had bitter experiences in his struggle 
against public immorality in Romc.^ He also fought against 

1 *A.vviso of January 7, 1604, Urb. 1072, Vatican Library. 
In other cities the state of affairs was no better ; cf. e.g. for 
Bologna the Atti e Mem. d. Roniagna, ycd ser., VIII. (1890), 
112 seq. See also the *instructions for a legate in Bologna in 
Cod. G. 63, n. 9, Vallicella Library, Rome. 

2 See the "Edict concerning prostitutes and women of ill-fame, 
March 26, 1592, in Editti, V., 60, p. 274, Papal Secret Archives. 
Cf. Pkinzivalli, Tasso, 82. Detailed information concerning 
the first measures as to the censorship of morals taken by 
Clement VIII. in the *Avvisi of February 8, 15, 19, 22, 26 and 29, 
March 4 and 28, 1592, Urb. 1060, L, Vatican Library. According 
to the *Avviso of Match 28 it was enacted that : " Poiche 
I'isperienza ha mostrato, che i luoghi gia assegnati in Roma per 
toUerarvi le meretrici non sono capaci per tanto numero, se li 
assegna tutto il Rione di Piazza Padello, Ortaccio della Trinita 
de Monti, cioe dal Arco di Portogallo fino alia Piazza del Popolo, 
riservato 4 strade principali di essa contrada deUa Trinita " ; 
this must be done within ten days, otherwise the meretrici must 
leave Rome under pain of frusia and confiscation of goods. 
According to an *Avviso of August 19, 1592 [loc. cit.) the Pope's 
vicar prohibits everywhere the letting of cam ere iocande to women. 
An *Avviso of December 2, 1592, speaks of the introduction of 
special sermons for meretrici, at S. Rocco and S. Ambrogio (Urb. 
1060, IL, loc. cit.). Further measures followed in 1599 in con- 
nexion with the Holy Year ; all women of doubtful reputation 
must leave the Borgo in July ; cf. *Avvisi of June 26, July 24, 
and September 14, 1599 (Urb. 1067, loc. cit.) and the *report of 
F. M. Vialardo, July 24, 1599, in Bertolotxi, Repressioni 
straordinarie alia prostituzione in Roma nel socolo XVI., Rome, 
1887, 15. In the report *Cose occorse sotto il Pontificato di 
Clemente VIII. it is stated : " Dato principio alia riforma de 
costumi, et particolarmente contro alle cortegiane, come haveva 
fatto con poco frutto Pio V. ; fra le cacciate di Roma fu Frances- 
chiglia Spagnola, che doveva esser frustrata, ma fuggi " with the 
help of the governor, who wished to render service to Cardinal 
Sforza. " II marito con la sua moglie per dar concenso che alle 
fusse meretrice fu raesso sopra un asino, andaudo avanti uno che 


the scourge of mendicity^ and against extravagance in 
women's dress, but without any substantial success. He 
severely punished the spreading of false news.^ He would 
have liked to have entirely forbidden the amusements of the 
carnival, but as this was not possible, he tried at least to 
restrain them.^ and praised the efforts of the Jesuits 
who sought to distract the people from such dangerous 
amusements by means of the Forty Hours.* The increased 
severity of ecclesiastical penalties against duelling,^ 
ordered by Clement VIH., and already laid down by Pius IV. 
and Gregory XIII., concerned not only the Papal States, 
but the whole of Christendom. 

partava corne di bufalo, fu frustato at tagliatoli il naso e grocchi. 
(Barb. lat. 4592, p. 64, Vatican Library). In spite of this severity 
the evil could not be eradicated. Cf. the statistics in Studi e 
docum., XII., 174, according to M^hich the number of prostitutes 
in Rome, even though it v/as not so great as is stated in the 
Avvisi themselves, was nevertheless increased. Out of a popula- 
tion of 100,000 inhabitants, the number of unfortunates who 
lived by vice was 604 in 1600, and had increased to 900 in 1605. 
In the Archivio Criminale of Rome there are to be found many 
denunciations of crimes against nature ; see Giorn. stor. d. left, 
ital., II. , 148, where however it is erroneously asserted that 
immorality was only punished with difficulty under Clement VIII, 

^ See *Avviso of February 5, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., Vatican 

2 See *Avvisi of Februarv 25, 1595, and January 22, 1597, 
Urb. 1063 and 1065, loo. cit. Cf. Prinzivalli, Tasso, 283 seq. ; 
Studi stor., XIX. (1910), 238. 

' See Clementi, 289 seq. Many *Bandi relating to the carnival, 
for the years 1592, 1599, 1601, 1603, 1605, in Editti, V., 60, 
p. 10 seqq., Papal Secret Archives. Ibid. 124. *" Ordine circa 
le comedie delle gelosi " of January 21, 1593. A description of 
the carnival in the *report of G. B. Thesis, February 28, 1604, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. La festa di Testaccio I. Orlandii 
formis, a rare folio of about i5oo, belongs here. 

* See *Avviso of F^ebruary 24, 1599, LIrb. 1067, loc. cit. 

^ Bull. IX., 604 seq. Cf. Bona Ventura Colonnesi, Tractatus 
de prohibitione Duelli, in quo quidquid a Clemente VIII. P. M. 
de Duello sancitum est, Florence, 1625. 


The relations between the aristocracy of the Papal States 
and the sovereigns of other states were an anomaly. The 
coats-of-arms of foreign powers on the Roman palaces, whose 
owners were in their service or belonged to their party, bore 
witness to this for a long time to come. A list of the Spanish 
ambassador Sessa, who left Rome in 1603, shows how many 
nobles were in receipt of or aspired to receive Spanish pensions. 
In this, besides the Colonna, we find the Orsini, Conti, Ser- 
moneta, Frangipani, Caetani and Caffarelli.^ The rebellion 
of the Farnese in August, 1604^ showed how dangerous the 
relations of the Italian aristocracy with Spain might become. 
The events of that time caused Clement VIII. the greatest 
sorrow, and had a disastrous effect upon his health. 

From the beginning of his pontificate Clement VIII. had 
frequently suffered from gout.^ Stone developed for the first 
time in 1595,^ and again in November, 1596, causing for a 
time serious anxiety for his life, especially as Clement would 
not hear of not discharging all business in person as usual. ^ 
During a long relapse in the summer and autumn of 1597, 

1 See *Memorie of the " Duque de Sessa sobre algunos cavalleros 
Romanes," Archives of the Spanish Embassv, Rome. Cf. ibid. 
the " Lista (drawn up a Utile later) de los barones y gentiles 
hombres Romanos que se muestran aflecionados a el servicio de 
su M*^." 

^ Cf. Vol. XXIII. 01 this work, p. 259 scq. 

^ See *Avvisi of February 8 and 26, 1592, Urb. 1060, I., loo. cit. 
Cf. Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 26. See also the *report of 
Giulio del Carretto, March 28, 1592, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 
♦Avvisi 01 May 6, 1592 [loo. cit.) and January 6, 1593 (Urb. 1061). 
♦Report of A. Chieppio, Mav 14, 1594, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; 
*Avvisi of May 11 and July 6, 1594, Urb. 1062. Report of 
Paruta, January 7, i595,in Dispacci, III., i ; *Avvisi of December 
6, 1595 (Urb. 1063), January 24 and Mav 29, 1596 (Urb. 1064). 

* See Baumgarten, loc. cit. 

* See the *reports of L. Arrigoni, November 9, 18 and 23, and 
December 7, 1596, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. *Avviso of 
November 9, 1596, Urb. 1064, loc. cit. Lettres d'Ossat, I., 358 ; 
Baumgarten, loc. cit., 28. 


which confined the Pope to his bed for a long time, this was 
out of the question. During this year his state of health 
caused so much anxiety that contrary to his custom he was 
not able to go to Frascati.^ When he fell ill again in January, 
1598, the doctors attributed this to his having resumed work 
too soon. 2 The wearisome journey to Ferrara and his sojourn 
there benefited the Pope a good deal, but naturally his attacks 
of gout did not spare him even there. ^ 

The Pope's health improved still more during the following 
years, although he was at times tortured by arthritis and 
nephritis.* In 1599 the astrologers predicted an early change 
in the pontificate, and their assertions sounded so convincing 
that they commanded a wide hearing •,^ only Clement VIII. 
himself paid no attention to them.® During the Holy Year 
he underwent all the fatigue like a young man,' although 
he was repeatedly obliged to keep his bed by gout. He 
learned with great annoyance that during his illness men had 

1 See *Avvisi of July 23, August 16, October 22 and 29, Decem- 
ber 6, 1597, Urb. 1065. Cf. *report of L. Cremaschi, November i, 

1597. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also the *briefs to Cardinal 
Montalto, October 10, 1597, to Duke William of Bavaria, 
December 20, 1597, Arm. 44, t. 41, n. 227 and 326, Papal Secret 

2 See the *report of I.. Cremaschi, January 17, 1598, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

' *" Nos quidem in ipso itinere chiragra et podagra aliquan- 
tulum tentati sumus " wrote the Pope from Fano on May 2, 

1598, to the Duke of Mantua (original in Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). Cf. also Baumgarten, loc. cit., 28. 

* Clement VIII. repeatedlv states in his briefs that the gout 
prevented him from writing with his own hand ; see *briefs to 
the Duke of Parma, March 18 and May 29, 1600, Arm. 44, t. 44, 
n. 90 and 148, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. also in Vol. XXIII. of 
this work, App. n. 43, the *letter to Sessa, December 3, 1603, 
Aldobrandini Archives, Rome. 

* Cf. *report of G. C. Foresto, May 15, 1599, Gonzaga Archives, 

* See *Avviso of March 27, 1599, Urb. 1067, loc. cit. 
' Cf. supra, p. 272 seq. 


been discussing the approaching conclave.^ " You would 
like to see me dead — he said in January 1601 to one of the 
ambassadors— but as you see, we are still alive." ^ 

In September 1601, Barga, who had been Clement VIII. 's 
doctor for many years, and whom he greatly esteemed, died.^ 
The new Papal physician prescribed a diet, and recommended 
the Pope to take more liquid, which did him good,** and during 
1602 Clement VIII. seemed better than ever.^ In November 
a more serious indisposition gave rise to all manner of rumours, 
but when the Pope again made his appearance in public he 
looked so well that it was said that he would yet survive® 
Cardinals Rusticucci and Galli, who during his illness had 
been taking a lively interest in the coming election. If 
during this year and the following one there were still attacks 
of arthritis Clement VIII. did not feel ill and was very 
cheerful.' The year 1604 opened less hopefully, and in 
January an attack of gout caused all the greater anxiety in 
that it was accompanied by want of appetite and insomnia,^ 
and also because the seventy j^ear old Pope refused to take 
any care of himself.^ In March Clement himself thought 

^ Cf. *Avviso of January 27, 1601, Urb. 1069, loc. cit. 
^ See *report of G. C. Foresto, January 13, 1601, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

* See * A wise of September 12, 1601, together with the con- 
temporary *report of the envoy of Urbino, Urb. 1069, Vatican 

* See *Avvisi of October 17, 1601, and January 5, 1602, Urb. 
1069, 1070, ibid. 

* See *Avvisi of January 5 and August 7, 1602, Urb. 1070, ibid. 

* See *Avvisi of November 13 and 19, 1602, ibid. 

' For his jokes at the expense of " nano PoUacco " (named 
Trulla) see Orbaan, Rome onder Clemens VIII., p. 34 ; *Avviso 
of July 26, 1603, Urb. 1071, loc. cit. and in Vol. XXIII., App. 
n. 33 ; for his health cf. the *reports of L. Arrigoni of January 4 
and December 26, 1603, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

* See *Avviso of January 14, 1604, Urb. 1072, loc. cit. 

* " Non ricusa fatticha ove va il servitio publico," Avviso of 
January 17, 1604, ibid. 


that his end was at hand,^ but soon afterwards he was again 
restored to health.- The strictness with which he observed 
the fast brought about another relapse in April, ^ but during 
the summer he once again felt so much stronger as to be 
able to adhere to his custom of himself carrying the Blessed 
Sacrament in the procession of Corpus Domini.^ On the 
vigil of the Assumption he went fasting to St. Mary Major's, 
kept the fast of the vigil with all strictness and did a great 
deal of work, but this exertion, which had never before 
harmed him, this time had a serious effect upon him.^ In 
September he was much worried by the anxieties occasioned 
by the rising of the Farnese,® but when he returned on 
October 5th from his beloved Frascati he felt so much better 
that he spoke of making a pilgrimage to Monte Cassino, from 
which however he was dissuaded.'' The winter passed fairly 
well, but in January, 1605, the gout returned.^ On 
January 19th the Pope unexpectedly paid a visit to the tomb 
which he had erected to his mother at the Minerva, and 
remained there for a full hour.^ His state of health was 
still so good that Cardinal Aldobrandini was able to go to 
the archbishopric of Ravenna, which had recently been 
conferred on him, and where he intended to hold a synod. ^" 

1 *Avviso of March 10, 1604, ibid. 

2 *Avviso of March 17, 1604, ibid. 

3 *Avviso of April 24, 1604, ibid. Cf. Bijdragen tot de geschied. 
V. Brabant, VIL (1908), 365. 

1 *Avviso of June 19, 1604, Urb. 1072, loc. cit. 

5 *Avviso of August 18, 1604, ibid. 

^Cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, p. 261, n. 3, the *reports of 
Vialardo (September 17) and G. B. Thesis (October 23, 1604), 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

''See the *reports of G. B. Thesis, October 9 and 15, 1604, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and *Avvisi of October 6 and 9, 1604, 
Urb. 1072, loc. cit. 

8 *Avvisi of January 8 and 12, 1605, Urb. 1073, loc. cit. 

9 *Avviso of January 19, 1605, ibid. 

10 *Avvisi of January 15, 19 and 22, 1605, ibid. For the pre- 
parations for the svnod see the letter of Cardinal P. Aldobrandini 

VOL. XXIV. 28 


On the 2ist the Pope presided at the congregation on the 
question of grace. ^ On January 30th Cardinal Palotta 
congratulated him in the name of the Sacred College on the 
beginning of a new year of his pontificate ; the Pope replied 
that he would like soon to be delivered from the labours 
and burdens of his high office. ^ 

This desire was soon to be granted. On February loth, 
1605, during a session of the Inquisition, the old man had a 
slight apopletic stroke,^ and a courier was at once sent to 
Aldobrandini bidding him return immediately.^ In order 
to prevent alarm in RomiC the carnival festivities were per- 
mitted, and it was given to be understood that the Pope was 
only suffering from a chill. ^ Clement VIII. knew that his 
end was come, and had Extreme Unction administered.^ 
As there was then a slight improvement, those about him 
once more began to hope, but this was nullified by further 
attacks of apoplexy during the night between the Saturday 
and Sunday, February 20th, 1605. In the evening of that 
day Cardinal x\ldobrandini arrived, but the sick man had lost 
consciousness. The Pope then revived, and recognized his 
nephew with joy, but his mental faculties were completely 
enfeebled. His strong constitution still resisted for a time, 
until on March 5th, a further stroke caused his death.' 

to Caligari, Rome, October 2, 1604, in Scelta di curiosita. lett., 
CXCVIIL. 250 seq. 

1 *Avviso of January 2, 1605, Urb. 1073, loo. cit. 

- *Avviso of February 2, 1605, ibid. 

3 *Avvisi of February 12 and 16, 1605, ibid. Cf. Scorraille, 
Fr. Suarez, I., 443 seq. 

4 *Avviso of February 16, 1605, ibid. 

5 *Avviso of February 19, 1605, ibid. 
" See Scorraille, loc. cit. 

'' For the last days and death of Clement VIII. see the *Avvisi 
of February 19, 23, 26, March 2 and 5, 1605, Urb. 1073, loo. cit. 
Cf. the *reports of G. B. Ihesis of February 19 and 26, and 
March 5, 1605 ; the *report of Giov. Magno, February 25, 1605, 
and the very detailed *report of G. C. Foresto, February 19, 1605, 
all in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also *" Avvisi di Roma 


In spite of a pontificate lasting thirteen years, the memory 
of Clement VIII., both from the ecclesiastical point of view 
and the political, had fallen into oblivion.^ If he did not meet 
with a worthy biographer, this was partly the fault of his 
relatives, who for too long timorously prevented access to 
the acta of his government. But at last the return of these 
treasures to the Papal Secret Archives, due to the far-seeing 

delli 21 febbraio 1605 " in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome, 
Cod. C. 20. Ibid, a detailed *relatione " della morte di 
Clemente VIII." See also the *letter of Cardinal P. Aldobrandini 
to the nuncio in Venice, March 5, 1605, Aldobrandini Archives, 
Rome, 207, n. 5. Among the doctors who attended Clenient VIII. 
during his pontificate (see Marini, I., 4 76 seq.) the most celebrated 
were Andrea Cesalpino {cf. infra, p. 450, n. 4) and Marsilio 
Cagnati [cf. Orbaan in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXXVI., 137, n. 2). 
See also Haeser, Gesch. der Medizin, II.', 12 ; Zappoli, Medici 
celebri, 52. From the letter of Cardinal P. Aldobrandini, pub- 
lished from Carte St/ozz., I., 2, 334 seq. it is evident that in the 
choice of doctors great importance was attached to their moral 
and religious conduct. The fable spread by Vv'olf (Gesch. der 
Jesuiten, II., 308) that Clement VIII. was poisoned by the 
Jesuits, was exploded by Duhr (Jesuitenfabeln, 425 seq., 735 seq.). 
Werminghoti too (in Schiele, Die Religion, I. [1908], 1838) 
rejects the poisoning as a fable unworthy of belief. The body 
of Clement VIII. was first buried in St. Peter's (see Ciaconius, IV., 
268). Paul V. in gratitude erected to him a splendid monument 
in St. Mary Major's, of which we shall speak in a future volume. 
The body was only translated to St. Mary Major's in 1646, see 
Moroni, XIV., 48. 

1 The "Vita et gesta Clementis VIII." in Inform, polit., 
XXXIX. of the State Library, Berlin (composed while 
Clement VIII. was still alive, and probably a work of Andrea 
Victorelli) is as unimportant as the *Dialogue by Mons. Malaspina 
in Cod. N. 17 of the Vallicella Library, Rome (cf. Ranke, III.*, 
89*, 96*). Also the *Fragments of a Biography of Clement VIII. 
composed by Gius. Malatesta, a summary of which is preserved 
in Cod. K. 25, p. 294 seq., 315 seq. of the VaUicelliana, give little 
that is new. It is often quoted [e.g. bv Walch, Hist, der Papste, 
406). L. Wadding, Vita Clementis VIII., Rome, 1723, but this 
work has ne\er been found (see Ciaconius, IV., 272). 


care of Leo XIII., has been of great service to the memory 
of Clement VIII. Thus m his case too is verified the saying, 
that the best defence of the Popes is the knowledge of their 
lives, a thing that is no less true of the zeal displayed by 
Clement VIII. in the field of science and art. 


Clement VIII. and Learning. — Torquato Tasso. 

The predilection for scholars and writers which Clement VIII. 
had already displayed while a Cardinal, was continued after 
he had become Pope. How highly he esteemed intellectual 
ability is shown by the preference for scholars which he 
displayed in conferring the highest ecclesiastical dignities. 
At his very first consistory the purple was conferred on 
Francisco Toledo, who was looked upon as the most learned 
man in Spain. So in subsequent creations men of learning 
were always taken into consideration : for example, in 1596 
the Oratorian Francesco Maria Tarugi, the canonist Francesco 
Mantica, and the greatest historian of his time, Cesare 
Baronius. The most distinguished of the theologians of the 
day, Robert Bellarmine, received the red hat in 1599 ; at the 
same time there were admitted to the senate of the Church 
Silvio Antoniano and Domenico Toschi, who was well known 
everywhere as a canonist. In the conferring of the purple 
on Du Perron in 1604, a decisive factor were the scientific 
attainments of this man, who was called the Augustine of 

Among the men who formed the entourage of the Pope 
there were to be found men of distinction and great literary 
culture, such as Guido Bentivoglio and Giampietro Maffei. 
Clement VIII. liked to have scientific works read at table ; 
thus, for example, the works of the celebrated English 
theologian, Thomas Stapleton, who was looked upon as one 

^ For the above-mentioned cf. Vol. XXIII. of this work, 
pp. 36. 46, 170, 248, and supra, p. 193. Cf. also Vol. XXIII., 
App. n. 29. 



of the best controversialists against the reformers whom the 
Church possessed.^ 

Clement VIII. took a prominent part in the activities of the 
intellectual life of the time, and a number of theologians were 
honoured by him with special briefs on account of their 
works. 2 Writers who had returned to the Church, after 
having hitherto employed their talents to the injury of the 
Catholic religion, v/ere invited by him to labour on her behalf.^ 
The Pope showed special interest in continuing the publication 
of the works of the great Doctors of the Church, begun under 
Sixtus V. Of the edition of St. Bonaventure, the third, fifth, 
sixth and seventh volumes appeared in 1596. The two last 
volumes of the works of St. Gregory the Great had already 
appeared in 1593.'* The Pope caused study of the best 
manuscripts to be made with a view to a complete edition 
of the writings of St. Athanasius.^ He also took a keen 
interest in the collection of General Councils suggested by 
Cardinal Santori in the time of Gregory XIV. ^ By his 

1 See HuRTER, Nomenclator, I., 59. 

^ See *briefs to " Florim. Remundi senat. Burdigal," May 7, 
1599 (ill v/hich he praises his work, De anticristo, against the 
innovators), Arm. 44, t. 43, p. 232, Papal Secret Archives ; to 
" Schillerius," April 14, i6C'i (concerning his explanation of the 
psalms), ibid. t. 45, n. 108 ; to " Cornelius Scultingius theol. 
Colon.," February 9, 1602 (concerning his Bihl. cath.), t. 46, n. 54. 

^ *Bnef to " Phil. Canaius," October 11, 1602, ibid. t. 46, n. 307. 

* See Baumgarten, Neue Kunde, 329 seq. 
^ Cf. Arch. star, ital., 5th ser. XIII. , 463. 

* S